The conception of righteousness and the Mesopotamian gods PJ Nel Abstract The conception of righteousness is one of the most basic constructs of the cosmological and religious orientation of Mesopotamian culture. It is essential for the understanding of all major institutions of society as well as for human behaviour. The investigation focuses on Mesopotamian literature, and more specifically on the contextual occurrences of the lexemes mUarum and eIeIU in order to synthesize some of their connotations and denotations pertaining to the overriding thought structure. The study is limited to the perception of righteousness that presupposes the realm and function of the gods. It is argued that the thought structure underlying the conception of righteousness is essentially linked to sun mythologems, in particular to the role of Sama~. The gods do not only act as guardians of righteousness, but the misarum is also perceived as a norm for their own behaviour. 1.

ORIENTATION AND PROBLEM

In all liberal democracies the principle of righteousness is cherished as the cornerstone of state affairs and social structure. Jan Assmann (1990) has pointed out that the roots of this tradition can be traced back to the Egyptian conception of Ma 'at. Not only is his publication the most comprehensive treatment of a single conceptual construct of Egyptian thought, but it also provokes new interest in comprehensive studies of related conceptions in the neighbouring cultures of the Ancient Near East. Comprehensive studies of the conception of righteousness in Mesopotamian, Hittite and Canaanite-Phoenician cultures would not only be beneficial for the immediate fields cf study, but would certainly contribute largely to Biblical theological efforts to define righteousness in the Old Testament. Important iconographic material could complement such efforts. The most comprehensive study of the conception of righteousness in the Old Testament remains the work of H H Schmid, Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung (1968). Schmid's understanding of the Egyptian Ma'at needs to be adjusted in terms of Journal for Semitics, vol. 6/1,1994, pp.l.14.

1

2

PI Nel

Assmann's moral and ethical definition of Ma'at as '1ustification", as well as in terms of his reversal of Schmid's dictum to "Weltordnung als Gerechtigkeit" (Assmann 1990:34).

The Mesopotamian material has not found extensive treatment by Schmid. The closest analogy to the Old Testament conception of ~diJh he finds in the Sumerian concept of me (=par~u in Akkadian). He prefers to translate this difficult lexeme with "g6Uliche Ordnungen" and interprets it as the created order of the main Sumerian god An. The king is further viewed as the earthly patron of this order (Schmid "1968:42-46; 61-66). The author's investigation of the conception of righteousness will focus on the contextual occurrences of the lexemes miSarum 1 and eseru 2 in Mesopotamian literature in order to synthesize some of their connotations and denotations pertaining to the overriding thOUght structure. To accomplish this goal one has no choice other than to treat analogous and identical formulations and conceptualizations as indications of the same orientation and thought structure. This approach allows for the inevitable fact that the practices of righteousness within and by certain communa! institutions, such as law practices, might not necessarily comply with the idealistic perception of righteousness. It would be incorrect to infer from the present investigation that the ideological perception of righteousness be maintained as a factual framework for concrete practices in Mesopotamia. The investigation is not an evaluation of the practices of righteousness during the various historical periods of ancient Mesopotamia in order to show whether these practices complied with the norm or not. A more historical approach would be more appropriate in that case. A problem that confronts the investigator is the fact that one cannot uncritically assume a homogeneous Mesopotamian culture, because it was never a historical reality. On the other hand, it is accepted as communis opinio that the peoples of Mesopotamia shared a higher culture and cosmology. Although one can appreciate Oppenheim's (1964: 171; cf. Nougayrol 1973:38-45) objections to a synthesis of a "Mesopotamian religion", one is nevertheless struck by the conceptual uniformity in Mesopotamian literature, in particular by the metaphorical language use. One must, however, be careful not to oversimplify the factual reality of the occurrences, and not to force diverse traditions into a homogenous system. The lexeme kittum (Sumerian: nfg-gi-najnig-zi) often forms a hendiadys with mUarwn in clich~ fonnulations, and will be considered as well. It is usually translated as "truth" and "justice" in CAD

K 2

In CAD MI, miIarum is translated with "redress"j"justice"j"right", and elelU in the put in order"j"to provide justice"jto give correct decisions" (CAD E).

