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c Alastair Robert Gordon

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The Authentic Punk: An Ethnographyof DiY Music Ethics by Alastair Robert Gordon A Doctoral Thesis

Submittedin partial fulfilment of the requirements for the awardof PhD of Loughborough University 18'hJanuary 2005

By Alastair Robert Gordon 2005

Abstract This thesisexamineshow selectparticipantscameto be involved in DiY punk culture, what they do in it, and how, if they do, they exit from the culture. Underpinning this will be an ethnographicexaminationof how the ethics of punk informs their views of remaining authentic and what they consider to be a sell out and betrayal of these values. I illustrate how such ethics have evolved and how they inform the daily practice of two chosenDiY punk communities in Leeds and Bradford. I show how thesecommunitiesreciprocally relate to eachother. I ask such questionsas what do the participantsget out of what is often experiencedashard work and toil, particularly where it is fraught with a seriesof dilemmasbound up in politics, ethics, identity and integrity. I offer a groundedtheory of how and what ways those involved in DiY punk authenticatethemselvesin their actions. This will demonstratehow and, more importantly, why DiY punks distinguish their ethical version of punk over and above what are taken as less favourable forms of punk. What happens if previous passionatelyheld DiY beliefs are surrendered?Severeconsequencesfollow should a participant sell out. I presentan accountof theseand suggestthat what they involve is not the clear-cut question that is sometimes assumed,either sincerely or selfrighteously. Keywords: Punk, DiY, Ethnography, Subculture, Authenticity, Ethics, Dilemma, Hardcore,Straight Edge,Commodification.

The Authentic Punk An Ethnography ofDiYMusic Ethics Acknowledgments

p.3

Introduction

p.5

ChapterOne: PunksIn Press

p. 13

ChapterTwo: The EthnographicPunk

p.46

ChapterThree: Entrance

p.66

ChapterFour: Punk Ethics

p.98

ChapterFive: Ethics in Action

p. 142

ChapterSix: GenreDistinction

p. 162

ChapterSeven:Authenticity in Action

p. 177

ChapterEight: Exit

p.227

ChapterNine: The Dilemmasof Punk

p.258

Bibliography

p.272

Appendices

p.287

Gordon PhD

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Acknowledgments First of all I would like to than my research supervisor, Mike Pickering, for his dedicatedsupport. His clear and careful guidance,steadfastbelief and patiencefrom the initial inception of the project to its final completion has beeninvaluable. Words are insufficient to describe the gratitude and appreciation I feel for the dedicated support shown to me. Thank You. I also extend thanks to LoughboroughUniversity Departmentof Social Sciencesfor the three year researchstudentshipand my fellow colleagues,David Deacon,John Downey, Dominic Wring, Mike Gane,Dennis Smith, Mick Billig, Jim McGuigan, GrahamMurdock, PeterGolding, SarahPink and all the staff in the Dept. At Nottingham Trent University, Con Lodziak for the original inspiration and support: thanks mate, and also to Chris Rojek for invaluable advice. Finally to my friend, Steven Stanley, who taught me the true art of academic snobbery. Thank you to all of the peoplewho were good friends to me through what has proved to be a difficult period of my life: you know who you all are and there are too many to mention here. Friendly insults must be however be awardedto Olly, Jim R, SeanD, Bloody Kev, Bri, Dale and PC Lee, Snedda,(Da Holmes), Kito, Paula, Ged, Nicky, Dave, Leathers, Steve Charlesworth, Coops, Beautiful Steve, Jimmy and landlady Alison. A generalthanksis also offered to all thoseinvolved in the LeedsDiY scene, Out Of Step Recordsand the Bradford 1in12 club, for making this study possible. A big thanks to the Nottingham punk scene(especially Steve, Tim and Pat), Terry for the numeroustattoosand all at Bodycraft for the hospitality when I reachedfrustrating periods of this research.To my Mother, thanksfor being you! In true punk tradition, unfriendly insults (of the two-finger variety) must, however, be have difficult for totally this to those who made me. You period people extended Gordon PhD

know who you are. Also, I give the bird to the bloke who ran into my car on the MI last March and to the Cimex lectulariuswho chosemy flat to visit during the last year of this research,gee,that certainly was a real help. Finally this work is dedicatedto my daughter,SarahGordon and also to the memories of the following people who tragically died during the course of this research. Jaz Toomer, John Paul Morrow, Ralph Hamilton, Robert Heaton, Stig (Icons of Filth), Mark (Poundaflesh)John Hepworth, and Wayne Southworth (Doom, The Devils). Rip. Also in remembranceof the following pioneers:Johnny Cash, Dee Dee, Joey and JohnnyRamone,Joe Strummerand John Peel. All of you will be sorely missed.

