The Founding of Rome According to legend, Rome was founded by Aeneas, a Trojan prince who fled his homeland after its loss to the Greeks in the Trojan War, whose story was immortalized in Virgil’s Aeneid. After a series of adventures, he landed in Italy and married Lavinia, the daughter of the Latin king. This story satisfied the Roman need to claim a connection to the civilization of Greece, while also firmly rooting Rome in a Latin lineage. Aeneas’ son Ascanius was also known as Iulus (from whom the name “Julius” is derived) and founded the city of Alba Longa in Italy, which he and his descendants ruled as kings. The founding of Rome itself is linked to Rhea Silvia, a princess of Alba Longa who gave birth to the twins Romulus and Remus, who were said to be fathered by Mars. Being persecuted by Rhea Silvia’s uncle, the boys were sentenced to death, but were instead abandoned on the Tiber River, where they were discovered and raised by a female wolf that had lost her offspring. They were later raised by the shepherd Faustulus until they grew up and set out to found a city. In a heated argument, Remus was killed by his brother Romulus, and so Romulus became the founder of the city that bears his name, Rome. The Roman Monarchy The city-state of Rome was ruled by a series of kings after its founding. Although historians believe that there were likely more than seven kings that ruled during the period of the Roman Monarchy, tradition holds that there were exactly seven. The most notable was the last king, Tarquin the Proud, who ruled from 535-509 B.C., and was widely derided. His behavior sparked the overthrow of the monarchy and the founding of the republic. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus (Tarquin the Proud) was the seventh and last king of Rome. He ruled in a tyrannical manner from the beginning of his time in power, allocating funds and labor to the construction of extravagant monuments to himself. He also claimed complete political and legislative power by force, and persecuted anyone opposing him without respecting the precedents of the traditional judicial system. Although Tarquin the Proud was widely hated, it was his son, Sextus Tarquinius, who would provide the pretext for the overthrow of the Roman monarchy. While attending a dinner party, Sextus’ eye was caught by his host Collatinus’ wife, Lucretia. Later, while Collatinus was away for military reasons, Sextus returned to Collatinus’ house and raped Lucretia, who committed suicide after revealing

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to her husband what had happened, upon his return. This act of injustice sowed even greater dissatisfaction with the Tarquin family among the Romans. Importantly, Collatinus was friends with Lucius Junius Brutus, who was outraged at what had happened to Lucretia and led the eventual movement that overthrew the monarchy. It should be noted that Lucius Junius Brutus was an ancestor of Marcus Junius Brutus, who would eventually become the most well-known of Julius Caesar’s assassins. Indeed, Brutus was largely motivated by a desire to prevent another tyrant from being created, such as the one that his ancestor had overthrown.

History of the Roman Republic After the assassination of the last king, Rome began to be governed as a republic. The most widely accepted date for the beginning of the republican period is 509 B.C., although historians debate its accuracy. Although changes were made to the political structure and new offices were created over time, the persistent goal was to prevent Rome from ever being ruled by a single man again. Thus, it was important to the republican Romans to avoid the concentration of power in one single position for an indefinite period of time. Powers were clearly defined, as were terms of office. The center of Roman decision making was the Senate, although the number of senators changed over the course of the republican period. Senators were drawn from the patrician class of Roman aristocracy. Each year, two consuls were elected. The consul was the highest political office in the republic. Consuls held veto power over senatorial motions, and during times of war were expected to lead the Roman forces on campaign. The position of consul was so influential that particular years were referred to by the names of the people who held the consulships in that year. Additionally, patrician families derived prestige from having members of their family hold consulships, and prided themselves on this even if the consulship had been held years or even decades ago. The first two Consuls in Roman history were Collatinus and Brutus, the founders of the republic. It is very important to recognize that there were always two consuls. This was largely due to the deeply-embedded Roman fear of being governed by a tyrant. By placing one man in such a powerful position, it was possible that he may find a way to seize power permanently rather than stepping down