Sr fonn with "to

The conception of righteousness and the Mesopotamian gods

3

This study is by no means exhaustive, either in its treatment of the lexemes mentioned, or in its systematic synthesis of the theme envisaged within the broader Mesopotamian religious and conceptual context. The paper will be limited to the conception of righteousness within the realm of the gods. Apart from the limitations, a great variety of texts have been considered so that the conclusions may be claimed to be representative of Mesopotamian literature. No comprehensive treatment of the conception of righteousness exists in the Mesopotamian literature. It is, however, seldom ignored in the studies on the religion and legal practices of Mesopotamia, or in comparative religious studies of the Ancient Near East. 3 Special emphasis is usualy laid on the Biblical literature. The so-called miSarum edicts, however, have attracted considerable scholarly attention, and have been scrutinized extensively (cf. e.g. Kraus 1984 and Olivier 1978). 2.

RIGHTEOUSNESS AND THE GODS

2.1

Sama~ as judge of heaven and earth

The inductive investigation will concentrate on the conception of righteousness pertaining to the realm of the gods. The characterization of the gods' participation in establishing the cosmos, and their position and control over the affairs of the human world are of central importance. The lexeme translated as righteousness, milarumjnig-si-sa, occurs in Mesopotamian documents4 from the classical Sumerian period to the late Babylonian period. It is noteworthy that this concept is consistently used in relation to the sun god Sama~ (UTU). In the Sumerian UTU hymn (cf. Cohen 1977:7), UTU is depicted as the "judge of the gods" (line 5), the judge of all people (line 8) and as the one who established truth (ni-gi-na) and righteousness (sl-sa; the abstract form nig-si-sa more frequently occurs). The prominent position of Sama~ as the one who established justice is enhanced by the fact that "justice" figures as a divine epithet of Sama~ from the Sumerian period and onwardss. The epithets of Sama~ that frequently occur in the invocatory parts of the incantations denote his obligations as "judge of heaven

3

4 5

Cf. Gese (1958); Schmid (1968); Engnell (1967); Whitelam (1979); Gamper (1966); Boecker (1976); Krecher (1980); Walther (1917); Von Soden (1965:41-59); Epzstein (1983); Weinfeld (1978); Rollig (1983:42-52); Fensham (1962:129-139). References to documents and literature, if not mentioned explicitly, will follow the abbreviations of Borger (1967/75). Cf. the royal inscription of Sin-iddinam (VAB 1, 1-2; cr xxiv 31,74-81; cr xxv 26, 9-10).

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and earth" (dSamaJ dayyan Same it er~eti).6 The procedure performed by the maSmiisu priest on behalf of the deceased was executed with precision in front of the supreme judge, Sama~7 Sama~, in particular, is viewed as the great judge and the protector of justice and righteousness. The following epithets are reminiscent of this position: da.wan dini sa ilani rabuti; da.wan ilani; bel din;; bel kitti; bel mesari; bel kitti u meSari, etc. (cf. Tallqvist 1974:79-82; 456-7). The royal inscriptions portray a similar picture. On an Old Babylonian monumental inscription of lahdunlim of Mari, the introductory praise to Sama~ ascribes the following to him: "He is the king of heaven and earth, king of the gods and man and the one whose office is miSarum" (col. 1,1-4, cf. Dossin 19:4). The neo-Babylonian inscription of Nebuchadnezzar (N13: col. 11, 28) follows a comparable verbalization when describing the judicial position of Sama~: bell muIldir punlsse kitti ("the lord who establishes just decisions"). From these inscriptions it is evident that the king is subordinate to Sama~, the supreme judge. The office of Sama~ was perceived as righteous. It is further clear that kittu is an abstract qualification of those decisions and judgements that follow from and manifest a set order of righteousness. The act or the process whereby this "just decision" is accomplished, is expressed by the verb deru (ST form). The same verb is used when Sama~ is depicted as the one who guides all people and gods and the one who guides the things above and below (muJteSir eliiti it saplati, cf. cr xxiii 16, 20). 2.2

Metaphorical thought-structure and sun mythology

It has now become necessary to try to explain the conceptual strategy in terms of

which it was possible to intertwine the concept of righteousness so narrowly with the reality of the gods, in particular with that of Sama~. The answer is best provided in the well-known Sama~ hymn, for example lines 21-34 (BWL, 127-29): 21

"You climb to the mountains surveying the earth,

22

You suspend from the heavens the circle of the lands.