For thepunks,

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Introduction THIS IS A CHORD, HERE'S ANOTHER, NOW FORM A BAND! ' A ShortNote Before I Begin Sitting in the front of my father's car approachingthe ageof II on a cloudy afternoon in March 1979,1 witnesseda strangesight. Four punks were standingon the comer of the street with dyed leopard-skin haircuts, Mohawks, studded leather jackets emblazonedwith strange band names, bondage trousers and ten-hole Dr. Marten Boots. On the back of one of the punk's jackets was a detailed black-and-white painting of someoneholding a flag over their shoulder marching across a ploughed field. I had seenpunk rockers before and usedto passa Johnny Rotten clone on my way home from school, feeling mildly intimidated at the sight of him. I'd witnessed the furore of the media coverageof the Sex Pistols on the Today Show and the DayGlo displays of Never Mind the Bollocks album in the local Virgin record store. But this experiencewas different. I was mesmerised,and the painting was a complete enigma to me. What was it about? My concentrationwas broken with my father's voice, booming "look at that bunch of loutsH If you ever turn out like that I'll hang you from the nearestlamppost!" Too late, I was hooked! By late 19801 had found out what the symbol on the jacket meant through seriesof questionsto older punk peers and researchin the aisles of a local record store: the band was Crass. My friends and I ditched the Sex Pistols in favour of this strange black and white aestheticband and adoptedtheir anarchistpolitics. The hostility I subsequently received from my father at this only served to make me more determined to make more headway into the now forbidden world of punk. The austere anarchist politics on those records left me scared but the comments and the 1 Savage, (1991:281). Gordon PhD

felt I the alienation at my school and in my family. I had angerchimed with senseof no faith in the latter and Crasshelpedto supportthesefeelings making me realisethat it was acceptableto challengethe so-called unquestionablerules of the institutions that controlled our lives. Two years later I had my own band, and a much wider knowledgeof anarchistpunk music. Crassweren't acceptableto all the punks in my home town. I naively thought that all punks stood together againstsociety. I was quickly proved wrong. On my way home from school, after I had walked past the stencilled Crass graffiti ---Tight War, Not Wars', 'Destroy Power Not People' -I was faced with the following accusation: 'Crass are a bunch of middle classhippies'. This had been sprayedby the local gluesniffing, self-named Chaos Punks, who felt that Crass were a sell-out of what they consideredto be the original punk ethics of anarchy, chaos and destruction, not a vegetariancoterie intent on challenging oppression. That was far too much like the hippies for them. Such complicated and ambiguouspolitics were clearly not to the tasteof the ChaosPunksand a running seriesof rivalries continuedbetweenus during the early eighties. Nearly twenty five years later, I'm still mesmerised,not so much now by anyone's sartorial display, but rather by the dynamicsof punk practice,the quandariesraisedby various aspectsof punk values,and the accompanyingdebatesabout what, and what does not, constitute an authentic punk.

A whole life-world of DiY punk has

developedsince punk's inception. This is not unitary; there are factions and splits. There are countless bands, venues, political actions, record labels, distributors, fanzines,to name a small number of activities that are inspired by the ethic of DiY have is divisions Most there the aged all an ever-present with of us. punk and, yes, pressure,sometimesblatantly asserted,sometimesvery subtly applied, to remain true

6

to what is consideredan authenticpunk ethic. There is of course no one, fixed or but is. The that continually points us wavers compass absoluteconception of what forward. I first encounteredhostility to the anarchist ethic of DiY in 1981. Back then, to known become from being to terrain the to soon was of what a chaospunk crossover direction, in indeed the to could easily other move as peace or anarcho punk, or become dangerousto your health and social standing. Accusations of selling out had been from affiliated to, while previously would arise whatever side of punk you hostility could head your way from such youth groups as skinheads, rude boys, trendies and the mods of the mod revival of 1980, all of whom might decide to use you as a punch bag.