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after his year in office was over. However, this concern was mitigated by electing two consuls. Additionally, during times of war or hostility, each consul was able to head a separate army. The position of tribune was created to address the needs of the lower classes, or plebeians, who often caused tension between their class and the patricians, who dominated the senate and consulships. The tribune represented the plebeians’ interests in the political process, and also held veto power. Later in the republican period, populist leaders such as the Gracchi brothers would capitalize on the grievances of the lower classes and use their support to gain control. Although the republican Romans did everything they could to prevent a tyranny from forming, they recognized that in times of extreme distress, a certain level of authoritarianism was necessary to maintain stability. Thus they created the office of dictator. A dictator was elected for a term of six months during a major crisis such as a war. He had complete control over Rome and its military, but was required to step down after the six month term was complete, and was expected to solve whatever crisis Rome was experiencing during that six month period. Many of the most respected figures of the republican period served as dictators. For example, Cincinnatus was elected to the dictatorship multiple times, and was revered for willingly stepping down after each term, returning to his humble agricultural life. It cannot be stressed enough how important it was that a dictator willingly relinquished power. In fact, Cincinnatus was so respected even by later generations that the American city of Cincinnati was named after him. Some of the most celebrated parts of Roman history occurred during the republican period. Rome consolidated its power over the Italian peninsula and Magna Graecia, the Greek region of Southern Italy and Sicily. Perhaps most notably, it defeated its most bitter enemy, Carthage, and burned the city to the ground, prohibiting it from being rebuilt. The Romans of the Republic had to live in what they considered a virtuous way in order to achieve these victories and others. Romans prided themselves on their frugality, stoicism, and their willingness to sacrifice their own desires for the good of the republic. They focused their efforts on military strength, spending less time on cultural development, which they adopted from the Greeks. This Roman pragmatism and perseverance is what enabled Rome to make the territorial gains that it did during the republican period. In the future, many influential Romans will lament Rome’s deviation from these republican virtues and its decline into decadence. Many argue that this was the result of Rome’s hegemony over the Mediterranean; without many external threats, Rome was no longer forced to maintain its frugal, stoic attitude, and therefore descended into internal conflict and civil war.

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The Decline of the Republic By the time of the late republican period, Rome had reached the dominant position in the Mediterranean area. Although still nominally a republic, many of Rome’s republican institutions had already begun to be abused and corrupted. Over the course of this crucial period, certain influential figures gained complete control of Rome, and ruled in a manner that became increasingly authoritarian. Figures of particular importance include Gaius Marius and Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Gaius Marius was born in 157 B.C. According to a legend that many consider to have been fabricated by Marius himself, he happened upon an eagle’s nest and found seven eagle chicks inside. Later in his career, he would claim that this was an omen predicting that he would serve as consul for a total of seven terms. None of Marius’ ancestors had ever served as consul, and so he had difficulty breaking into the ranks of elite Roman society. He relied on his skill and merit to advance his career, rather than on family ties. In 120 B.C., Marius was elected as Tribune of the Plebeians and later married a woman who would become the aunt of Julius Caesar. Caesar’s familial ties to Marius would have a profound impact on the shaping of his character and policies once he entered the Roman political arena. Of particular interest is the method by which Marius raised an army for his campaign in Numidia (located in Northern Africa). He waived the property qualifications for military service, which widened the pool of eligible recruits and allowed the landless plebeians to join. From this point forth, Rome’s legions would no longer be made up solely of aristocrats. This marked a significant turning point in Roman military history, since it enabled the formation of the military dictatorships that would characterize the late republican period. Lucius Cornelius Sulla, born in 138 B.C., would eventually become another of the authoritarian leaders of the late republican period. From 91-88 B.C., Rome was embroiled in the Social War, a war sparked by Rome’s treatment of its Italian subjects. Sulla’s exceptional service and bravery during the Social War was recognized with the Grass Crown, a Roman honour celebrating a commander who saved an entire legion in the battlefield. His rivalry with Gaius Marius would characterize much of his career. Indeed, the two of them would fight for appointment to the campaign in the east against King Mithridates of Pontus as well. After becoming dictator around 82 B.C., Sulla implemented his notorious proscriptions. He ordered the deaths of his opponents without trial or legal proceedings, and confiscated their land and