23

You care for all the peoples of the lands,

24

And everything that Ea, king of the counsellors, had created is entrusted to you.

6

7

Cf. cr xxiv 31, 88 and cr xxv 26,24. Cf. also comparable references from the Magla series (Maier 1937:11: line 113; the Swpu-incantations (Reiner 1958:16: line 93); the Bit rimki-ritual series (Laesse 1955:29-37: lines 53'{;2) and the Nam·bur·bi-prayers (Caplice 1967:4: lines 24-26). The same epithet occurs in a ritual text published by Sweet (1970:6-11: Rev line 22). Cf. line 44 of the main ritual (8) of Btar and Dumuzi (Faber 1977:241).

The conception of righteousness and the Mesopotamian gods

25

Whatever has breath you shepherd without exception,

26

You are their keeper in upper and lower regions.

27

Regularly and without cease you traverse the heavens,

28

Every day you pass over the broad earth.

29

The flood of the sea, the mountains, the earth, the heavens,

30

Like a ... you pass over them daily without cease.

31

In the underworld you care for the counsellors of Kusu, the Anunnaki,

32

Above, you direct (tus-te-ser) all the affairs of men,

33

Shepherd of that beneath, keeper of that above,

34

You, Sama~, direct (muS-te-Ier), you are the light of everything."

5

The quotation demonstrates the geocentric perspective in terms of which the natural orbit of the sun was figuratively projected onto the sun god, Sama~. The perpetual traverse of the sun through the skies was conceptualised and applied metaphorically to the absolute control of the sun god over the entire cosmos. His traverse became a symbol of an all-embracing order of righteousness. The destiny of all created beings was determined by this order of righteousness. Sama~ was the "light"g for all beings living in accordance with this miSarum-order. The light was the symbol of the presence of the righteous order and a symbol of the physical and spiritual effects brought about by Sama~. Castellino (1976:71-74) has shown that section (iv) of the Sama~ hymn (lines 95-129) depicts Sama~ at his zenith. In this passage in particular he is portrayed as the god of justice, who destroys all forms of social injustice and the persons responsible for them. On the positive side, he appears as the beneficent god for social welfare. Darkness is the opposing symbol for chaos and evil. Sama~, therefore, is the bringer of light (musteSir nur kissati)' and the remover of darkness (mustesir ikliti) (d. Tallqvist 1974:456-457 and Janowski 1989:31-41). Light and darkness are diametrically opposed attributes of order-oriented behaviour and consequently symbols of life and death. The metaphorical thought-structure underlying the Mesopotamian cosmology is directly linked to the role of Sama~. This use of metaphorical language in Mesopotamian literature and iconography is extensively and convincingly worked out by Janowski (1989). The binarity of order (cosmos) and chaos is an archetype of 8

Cf. the following epithets of Sarna!' mullil Jame u ~itim; nUr kiJJat and nUr Jame (Tallqvist 1974:20, 134).

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this thought-structure. Janowski, in accordance with Keel (1972), formulates it as follows: "Diese alltagliche Erfahrung des Antagonismus von Kosmos und Chaos war mit der Einsicht verkntipft, dass 'die empirische Welt als Manifoestation und Symbol uber ihre vordergrundige Wirklichkeit hinaus(weist)" dass also der Lebensraum des Menschen eine von Gottes ordnender, schopferischer Macht bewahrte, aber zugleich vom Chaos und seinen Exponenten bedrohte Welt ist" (Janowski 1989:24; cf. also Keel 1972:47). One of the most illustrative representations of the perception of the world as being embedded in an all-inclusive order is to be found in the building and consecration inscription of Asarhaddon, lines 31-36 (Borger 1956:2): (31) dSin it SamaJ ilanft'eI maJ-Su-u-te (32) as-Su de-en Idt-te (33) it mi-Sa-ri (34) a-na milti it nisemeI sa-ra-ku. (35) arIJi-sam-ma /Jar-ra-an Idt-te (36) it ml-sa-ri sab-tu-ma