One of the most long-standingdilemmas of punk has been about selling out your band to a major label.

Was this the way to go, or should you stay local,

influence in free? Was that was there when your unincorporatedand any value battle Could the to the not minimal and you were preaching- or playing converted? be waged from within the music industry? But then - whence the authentic punk? Suchquestionscontinueto face any relatively successfulband who are approachedby a talent scout or promoter. The dilemma still raisesits opposedquestionsin circles of it but is health it That and optimism, punk resistance. still exists perhapsa sign of doesn't grow any easier. It continuesto split people, to causeheartachesand anger; consciencesstill go through its wringer. What follows is dedicatedto punk: the life coursethat should have fucked up my life. Instead,it set me on a path of learning as well as rebellion. This is a story about into how become absorbed punk and people punk practice and punk values, about it. disillusioned with sometimes Gordon PhD

It is not solely about punk. I feel that such

preoccupationsin punk as cultural authenticity and authenticity of identity and conduct,along with the moral and ethical dilemmaswhich the practiceof punk throws up during one's immersion in it, are of significant theoreticalvalue to cultural studies, while what can be learned from them are transferableto other social domains and other fonns of social life. In this thesis I turn the ethnographic lens on my long-standing subcultural. experienceto try and map out the everydayexperienceof reciprocal punk scenes. It has long puzzled me why I was made to feel inauthentic just becauseI hadn't purchasedthe latestpunk releaseor even knew of its existence. I grew sick and tired of this kind of aspersion,though in day-to-dayencountersit was not necessarilymade as an aspersion. The inferencecould be madein sometimesquite discreet,underhand or devious ways. But I continued to feel rather puzzled. I don't feel that I have properly got to grips with it till now. The thesis is about my journey towards a resolution of the puzzle, or at least towards something that may be consideredas approximating a resolution of some kind. It seemedthat no one else was going to supply it for me, so I decided to embark in a concerted way on a series of investigations that circulate around the quest. This draws directly on punk itself. After my own entranceinto the life-world it represents,I soon learnedthat punk had but one important ethic if you don't like something,get off your arseand changeit: do it yourself! The thesis is me doing it myself. By the way, my father never hung me from a lamppost. It is neverthelessa sourceof deepregretthat we still don't talk. I shall begin with what the presentwork is not about. It is not concernedwith the practice of playing music in bands;with punk attire and style; with the relationship of punk scenesto other musical subcultureswhether historical or otherwise; with media in in Europe; the touring with punk with scene a punk band; punk; representationsof

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internet; the and with genderand punk records; with punk recording with writing and I reserveany or all of punk; or with education and punk. ethnicity and punk; with these for future work! But they become other people's worthwhile PhD topics or researchprojects.I shall proceedwith my own. The thesis is about two adjacentsubcultural sceneswhose actions are empowered (or, as it may be, disempowered)by the DiY punk ethic. The majority of the participantswho figure in this study considerthe greatestproportion of punk music to be caughtup in and compromisedby the control of major record labels. The interests of thesemajor labels are bound up in capitalist enterpriseand driven by its economic imperatives. Their priorities jeopardisethe DiY ethic, which is concernedprimarily with freedom and accessibility.

Those who have sold out, from the Sex Pistols

onwards, have been criticised for diluting or negating such freedom and turning culture into a commodity. The focus is local, empirical and practical. I am not concerned with abstruse theoretical formulations about resistanceor freedom but with how the DiY ethic informs and guides everyday social living. That is why the principal method of the researchis ethnographic. I have availed myself of my own experience and the interaction has for this action and opportunities created studyingvarious sitesof social in order to examine how subcultural ethics shapethe discourse and conduct of its it is but leads issues The to theoretical participants. ethnographicwork and questions, not driven or determinedby them. This is important. There have not been anything like enoughclosely observedstudiesof actual youth subcultural scenes,while in the pastexplanationsof youth subcultureshavetoo often beenoverly theoretical or overly imposing issues. is The danger by theory on the theoretical of preoccupied in it fits The or cases. all of whether properly regardless recalcitrant phenomena,