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property. His proscriptions are well known for their ruthlessness and the sheer number of people who were targeted. Sulla is remembered for his disregard of Roman legal conventions and his authoritarian rule as a dictator. Both of these factors set a precedent that would be followed by Julius Caesar. Sulla, as well as Marius, contributed heavily to the decline of the Roman Republic and the formation of the imperial period. Their disregard for the principles that founded the republic (such as the principle that power should not be concentrated in the hands of one man for too long) hinted of the tyranny that Romans feared so much. Yet Marius and Sulla exercised power while paying some homage to the structure of the republic. For example, neither of the men ever went so far as to declare themselves kings, which would have been an unthinkable affront to the republic, however both men exercised enough power to rival that of actual kings. The pattern of holding absolute power, yet pretending to operate under the rules of the republic, would characterize the late republic and much of the imperial period as well. Gaius Julius Caesar Gaius Julius Caesar, born in 100 B.C., descended from the ancient patrician family of the Julii, which claimed descent from Venus through the hero Aeneas, the man credited with the founding of Rome. Although the family had an excellent pedigree, it did not have substantial wealth by the time of Julius Caesar’s childhood. Caesar therefore grew up in a poorer part of town than his lineage would suggest, and many speculate that his relatively humble beginnings influenced the populist policies that he espoused once he became part of the Roman political scene. While his uncle Gaius Marius was in power, the young Julius Caesar was given the religious position of Flamen Dialis. Although this might seem like an honour, the position carried many restrictions that would limit Caesar from pursuing a military career. The Flamen Dialis was forbidden from riding a horse or touching iron, making it impossible to be a soldier or engage in combat. Unfortunately for Caesar, the appointment was life-long. However, after Sulla came to power in Rome, he began to purge the city of his political opponents. He terminated Caesar’s appointment to the office of Flamen Dialis, and Caesar left Rome. Famously, Sulla declared that he “saw many a Marius in Caesar.” Indeed, after leaving Rome, Caesar immediately pursued a military career. After returning to Rome and being elected to the position of quaestor, Caesar gave a funeral oration for his aunt Julia, with whom he was very close. Not only was it against convention for women to

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be honoured with public funeral orations, but Caesar also displayed images of his uncle Marius during the oration. Marius’ image had been prohibited from being displayed in Rome by Sulla. While serving as co-consul along with Gnaeus Pompeiius Magnus (Pompey the Great), Caesar embarked on his famous campaign to subdue the troublesome barbarian tribes in Gaul. United by the king Vercingetorix, the Gallic tribes worked together to resist Roman rule. Caesar’s victory at the Battle of Alesia caused Vercingetorix to surrender, ending the conflict finally. In his ascent to prominence, Caesar had made many enemies. He was criticized for the nonchalant way in which he distributed bribes (although bribery was common in ancient Rome, it was not acceptable to be as open about it as Caesar was, since it was officially against the rules.) Cato the Younger, a staunch republican and fervent supporter of traditional Roman values, denounced Caesar for deviating from the precedents of Roman politics. Although he had finished his war in Gaul, Caesar did not immediately disband his legions and return to Rome, which was also against official convention. As soon as Caesar disbanded his army and returned to Rome, he would be considered a private citizen, and would therefore be subject to prosecution. His enemies, such as the staunch traditionalist Cato, would then be able to initiate legal proceedings against him. As a result, Caesar needed to maintain control of his legions to give himself the leverage he needed to negotiate appointment to the governorship of a province, which would allow him to continue his immunity against prosecution. While considering his options and negotiating with Pompey and the rest of the Senate, Caesar and his legions were located on the far side of the Rubicon River, which marked the boundary of the province of Italy. It was against the law for a legion to enter Italy, so Caesar knew that if the need arose for him to cross the Rubicon, he would be passing the point of no return. After Pompey and the senate refused to give Caesar governorship of a province like he asked for, Caesar crossed the Rubicon River with his army, uttering the famous phrase “the die is cast.” Having been declared a public enemy of the senate and people of Rome, Caesar now knew that hostilities with his former friend and co-consul Pompey, as well as with the senate, were inevitable. Caesar would have to gain complete military control of Rome, or he would himself be completely destroyed. Rome was now in a full-blown civil war. Moving south towards Rome, Caesar only had one legion with him, the thirteenth. Pompey and the senate abandoned the city of Rome, feeling that their forces were inadequate to face Caesar’s