"The twin-gods, Sin and Sama~, traversed to offer country and people true and righteous judgement; month after month a true and just course". The world was perceived as being encompassed by a set order. The intrinsic structure of this order was "righteousness" (miSarum), which implied that this divine order was uncritically idealized as normative for all categories of being - without exception. The traverse of the sun god and the moon god became, in terms of the underlying metaphorical thought-structure, the embodiment of the constant and continuous activity of the gods to guarantee and to establish miSarum-order for the entire world. Its linguistic expression resembles forensic terminology, but the context here is broader than legal procedure in the narrow sense of the word. The gods provided and kept the righteous order intact. What this activity entails practically is not spelt out in this instance. The instance here allows for an appropriate inference as to the referential meaning of miSarum. M"tSarum and Idttu are abstract characterizations of the activities and behaviour that comply with the set order, or attitudes directed at the re-establishment of that divine order. Any form of conduct or activity with the purpose of actualizing that order can be qualified as miSarum (righteous) activity. The conduct itself by which the order is instituted is expressed by the verb eseru (ST form; cf. the Sama~ hymn, lines 32, 34, 9B; BWL: 126-132).

The conception of righteousness and the Mesopotamian gods

7

The peculiarity of such a thought-structure can be overcome by the modem investigator once he acknowledges its presupposed cosmology. Mythological perception of cosmos is less historicaL and primarily it is therefore not focused on the historical incidence of the act of creation. Rather, it perceives cosmos as an ongoing process of establishing order, mainly in opposition to chaos. When order is established according to the ideal principle of miSarum, this order meets the requirements of what is actually intended by the gods. The king is the earthly representative of the gods and has an analogous obligation. The execution of his entire administration is looked upon and evaluated in terms of the miSarum obligation. Because the study is limited to the dimension of the gods, we refer only briefly to one instance here. In the royal inscription of Asarhaddon, his obedience towards the gods (ct. lines 10-16) is strongly emphasized. He was obliged to execute his authority to rule the country in accordance with the set mUarum-order. In the text this notion is formulated as a wish (lines lOff; ct. Borger 1956:2): "Like the plant of life (?), may my kingdom please the people; May I guard your (= gods') subjects in truth (kit-ti) and righteousness (mi-sa-ri)".

To prevent any misunderstanding at this stage, it is necessary to stress that kittu and miSarum are not exclusively attributed to Sama~, but also to the activities of the

other major gods, such as Sin, Enlil, Marduk and Btar, as well as to the ilani rabuti? Our next textual quotation illustrates the role of other gods on the one hand, but on the other hand is equally important for our understanding of the miSarum-order. An Akkadian prophetical text (CI' xiii 50, 7-8; ct. Grayson & Lambert 1964:7-30), originating from the library of AMurbanipal and dating back to the first dynasty of Babylon, deals with the topic of a good and a bad reign over the country. In text B, lines 7-8, Anu commands Enlil to establish righteousness (mi-M-ra) in the land. The re-establishment of justice and the rectification of previous disturbances in the country are also expressed by means of the verb eseru (ST form). Line 7 continues thus:

9

(7)

"Anu (commanded) Enlil to establish righteousness (mf-M-ra sa-ka-na). Justice will be established, (the confusion)

(8)

will be corrected (uS-te-se-ra), the disturbance cleared away ... "

Marduk and Utar figure prominently in the incantation literature as guardians of the milarum-order of the cult. Marduk appears only once with the exclusive epithet of !iarn~, i.e. dayyan kini u milan, (KAR 11 25, Col 11, line 13); d. Olivier (1978:259-60).