9

neglect of work done on the ground, among subcultural participants themselves,has beenhuge. So far as I am aware,my thesis representsis the first broad ethnographic investigation into over twenty-five years of UK DiY punk rock. Most similar work hasbeenconductedwell away from the shoresof the UK and has not investigatedthe daily participation of its membersor sought to examine how punk ethics inform the practices of scene participants. Broadly speaking, most of the coverage of punk, whether academicor otherwise,is wide of the mark. This has actedas a catalyst for the presentwork. I have quite deliberatelyturned my back on books that celebratethe legendaryheroes of punk or those obsessedwith questions of style. Some of the clothes that are paradedin thesepublications were very much beyond the pursesof myself and my peers. This was where DiY has been so inspirational: we made our own clothes! (Well, at least someof the time.) Punk's early intentions were to reduce or abolish the gap that separatesband and audience. Academic and popular writings have since widened this gap again. I am in any case concerned more with the participant than the musician or band. The majority of work on subcultures has avoided any seriousdiscussionof ethics and how they are enactedat the level of the everyday. The general aim of my researchhas been to addressthis omission. The specific aims are as follows. Firstly, I seekto illuminate the daily practice of those involved in DiY punk scenes where their actions are motivated by ethical concerns. As an ethical matter, I do not seek to impose the theoretical doxa of previous subcultural theory onto the participants but insteadallow them to have a voice in the researchand to speakfor themselves,albeit through my mediation. Specifically, I shall articulate how select in in MY do it, involved how, if be they to and punk culture, what participantscame they do, they exit from the culture. Underpinningthis will be an examinationof how

10

the ethics of punk informs their views of remaining authenticand what they consider to be a sell out and betrayalof thesevalues. Secondly,I try to illustrate how such ethics have evolved and how they inform the daily practice of two chosenDiY punk scenesin Leedsand Bradford. I try to show how thesecommunitiesreciprocally relate to eachother. I ask suchquestionsas what do the participants get out of what is often experiencedas hard work and toil, in it is bound fraught dilemmas particularly where up politics, ethics, with a seriesof identity and integrity. Finally, I offer a groundedtheory of how and what ways those involved in DiY punk authenticatethemselvesin their actions. This will demonstratehow and, more importantly, why DiY punks distinguish their ethical version of punk over and above what are taken as less favourable forms of punk.

What happens if previous

passionatelyheld DiY beliefs are surrendered?Such actions are viewed as well nigh treasonablein certain circles of DiY punk. Severeconsequencesfollow should a participant sell out. I shall presentan account of these and suggestthat what they involve is not the clear-cut question that is sometimesassumed,either sincerely or self-righteously. The thesis will adopt the following order. Chapter one will critically introduce the popular and academic literatures on punk in addition to work on subcultures, counterculturesand related formations. I will argue why the present work is an advanceand a contribution to existing work. Chaptertwo is a critical discussionof the have in I involved It for the the study. struck a makes case why methodology methodological balance between grounded theory and descriptive ethnography in investigates in Chapter three the the the to participants research. order avoid gagging in how involved histories be life they to and came punk rock and why participants'

II

they came to prefer DiY. Chapterfour is a historical discussionof how and in what ways DiY punk ethics have evolved since its inception, and how the introduction of DiY American hardcorein the 1980schangedthe cultural landscapeof DiY punk in the UK.