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experienced and highly motivated soldiers. Pompey then led Caesar on a chase throughout the Mediterranean, until he was murdered upon arrival in Ptolemaic Egypt. Caesar was appalled at the murder of Pompey, which was intended by Egypt to curry favor with him. Lingering in Egypt longer than was expected, Caesar involved himself in the civil war between Ptolemy the thirteenth and his sister Cleopatra, and eventually installed Cleopatra as ruler of Egypt. During his time in Egypt, Caesar fathered a son with Cleopatra, and the boy was named Caesarion after his father. Despite Julius Caesar’s many affairs, Caesarion was his only biological son. Caesar’s Assassination After defeating all remnants of opposition against him, Caesar returned to Rome and celebrated a magnificent triumph. He implemented many reforms. For example, he modeled the Roman calendar after the Ptolemaic calendar that he had been exposed to during his time in Egypt. This is the calendar that is still widely used today. Caesar, like Marius before him, was loved by the plebeian romans who were displeased with the patricians that made up the ranks of the senate. However, despite the fact that he was loved by many, there were constant fears that Caesar was becoming a tyrant, and would try to declare himself king. There were a number of incidents that seemed to suggest that Caesar was trying to become king. For example, after the civil war, Caesar was planning a campaign against Parthia in the east. However, according to him, he visited an oracle that predicted that only a king would be able to conquer Parthia (Caesar never was able to actually begin his campaign against Parthia, as he was assassinated before he could.) Furthermore, one day it was noticed that someone had placed a crown on a statue of Caesar. Historians debate whether it was placed there by one of Caesar’s enemies, or by Caesar himself to gauge the public’s reaction to a monarchy. Caesar began to concentrate more and more power in his person. One month before his assassination, he was declared dictator for life. Acts such as this gave rise to greater and greater fear. Although Caesar was loved by the common people of Rome for providing stability after the turbulence of the civil war, many senators feared that he was drifting towards tyranny and therefore began plotting his assassination. Some of Caesar’s assassins were enemies of his from the beginning, while others were displeased with the increasingly tyrannical nature of his new regime. The figurehead of the conspiracy, Marcus Junius Brutus, had been a good friend of Caesar’s. However, he was constantly reminded of his

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ancestor who had overthrown King Tarquin the Proud and established the republic in the first place. He was torn between his personal friendship with Caesar and the pressure from his senatorial colleagues, who felt that Brutus’ involvement in the conspiracy would lend it a level of legitimacy. Brutus eventually agreed to participate in the conspiracy. The senate at this time was temporarily meeting in Pompey’s Theatre. Since no armed men were allowed within the building, Caesar would be without his guards, and so the conspirators chose to carry out the assassination during a meeting of the senate. Each assassin concealed a dagger within the folds of his toga. On the 15th of March (known as the Ides of March), in 44 B.C., Caesar attended the meeting of the senate. While delivering a petition to Caesar, one of the senators grabbed Caesar’s toga, allowing another senator to take the first stab at Caesar with a dagger. At this point, all the members of the conspiracy rushed to Caesar and began stabbing him furiously. Caesar died after a total of 23 stab wounds. Although the assassins had expected that they would be celebrated by the people of Rome for removing a “tyrant” from power, the Romans understood that Julius Caesar’s death would mean a return to instability and civil war. Furthermore, the assassins had not made adequate plans for who would assume power immediately after Caesar’s death, and therefore created a power vacuum. Caesar’s will stipulated that three quarters of his wealth be left to his great-nephew Octavius, whom he posthumously adopted as his son. This news was not received well by Mark Antony, who had considered himself Caesar’s natural heir. Indeed, throughout their time together, Mark Antony had plenty of opportunities to betray Caesar, and yet never did so, remaining loyal at all times. This is why it came as such a shock that Mark Antony was not mentioned in the will. Although Octavius was assigned considerable wealth (which he has not yet received), Caesar’s posthumous adoption of him was arguably more significant, as it gave him the right to use Caesar’s name and lent him credibility as the only male heir of Julius Caesar, according to the will. The love that the people had for Caesar could more easily be harnessed by Octavius as a result. The Current Situation Now, in the aftermath of Caesar’s assassination, it is unclear who is truly in control. The conspirators have not received the public support they were expecting. As long as Caesar is considered a tyrant, however, they will likely avoid prosecution since the assassination would be considered a legal tyrannicide.