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PJ Nel

This text lends support to the fact that the gods of the pre-Cassite period were perceived as active participants in altering and directing the affairs of the world according to a conception of "righteousness". The gods themselves were not bound to an absolute order without any form of freedom, other than conformity. They had the freedom to re-install or give a new dimension to the mLfarum-order. They were, however, obliged not to violate this order. The miSatum-order, per se, was viewed as the idealized order for creation. The particular conception of miSarum pertaining to this order was not absolute in the sense that it could not be changed.1o If the conception of "righteousness" itself was subjected to change it implied that the course of things in the world could be changed to comply with the overriding conception. 11 The human understanding of the righteousness of the gods should not be confused with a supposed arbitrariness in attitude towards the miSatum-order. The alleged freedom of the gods as well as the susceptibility of the order to change, did not imply indifference towards righteousness - even if not always clear to human beings. The human understanding of the gods was indeed experienced as a problem, as eloquently expressed by the sufferer in the Babylonian Theodicy, line 256-257 (BWL:87): "The divine mind, like the centre of the heavens is remote; Knowledge of it is difficult; the masses do not know it."12 No spur of negativity on the part of the gods towards miSarum (righteousness) is expressed in Mesopotamian literature. On the contrary, miSarum is portrayed as a specific objective as well as a norm for their activities. It is best expressed by the use of the verb riimu (love): "to love righteousness"; (cf. e.g. the prayer of A~~urnasirpal II to Ishtar, Line 10) (Briinnow 1890:67): a-na i/a-tim rimi-ni-ti 13 Sa ml-Sa-ra i-ra-am-mu

"... unto the merciful goddess who loves righteousness." The same idea is implied by the expression: 10

The same holds true for the conception of fate (Jimtu) which was susceptible to change, although decreed by the gods (cf. Rochberg-Halton 1982:363-8). 11 Whether this perception of active involvement of the gods in the set order was a particular achievement during the first dynasty of Babylon, cannot be confmned from this instance (cf. Lambert 1960:5-17 and Oberhuber 1973:3-27 for a discussion of the development of the conception of "god" in the pre-Cassite period). 12 It is also said that ~ama~ is the one whose way nobody knows (ilu Ja a1akJaJu mamma ul ida); cf. Tallqvist (1974:12). 13 Read Iime-lIi-ti, cf. Borger 1981:167.

The conception of righteousness and the Mesopotamian gods

mu-bi-ib kit-ti

9

ume-Ja-ri14

"...who holds pure truth and righteousness." The gods themselves were thus not merely determined executors of mf:farum, but felt "morally· Obliged to miJarum as a fIXed norm for their activities. In consequence, one may conclude thus far that the underlying thought-structure of the conception of mlJarum was closely linked to the rule of the major gods, in particular with that of Samd, in Mesopotamian cosmology. Part of this cosmology was an idealized order for heavenly and earthly conduct. It was expressed as miJarum. This order was not only perceived as normative for living beings and institutions, but also as an obligation. It therefore could be an object and a goal to be achieved - as is evident from the verbs used with misarum, such as riimu (to be loved), 1Ul$llru (to guard), kinu (to uphold), Juga (to obtain), wapo. (to p.roclaim), and Ja iggi (not to neglect) (cf. Olivier 1978:269-275). Any act of recognition and establishment of miJarum-order is also characterized as miSarum or kittu. MiSarum itself is not per se the order of creation, but the dominant stru,:ture of the created order is perceived as miSarum. In this sense miSanun correlates with Ma'at as "Weltordnung als Gerechtigkeit" as Assmann (1990:34) maintains in opposition to Schmid (1968). 2.3

The guardianship of miSarum

The active involvement of the "great gods", particularly Samd, in establishing mi:farum-order, is best expressed by their sovereign guardianship of this order. The

following discussion will inevitably refer to the Icing's obligation, because it constitutes an essential component of the god's guardianship, especially with reference to the judicial institutions. The commitment of the gods to - and their protection of - the judicial order developed into a particular dictum as it is evident from the Babylonian Admonitions, lines 1-10 (BWL:112-3): 1.

"If a king does not heed justice, his people will be thrown into chaos, and his land will be devastated.

2.

If he does not heed the justice of his land, Ea, king of destinies,

3.

will alter his destiny and will not cease from pursuing him with hostility.

4.

If he does not heed his nobles, his life will be cut short.