It resolves itself by articulating how competing versions of punk ethics

producesubculturalconflict and seethingresentment. Chapterfive is an et1mographic account of building a studio in a Bradford anarchist venue, the IinI2, and the difficulties and rewards that arose out of this. It specifically answersthe question: what is it like to advancethe DiY ethic beyondthe previously establishedparameters of such action, commonly groupedas it is aroundbands,labels, gigs and distribution. Chapter six offers the term genre distinction together with four sub-categoriesto explain how those in DiY present and authenticatetheir experiencesas valid as against other less favourableversionsof punk. That theme is then developedthrough the ethnographiclens of my experienceof working in a Leeds punk record shop in chapter seven. This chapter also details how a seriesof competing versions of DiY punk ethics results in a number of different venues and promotional strategies between Leeds and Bradford DiY gigs. The final section of this chapter examines how the reciprocal ethical relations betweenthe DiY scenesof Leeds and Bradford inform each other through competing versions of DiY punk, cast along the lines of DiY political activism and DiY punk cultural production. Chaptereight investigates why people leavethe DiY scene. It examinesa numberof competingreasonsfor this. The final chapterturns to the ultimate authenticpunk dilemma: bandsabandoningthe DiY ethic and selling out to major music labels. This is examinedthough the views expressedby the participantsin the study and by the bandmembersthemselves. So to begin: HERE'S A WORD, HERE'S ANOTHER, NOW HERE'S THE THESIS.

Chapter 1: Punk(s) in Press

Public Service Announcement [You are listening to Radio Two] Attention please attentionplease attentionplease....attentionplease ... .... Here is a specialannouncement. Attention please Here is a specialannouncement It is with deepregret That we haveto announceto you, contrary to claims made by somemembersof the generalpublic, 2 IS DEAD PUNK that DocumentingPunk The majority of popular literature on punk rock prior to the mid-1990s was either severelywide of the mark, out of date,inaccurateor just plain wrong. Punk has been portrayed as a politically inert subculture, dead in the water by the late 1970s; a bands little by famous legend with very of subculture; constituted violent or as a interest musically beyond them. Such representationsare seriously flawed. They legacy. has had 'subculture' to to that this as a next nothing present suggest In October 2000 1 carried out an Amazon.co.uk literature searchwith the initial keyword 'punk'. The result of around 200 books was hardly interesting or inspiring.

2 Crass (2004: 275)

The overarchingline of interpretationwas of punk as a youth culture that belongedto the 1970sand 1980s. The majority of thesebooks suggestedthat new-romanticism for de the rigueur choicesof youth subculture the nation's youth and new-wavewere in what they call the post-punk-period. Where were the voices from both myself and my peerswhose life experienceof punk has occurred during the 1980sand 1990s? Subsequentgenerationsinspired by the first punks, createdextensivepolitical, subfrom largely these missing and counterculturalactivities post-1977and activities are suchaccounts. They have beenwritten out of history. All the experiences,bandsand peoplesimply did not exist, accordingto the literature. From this explorationinto the realm of popular and academicpublishing on punk, I proceededto investigatethe recentliterature available from internetbookshops. A repeatsearchof Amazon.co.uk during September2004, with the samekeyword searchrevealed418 entriesand an expandingliterature the assessmentof which in its entirety is beyond the scope of the present chapter. The literature has clearly mushroomed,but is there any improvementon the earlier work and, moreover,is it of particular contextual relevanceto my ethnographicsubjects? In what follows I will illustrate my thesisby suggestingthat a large number of thesebooks excludea central featureof punk culture, that of its day-to-dayaudienceand its day-to-dayparticipants. The chapter is set out in three sections. Firstly, I shall present a general overview of popular literature on punk rock. Secondly, the theoretical literature of subcultural research will

be critically

outlined, staking a claim for my own work as an

improvement on past and present subcultural research. Finally, I shall examine the work of what I call the punkademic: those academics who chose the punk scenes for journal from last I both books the articles and examination and analysis. shall survey

twenty-five years.

PhD GOTdon

14

The popular literature on punk is broad, ranging from instruction manualson punk and aerobics (Mancini & Jasper,2004); through cookbooks (McGuirk, 2004); punk biographies(Gray, 2001; True, 2002; McNeil & McCain, 1996; Cohen,2001 Parker, 1998;Paytress,2003); punk autobiographies(Lydon & Zimmerman, 1994;Valentine, 2002; Ramone and Kofman, 1997); punk fiction (Spreecher,1994; Hister, 2000; Sheppard,2001; King 2001); punk concert posters and artwork (Turcotte, 1999; Vaucher, 1999); to punk photo-joumals(Belsito & Davis, 1983; Connoly et al 1988; Piper, 1997; Stevenson& Stevenson,1999; Gruen, 2001; Pasanen,2001; Mitsuru. 2003). These select titles, amongst many others, cover some of the key areas of punk's self-documentation. However, with the exception of punk fiction, the everyday practice of punk is simply overlooked.