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The legions who loved Caesar so much now owe their loyalty to Caesar’s heir. However, many of them are uncertain whether to back Octavius, Caesar’s adopted son, or Mark Antony, Caesar’s loyal general. They are, however, unhappy about Caesar’s death and are agitating for a chance to avenge him. The plebeian masses of Rome loved the stability that Caesar brought. They are worried that Rome will again become embroiled in civil war as a result of the assassination. Their primary concern is having enough food to feed themselves and their families, so any disruption to Rome’s food supply would cause severe problems for this class of society. They want stability even if it brings with it a measure of authoritarianism, and are not concerned with adherence to traditional republican conventions. Many senators who were involved in the conspiracy, as well as many who weren’t, see Caesar’s death as an opportunity to return to the pure, republican form of government that had deteriorated under Marius, Sulla, and Caesar. However, for these individuals, the main issues will be how to gain the support of the legions and the lower classes of Rome, who are interested in more practical matters than the abstract concept of republicanism. Although Octavius has officially been adopted as the son of Julius Caesar, Caesarion (the biological son of Julius Caesar and Cleopatra) still reigns along with his mother in Egypt. His existence could be either an opportunity or a threat. Egypt itself will be an important factor in the upcoming negotiations, as most of Rome’s grain supply comes from the fertile lands of the Nile. Many of the most influential Romans have agreed to meet and discuss the current political situation. A number of important questions will have to be addressed. Who will govern Rome, and in what way? Will Rome be ruled by one man, or many? Will the assassination of Caesar be declared legal, or will the assassins be prosecuted? Who will be considered Caesar’s true heir, and what will happen to Caesar’s wealth? Will Caesar be avenged? Will Rome remain at peace or re-enter civil war?

IMPORTANT FIGURES Gaius Octavius Gaius Octavius was born in 63 B.C. to Julius Caesar’s niece Atia, but was raised largely by Caesar’s sister Julia. In his childhood, he did not exhibit any qualities that would foreshadow his eventual political cunning. Physically he was not very strong, and was often ill, although he did demonstrate

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excellence in his intellectual pursuits and studies. By befriending Agrippa, he gained a valuable friend with superior military abilities. Octavius is a master of political strategy and manipulating public opinion, but is not a strong military commander. Agrippa satisfies this role for him. After Julius Caesar’s ascent to power, Octavius found himself with newfound significance due to his relation to Caesar. As Caesar had no biological sons, he would have to select one of his young relatives whom he could groom to succeed him. Understandably, Caesar wanted Octavius to accompany him on campaigns, however the boy’s tendency to fall ill prevented him from accompanying his uncle more than once. Later, Octavius would be accused of being a coward as a result of this. Regardless of whether or not he joined his uncle in battle, Octavius still spent a lot of time in contact with Caesar, learning from him. Octavius has been designated as Caesar’s heir and posthumously adopted. Now officially named Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, he has the opportunity to leverage his new name to tap into the public’s loyalty to his uncle, as well as the loyalty of the legions. Mark Antony Mark Antony was a longtime supporter of Julius Caesar, serving with him in the Gallic campaign as well as the civil war between Caesar and Pompey’s faction. Antony remained in Rome to govern the city while Caesar was away in Egypt, and this highlights how much Caesar trusted Antony. Antony demonstrated great military prowess while serving under Caesar. He has earned the loyalty and support of Caesar’s legions, however many of these legions are torn between the loyalty they have to Antony, and their obligations to Octavius, Caesar’s official heir. Antony was very unhappy at being excluded from Caesar’s will. So far, Antony has used his influence to prevent Octavius from receiving the wealth that Caesar willed him. Although unhappy with Octavius’ new position in the Roman political arena, Antony recognizes that the main issue at the moment is to eliminate Caesar’s assassins, and so is willing to cooperate with Octavius if necessary. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus Lepidus was another strong supporter of Julius Caesar. He served as consul in 46 B.C., and was designated as Master of the Cavalry, a prestigious position that supported the dictator. As a child he was part of the college of pontiffs, which means that he is well positioned to assume a senior religious office if necessary.