;-

•

~

·• ~

~

~

•

14 It is said of NabU in the ~u-il8-prayer, (KAR 25,11, line 27; cr. Ebeling 1937:16).

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P J Nel

5.

If he does not heed his adviser, his land will rebel against him.

6.

If he heeds a rogue, the status quo in his land will change.

7.

If he heeds a trick of Ea, the great gods,

8.

in unison and in their just ways will not cease from prosecuting him.

9.

If he improperly convicts a citizen of Sippar, but acquits a foreigner, ~ama~, judge of heaven and earth,

10.

will set up a foreign justice in his land, where the princes and judges will not heed justice."

The text stresses the severe consequences for people and the land when the king violates justice (a-na di-ni /a i-quI). The retribution of the "great gods" is the unavoidable result of such violation: they will not stop prosecuting the king in their "just ways" (tU-da-at mi-Sa-ri). The "righteousness" of the acts of the gods, is contrasted with the king's violation of justice in the practice of law. If the king does not heed justice, ~ama~ (d Sama! da)yiin Saw it er$eti), the supreme judge, will replace the king and his judges, Line 10 must be interpreted as part of the description of the catastrophe that results from the violation of justice by the king, and ~ama~'s intention to create order. The contents of the text reflect the supremacy of Sippar and the privileged position of its citizens. This might give substance to an argument that the text intentionally propagated the privileged position of Sippar and that its content, therefore, could not be taken too literally. It may be partially true in this instance, but that does not affect the basic ideology of the conception of miSarum. Whether justifiable or not, the social position of Sippar was nevertheless understood from the people's perspective as fully in concordance with righteousness. Ideology always allows for relativity and biased perspective. The king's rule and his practice of justice were ultimately viewed as concrete executions of miSarum and he was held responsible by the gods for any violation of miSarum. Not only did the gods establish miSarum-order positively, but they also refused righteous judgement of those who violated it. On a boundary stone of Nebuchadnezzar I (~ 1140 B.c.), Enlil is depicted as the ruler of heaven and earth (Col. 1:1) and the one who guards the reign of Nebuchadnezzar (Col. 1:20 - Col. 11:7). Nabukadnezzar himself is attributed with the typical royal epithet far miSari (Col. 1:22). The enemy or anyone opposed to his reign (implicitly also opposed to miSarum) will experience no righteous judgement from the gods, ~amall and Marduk, cf. Col. IV:15-18) (Hincke 1907:150): "~amall and Ramman (= Marduk), the powerful gods, the lofty judges, give

The conception of righteousness and the Mesopotamian gods

11

him evil plans ("fortune" - Nel), and with a judgement of justice and righteousness (m-m kit-ti u me-Sa-ri) may they not judge him.· The ~ama~ hymn, mentioned earlier, also portrays ~ama~ as the one who punishes the unscrupulous judge (tfa.»'lina ~alpa) who does not carry out justice (la muStiseIU ).15 The violation of justice is expressed with the negation of the verb eselU. The norm for ·not being in order· can only be understood from the perspective of a set righteous order of ~ama~ (cf. Gamper 1966:54-5 and Krecher 1980:350). He also would rejoice when justice was carried out, particularly when the rights of the underprivileged were honoured (cf. e.g. line 99). The phraseology in connection with eJilU, and thus with the righteous activity of ~ama~, is convincingly explained and integrated with the cosmic role of ~ama~ by Janowski (1989:65), •...wie ~ama~ durch sein Rechtshandeln die kosmische Ordnung aufrechterhalt, so bewahrt auch der konigliche Hirte durch kinatum (kittum - und m1SalUm-Akte) den politisch-sozialen Kosmos vor den Machten des Chaos. Damit entsprach das irdische Recht einer gottlichen SchOpfungsordnung... , die recht war." 3.