The books written on 1970spunk were one of the catalystsfor the presentresearch. The vast majority of theseconcentrateon a set period of time in either England or the US (West, 1982; Gibbs, 1995; Vale 1995,1996; McNeil & McCain, 1996) with the chief magnets of attention being The Sex Pistols (Vermorel & Vermorel, 1978; Stevenson,1978; Monk & Gutterman,1990; Savage,1991; Heylin, 1998; Burgess& Parker,1999) or The Clash (Green and Barker, 1997, Gray, 2001; Topping, 2003; Parker,2003; D' Ambrosio, 2004, Needs,2004)3. Whilst thesebooks provide minute biographical details of what are consideredtwo early, key bands,this is presentedat the cost of the wider subcultural context. Literature on the 'classic period' offers a small advancementon this position, covering bands, fashion, media, venues record labels and fanzines (Burchill & Parsons 1978; Palmer, 1981; Marcus, 1993,1994; Kelly, 1996; Gibbs, 1996; Perry, 2000; Nolan 2001, Colcgravc & Sullivan 2001).

3 There are also a number of biographiesof the other punk bandsof this period and beyond: The Jam, Willmott (2003); Siouxsie and the Banshees,Paytrees(2003); The Stranglers,Cornwell and Drury (2001) to namea small number.

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However, what this work seeksto do is reify the punk in terms of a period, a 'classic in is This fixed memorial set period or unitary mind-set. era' and accompanying bands Jubilee), (10,15,20, At the old are subsequentanniversaries stone. each of draggedback into the media spotlight and their leadersquestionedby media pundits in Kelly the involved in this be it like this view to reflects era? classic on what was introduction to his editedbook, Punk Legends: "Gosh, Uncle Danny, what did you do in the punk rock wars?" With eachpassingyear it gets harder and harder to believe that it all really happened,never mind to remember what you sawand heard,to work out what it all meant(1996:5)

To concentrateon that small number of either New York or London bands in a small spanof time, and transform them into upper-case'Legends', is to entirely miss the point. The legacyof punk seemsto have largely ignored by the writers mentioned this far.

Colegrave and Sullivan (2001) insist that punk is still required but

completely fail to recognisethat it never went away. It just left the well-lit shoresof the major recordlabels for most of the 80s (SeeGlasper,2004). They note: Most of the peoplethat helped us with this book believe that the attitude of punk is even more relevant to today's bland society than it was 25 years ago, and it is time for that movement to arise. It is possible that the current renewed interest in punk is tacit acknowledgementthat today's establishmenthas even more control over youngsters. T'his control is more sophisticatedthan in 1976, but perhapsmore effective. Kids are passiveconsumersof media and pre-packagedmusic ... The media style magazinesand the music and fashion industries have designer-labeledand "individualised" for the massesevery possible trend to ensurethere is no more DiY style or music to interfere with the seriousbusinessof cateringto the youth market. (2001:384)

From this perspectiveMY punk never happened,my subjectsDiY projects were kids. for passive exist celebrities not mentioned, only sugar-coated,sold-out media The hierarchical pop music culture that punk set about to overthrow, along with the irony have The been famc-inflated of popular punk star, overlooked. rock pompous literature is its insistenceon the culture of the punk celebrity. Such arrogantly titled books as Gibbs (1996) Destroy: The Definitive Guide to

Punk Rock, through its rhetorical use of definitive, simultaneously bars any fresh

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innovation legend the and reffies statusof the punk godfathers.Again the subcultural literatureis saddledwith the sameold spreadof classicbands. 2002 celebratedpunk's first Jubilee alongsideHRH's golden event. This passed with a number of 'safe' punk events and no significant insult aimed at HRH. The papers had altered in attitude from their alarmist 1970s scaremongeringthat establishedUK punk as a threat to the moral order. Twenty-five yearslater they were full of mostly cockle-warming, nostalgic views of the 'punk years'.