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Lepidus, as a supporter of Caesar, will probably align himself with Mark Antony and/or Octavius, the two individuals most likely to continue Caesar’s legacy. All three of them hope to eliminate Caesar’s assassins as political opponents. Marcus Tullius Cicero Cicero was perhaps the most influential senator in the late republic. His exceptional skill in oratory means that he can sway public opinion easily. Many senators follow the actions of Cicero, and so Cicero’s opinion carries a lot more weight than a single vote. In 63 B.C., he served as consul. Cicero has always staunchly defended the ideals of the republic. He originally refused involvement with Caesar and Pompey because he feared that they threatened the integrity of the republic. When civil war broke out between the two co-consuls, Cicero backed Pompey. He avoided Caesar until his victory at Pharsalus, after which he was graciously pardoned by Caesar and returned to Rome. Cicero was not part of the conspiracy to assassinate Caesar, despite his republican stance. However, he is now looked to as a leader due to his influence in the senate. He is considered to represent the interests of the senate, and will likely play an important part in brokering any kind of agreement between Caesar’s assassins and his allies. However, relations between Cicero and Mark Antony have recently become tense due to Antony’s insistence on avenging Caesar’s murder. Marcus Junius Brutus Brutus is a descendent of the founder of the republic. He was very close with Caesar; his mother was Caesar’s mistress and he saw the man as a father figure. Brutus initially joined Pompey’s faction during the civil war. After the Battle of Pharsalus, he asked forgiveness from Caesar, and received it. After Caesar consolidated his power and began ruling in an increasingly authoritarian manner, Brutus’ senatorial colleagues began plotting Caesar’s assassination and tried to convince Brutus to join in the conspiracy. Despite his initial hesitation, he eventually adopted a lead role in Caesar’s assassination. Brutus is currently in a precarious position. Although he was not the only assassin, he was the figurehead of the conspiracy. He did not receive the public support that he expected, even though he did what he felt was necessary to protect the republic. Brutus’ main goals at the moment are to avoid

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prosecution for Caesar’s murder, and to try to fill the current power vacuum with a type of government that most closely resembles an unadulterated republic. Gaius Cassius Longinus Cassius was a senator, and along with Brutus was the leader of the conspiracy to assassinate Caesar. He also had family ties to Brutus, as he was married to Brutus’ half-sister. Cassius served as Tribune of the Plebeians in 49 B.C. During the civil war, he joined Pompey and was given part of the naval command. Of course, he was eventually defeated by Caesar. While Brutus was the symbolic leader and figurehead of the conspiracy to assassinate Caesar, Cassius was most active in planning the logistics of the assassination. Cassius’ goals are closely aligned with those of his brother-in-law Brutus. He must do all that he can to avoid prosecution as one of the assassins, especially given the large role that he played in the conspiracy. His wish is to see Rome return to being governed as a true republic, rather than one that is dominated by a dictator. Cassius will be looked to as a leader by all of the other conspirators as well. Servilius Casca Servilius Casca was another of Caesar’s assassins. Casca began the assassination attempt by striking Caesar the first time, after another of the assassins distracted Caesar by grabbing his toga. Casca is the Tribune of the Plebeians for this year. As a result, he nominally enjoys all of the rights that are given to tribunes, including veto power over senatorial decisions. However, given his involvement in the conspiracy, his position is at risk. Casca’s goal is to maintain his position as tribune in whatever new political order emerges. Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa Agrippa was a childhood friend of Octavius. Unlike Octavius, Agrippa demonstrated outstanding physical ability and military prowess from a young age. Agrippa’s military abilities complement Octavius’ political cunning and intelligence. Having always been loyal to his friend, Agrippa now possesses the abilities of a military leader that will be crucial to Octavius if hostilities should arise in the future. Because of how close he is with Octavius, it could be expected that the fortunes of the two young men will rise and fall together.