CONCLUDING REMARKS16

a)

The m1SalUm-order is perceived as a set order for the cosmos and is portrayed as the encirclement of the cosmos by the sun god, ~ama~. The perpetual traverse of ~ama~ was the symbol of the ongoing proclamation and guardianship of mlSalUm. The cosmic order was thus perceived as miJarum and in this sense, comparable with the Egyptian conception of Ma 'at. It is to be doubted whether the Sumerian concept me (Akk = pariu) refers to the created order, and is therefore comparable with the Egyptian Ma'at as Schmid (1968:61-66) claims. It seems better to translate me as divine power, ordinance or rule (cf. Edzard 1990:610-4). BlI par# (= me), as an epithet of ~ama~ (cf. Tallqvist 1974:51), resembles the other bel epithets and refers to ~ama~'s sovereign jurisdiction over the divine and the cultic ordinances. It is unlikely that it would refer to the created order as such. The Old Testament's conception of $dqh might show the closest parallel with miJarum and not necessarily the etymological cognate ySr' (cf. Olivier 1978:) .17

15 Cf. BWL:132 and cr xv SO, 9 for an analogous description of Samal. 16 The irivestigation was mainly restricted to one aspect of reality, namely the realm of the gods and further only to their religious and cosmic dimension. The implications for the political, social and anthropological dimensions of state, community and individual have not been treated here, and must still be investigated. 17 The conception of kittum u miJan.un has a broader underlying thought-structure than the Old Testament mJpt w$dqh, as proposed by Weinfeld (1978:510). The latter he interprets as an equality

12

PINel

b)

The thought-structure underlying the conception of m1Sarum is closely linked and determined by sun mythologems. The use of metaphorical language in relation to miJaTwn reflects this mythological background. The most typical metaphor to denote the ethical or normative dimension of the miSarum-order is "light" and its opposition is "darkness".

c)

MiSarum as norm for "orderly" conduct can best be translated as "righteousness", and "obligation" as "justification" - referring to the act by which something is brought into line (eJeru) with the norm, or redressed according to the perceived norm.

d)

MfJarum was not only a given or set order for heaven and earth, but was an

obligation to be observed and realized. All activities in accordance with the nWarum-order, or intended to re-establish miJarum, could also be referred to abstractly by miJarum or kittu. e)

The royal administration and the judicial praxis were considered to be institutions of exceptional importance for establishing miSatum, and were under the direct jurisdiction of the gods, particularly Sama~.

f)

The guardianship of the miJarum was the responsibility of the gods, but in particular that of Sama~.

g)

The gods not only guaranteed miSarum positively, but they could also deny it to those opposed to it.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Assmann, I 1990. MA 'A T Ge~chtigkeit im Alten Agypten. MOOchen: C H Beck. Boecker, H-I 1976. Recht und Gesetz im Alten Testament und im alten Orient. NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. Borger, Rl967/75. Handbuch der Kei/schriftliteratur Band 1-2. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Borger, R 1956. Die Inschriften Assarhaddons, Konigs von Assyrien. Graz: AFO. Briinnow, R E 1890. Assyrian hymns 111, ZA 9:55-79. Caplice, R 1965-73. Namburbi Texts in the British Museum, OrNS 34:105-31; 36:1-38, 273-89; 39:111-51; 40:133-83; 42:508-17.

Castellino, G R 1976. The ~am~ hymn: A note on its structure, AOAT 25:71-74. Cohen, M E 1977. Another Utu hymn, ZA 67:1-19. Dossin, G 1955. L'inscription de fonciation de Iahdun-Lim, Roi de Mar~ Syria 32:1-28. Ebeling, E 1953. Die Akkadische Gebetserie "Handerhebung". Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Edzard, D 0 1990. Me (gatZO, p~), RA 7:610-614. Engnell, I 1967. Divine kingship in the Ancient Near East. Oxford: Blackwell. achieved by the freeing of slaves, the indebted, the captives and other people from imprisonment.