They

commemoratedwhat was consideredto be a short-lived subculture. The Guardian (28/05/02)ran an article, 'Face It Punk Was Rubbish, ignoring all the bandsthat had arisensincepunk's origins, focusing solely on actspopular during the allegedheyday of 1976-79.Mullholland, in The Independent(31/05/02), began his article 'After the Anarchy' stating 'punk is dead'. He promptly endorsedthe claim that new-wavewas the genre that had inherited punk ethics. During the actual 'jubilee' period, fresh interest was inspired in the punk 'era': much of it concentratedon John Lydon's subsequentcareerdevelopmentsover the last two decadesor predictably romanticised that era and concentratedon thosebandsand thoseimportantpeople, the pioneersand celebrities of punkl. Old interviews were reprinted with detailed inspectionsof the 'key' bands of the period. The legacy was further enshrined to the status of a historical subcultureworthy of a permanentdisplay at the London Victoria and Albert Museum. From surveying this literature you could easily be convinced that punk is actually dead. It was not until the mid-1990sthat this imbalancewas beginning to be redressed. Predictably I have not been alone in my criticisms. Slowly but surely there has been a steady set of biographies published from participants in UK's punk legacy. I shall investigate these books shortly. 4 Seethe 'punk jubilee' specialsof 2002 detailedin the bibliography.

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The exception to the amount of uselesspopular literature regarding punk and its 'jubilee' was a number of small articles hinting that there may have been somepunk dead. Dodo beyond Just the the was not possibly, punk years. subcultural activity The most notableexceptionwas Glasper(2002) in Terrorizer Magazinewho provided has He the testimonial to since written a short streetpunk and anarchopunk genres. the excellent Burning Britain that details the street-punk genre of post 1977 UK punk5. This is a detailed geographicaldiscographyand oral history of secondwave Punk bandsacrossthe UK. Presentedfrom the perspectiveof thosebandsinspired by what Glasperdescribesas the first-wave of punk, he demonstratesthe country-wide set of bands that occurred in the early 1980s. Glasper's 'second wave of punk' subjectsprovide a very telling and informative insight into the political and social strugglesagainstThatcherism,a stark contrastto the privileged statusa numberof the first wave bands had achieved (2004:8).

As most of the band members were

unemployed, anger and frustration were voiced via the inherited and inspired DiY ethic to the DiY punk record, many of which were distributed through the early independentdistribution company, Rough Trade. Glasper documentshundreds of records released in this way.

This ethic allowed numerous unemployed and

impoverishedyoung people to articulate their lives to those in similar contexts. As' one of Glasper'sintervieweesstated: The secondwave of punks were the kids who like ourselveshad missedout on punk the first time around, who were less pretensiousand proud to be punk for the youth culture side of it. The climate of the time included football terraceculture and teenagerebellion againstoutragedparents(Gritton, in Glasper:2004:8). Glasper brackets off the political aspect of punk's legacy, the anarchist inheritance

band Crass: inspirational heralded the the anarchopunk. through activities of of punk Rimbaud (1998), former drummer of the band, offered an excellent and informative '5Ilis book only dealswith the British streetpunk genre. He plans to write an anarchopunk book in a discography (2001) for Joynson See for 2005. punk and prolific an annotated also similar vein

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insight that chimes with the testimoniesand actions of the participants of this study. IndeedCrass,inspired by the actionsof the Sex Pistols and the Clash, championedthe DiY ethic through their counterculturalroots of Stonehengeand communal living in the early 1970s. Crass took the MY scene into the anarchist political realm and transformedit into street protest, non-violent direct action and animal rights action (seeGordon, 1995,McKay, 1996;c3; Unterberger,2000). As Rimbaudput it: Tom sweat-shirtshad become'de rigueur'. Safety-pinjewellery was radical chic. There was still talk of revolution, but it was from the seatsof limousines and the safety of armouredminds, empty rhetoric bouncing around the steel and glass offices of the new glitterati. Bacardi and bullshit. Well, we'd seenthrough the con. There was a whole new generationof dissentersout on the streets,and if we'd have beenwaiting for orders from generalRotten,we'd realisedthe mistake. This time we were on our own It was .... the first wave punks that had becomevelvet zippies, it was up to us to put the record straight. We weren't going to be made into another set of market-placevictims. This time we were going to make it work. (1998:76-7)