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However, Agrippa can leverage his military abilities to do whatever he must to secure himself a position in the post-Caesar military scene. Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus Although Decimus Brutus was distantly related to Caesar and served with him in Gaul, he was one of the conspirators that plotted the assassination. On the day of the assassination, he convinced Caesar to attend the meeting of the senate and led him to the senate through a back door in Pompey’s Theatre. Decimus Brutus currently holds the position of Praetor Peregrinus for this year. This means that he will be expected to deal with matters in the provinces. Brutus can leverage his position as Praetor to exit Rome with a pretext if the need should arise. However, his goal is to maintain the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul that had been promised to him by Caesar before the assassination. Along with the other conspirators, he also wishes to avoid any retribution for Caesar’s assassination. Lucius Cornelius Cinna Lucius Cornelius Cinna was the son of the famous consul of the same name, who served four terms as consul and supported Gaius Marius. Cinna (the son) fought to oppose Sulla, and therefore it was natural that he supported Caesar once he entered the senate. Cinna opposes the idea of authoritarian government, although he did not participate in the conspiracy against Caesar. In the future, Cinna can leverage his great lineage and patrician status to work towards a system of government that is not as authoritarian as the regimes of Sulla and Caesar. Gaius Trebonius Gaius Trebonius was very active in the Roman political arena in the years leading up to Caesar’s death. Among other positions, he served as Caesar’s legate in Gaul, and as a military commander under Caesar in Britain. Trebonius was also one of the conspirators who assassinated Caesar in 44 B.C. Moving forward, it is likely that Trebonius will leverage his position as Proconsul of Asia, one of the richest provinces of the republic, to advance his goal of maintaining republican ideals. As proconsul, Trebonius has command of any legions stationed in his province as well.

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Lucius Julius Caesar Lucius Julius Caesar was a cousin of Gaius Julius Caesar, and served as consul in 64 B.C. Lucius was loyal to his cousin, but is currently attempting to remain neutral in the coming hostilities. His goal is to avoid another civil war, and therefore will do what he can to reconcile the conspirators with the Caesarian faction. Lucius is in a position to use his membership in the Julii family as well as his membership in the senate to broker a deal. Even though he is related to Julius Caesar, he is willing to make concessions to the anti-Caesarian faction, if it will ensure peace and stability for the republic. Lucius Minucius Basilus Lucius Minucius Basilus was a trusted comrade of Julius Caesar before the period leading to his assassination. He was a prominent military commander, serving with Caesar in the Gallic campaign and the civil war. Despite their positive relationship, Caesar refused to provide Basilus with a province after his term as praetor was complete, offering him money instead. This offended Basilus, and spurred his involvement in the assassination conspiracy. Basilus is a close friend of Cicero’s. He will likely draw on his considerable military experience to secure himself the province that he was denied by Caesar. His familiarity with Gaul from his time spent there will prove to be an asset.

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References Caesar, Julius, S. A. Handford, and Jane F. Gardner. The Conquest of Gaul. London: Penguin, 1982. Print. Duncan, Mike. "The History of Rome." Audio blog post. N.p., n.d. Web. 5 Jan. 2016. Freeman, Philip. Julius Caesar. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008. Print. Holland, Tom. Rubicon: The Last Years of the Roman Republic. New York: Doubleday, 2003. Print. Schiff, Stacy. Cleopatra: A Life. New York: Little, Brown, 2010. Print. Suetonius, and Catharine Edwards. Lives of the Caesars. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000. Print. Tacitus, Cornelius, and A. J. Woodman. The Annals. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub., 2004. Print. Virgil, and Robert Fitzgerald. The Aeneid. New York: Random House, 1983. Print.

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