The conception of righteousness and the Mesopotamian gods

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Epzstein, L 1983. Lo justice sociale dons Ie Proche-Orient Ancient et Ie peuple de la Bible. Paris: Genthner. Faber, W 1m. BeschwoTUn&trituale an IItar und Dumuzi. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag. Fensham, F C 1962. Widow, orphan and the poor in the Ancient Near Eastern legal and wisdom literature,lNES 21:129-139. F'lkentscher, W 1980. Entstehung und Wandel rechtlicher TrruJitionen. Mfmchen: Verlag Karl Alber. Gamper, A 1966. Gott aJs Richter in Mesopotamien und im Alten Testament. Innsbruck: Wagner Verlag. Gese, H 1958. Lehre und Wirlclichkeit in der alten Weisheit. Tiibingen: JCB Mohr. Grayson, A K & Lambert, W G 1964. Alladian Prophecies,ICS 18:7-30. Hincke, W J 1907. A new boundary stone of Nebukodnezzor 1. Philadelphia: University Press. Janowski, B 1989. Rettun&tgewissheit und Epiphanie des Heils. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. Kee~ 0 1972. Die Welt der altorientalischer Bildsimbolik und das Alte Testament: Am Beispiel der Psalmen. Koln: Benziger Verlag ZUrich Einsiedeln. Kehrer, G 1983. Vor Gott sind alle gleich. Soziale GJeicheit, soziale Ungleicheit und die ReJigionen. Diisseldorf: Patmos. Kraus, H 1984. J(jjnigliches VerfUgung in altbabylonischer Zeit. Leiden: Brill. Krecher, J 1980. Das Rechtsleben und die Auffassung vom Recht in Babylonien, in Fikentscher 1980:325-354. Laesse, J 1955. Studies on the Assyrian ritual series - bit rimki. Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard. Lambert, W G 1960. Babylonian Wisdom Literature (BWL). Oxford: Clarendon Press. Maier, G 1937. Die Assyrische Beschworung;sammJung Magla. Berlin: AFO. Mann, Ulrich 1973. 17aeologie und Religionswissenschaft. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Nissen, H-J & Renger, J 1978. Mesopotamien und seine Nachbam. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag. Nougayro~ J 1973. Einfiihrende Bemerkungen zur Babylonischen Religion, in Mann 1973:3845. Oberhuber, K 1973. Sumer, in Mann 1913:3-27. Olivier, J P J 1978. The Old Babylonian miIarum-edict and the Old Testament. Unpublished DUtt thesis. University of SteUenbosch. Oppenheim, A L 1964. Ancient Mesopotamia, portrait of a dead civilization. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Reiner, E 1958. ~u'Pu, a collection of Sumerian and Akkadian incantations. Graz: AFO. Reventlov, H 1971. Rechtfertigung im Horizont des alten Testaments. Miinchen: Kaiser Verlag. Rochberg-Halton, F 1982. Fate and divination in Mesopotamia, BAFO 19:363-8. Rollig, W 1983. Der den Schwachen vom Starken nicht entrechten liisst, der der Waise Recht schafft ... Gleich und Ungleich im religiosen Denken des Alten Orients, in Kehrer 1983: 4252. Schmid, H H 1968. Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung. Tiibingen: JCB Mohr.

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Schollmeyer, P A 1912. Sumerisch-Babylonische Hymnen und Gebete an Sarna!. Paderbom: Ferdinand SchOningh. Seux, M-J 1976. Hymnes et prieres DUX dieux de Babylonie et d'Assyrie. Paris: Editions du Cerf. Sweet, R F G 1970. An Akkadian text, in Weyers and Redford 1970:2-11. Tallqvist, G L 1974.Akkadische Gotterepitheta. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag. Von Soden, W 1965. Das Frage nach der Gerechtigkeit Gottes im A1ten Orient, MDOG 96:4159.

Walther, A 1917. Dos altbabylonische Gerichtswesen (LSS 6/4-6). Leipzig: JC Hinrichs. Weinfeld, M 1978. Justice and righteousness in ancient Israel against the background of "social reforms· in the Ancient Near East, in Nissen and Renger 1978:491-519. Weyers, J W & Redford, 0 B 1970. Essays on the Ancient Semitic World. Toronto: Toronto UnivetSity Press. Whitelam, K W 1979. The just king: monarchical judicial authority in ancient Israel. Sheffield: Sheffield University Press.

Prof. P J Nel Department of Semitic Languages University of the Orange Free State POBox339 BLOEMFONTEIN 9300 SOUTH AFRICA