Rimbaud documentswhat was the beginning in earnestof a politicised DiY punk that began with the actions of Crass. This has a firm foothold and legacy in the actionsand practice of someof the participantsof this study. It presentsan alternative to what Rimbaud considered'bought-out' punk. I will make much of this argument throughoutthe thesis. Finally, Mudrian (2004) offers an excellent insight into the post-1984 legacy of anarcho-punkthat becameknown as Britcore. Following the now tested method of oral history, Mudrian offers an insight into the beginnings of the subgenresof grindcore and death metal; both had links to the DiY ethic and the anarcho punk critique. Perhapsthe most valuable insight that Mudrian establishes,alongside the John Peel Show, is the DiY practice of tape-tradingas central to the crystallisation 6. DiY forms formation of new and separate musical and genres and In terms of punk's American counterpart, hardcore, Mudrian also notes the in between two the mid-1980s established chiefly though tape the scenes connections 6 See bootleg for (2003) Marshall tape traders collectors account excellent and an of also

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trading and its associatedcorrespondence.Through such trades and the subsequent became influence hardcore American genre contactsmade, a related on the British punk scenefrom the early eighties onwards. There are a numberof interestingbooks written from the point of view of band members(Snowden& Leonard, 1997; Bessey et al, 1999; Azerrad, 2001; Spitz & Mullen, 2001; Sinker, 2001; Mullen et al, 2002, Keithley, 2003). They presentthe most detailed and informative contextualbackdrop to the present work. In similar terms to Glasper, Blush presentsan overview of American Hardcore from the perspectiveof the band and DiY label involved from 1980-86. A broad spectrumof US DiY hardcorepunk is consideredin depth with oral history interviews with the band members of the American hardeore scene. *Blush introducesthe DiY punk ethic, and usesthe whole geographicalspectrumof hardcorebandsand labels to illustrate the successesand frustrations of this project. He summarisesthe need for a DiY ethic in hardcorepunk. American hardcorewas predictablyout of stepwith the tastesof the early 1980sAmerican music business: Hardcorewas one of the few forms on which the major labels were unwilling or unable to capitalise.Coke snorting A&R types refusedto take the shit seriously. Bands didn't work through typical channels.With hardcoreoutfits coming from such a self-destructive underground,who were labels gonnasign? Four belligerent kids who'd most likely wind up in a mentalhospital or jail? (2001:275-6)

Unlike the UK where the majors were fighting with each other to sign up punk bandsto savea'recordindustry in decline (seeLaing, 1985),US hardcorelargely kept the major labels at bay through their perceived musical ineptitude and unmarketability until the mid 1980s. Blush takes the view that those bands appearing after 1986 are subcultural impostors,taking up the well-trodden, subcultural dualism Rimbaud's in the the original as same vein era/selling-out of authentic/inauthentic, 'first-wave' UK punks. I shall examinethis in detail in chapterfour. Blush offers his view on hardcore'scontemporaryrenaissance:

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As for the current hardcorerenaissance,I don't wanna deny the legitimacy of today's teen angst. I just feel like, "Yo, make your own fucking music! Why ape the music of my saladdays?" I can relateto thoseold Jazzor Blues catswho played back when it was all about innovation rather than formula, and who now see a bunch of complacent, umpteenthgenerationbeneficiaries claiming the forms as their own. Face it, hardcore ain't the sameanymore, it can still make powerful music, but it's an over with art form. It's relatively easy to be into now but back then it was an entirely different story. (2001:10)

Such a renaissance,for the UK, happenedaround the time Blush insists was the period when US hardcorewas over. I shall return to the imposition of endpointsand their relation to subculturalauthenticity below. A central intention of this study is to dissolve such subcultural endpointsand instead examinethe value of the experience of the participantsregardlessof whateverpunk 'golden age' they claimed they were participantsof. A shortcomingof Blush's work is his avoidanceof the secondwave of straight edgehardcore. While he considersthe first wave of this genre,its legacy remainsoverlooked. I recommendLahickey (1997) for a robust account of the late eighties positive hardcore movement detailed through the voices of the bands and recordlabels. Anderson and Jenkins (2001) provide a detailed overview of the WashingtonDC scenewith a heavy emphasison the counterculturalaspectsof DiY punk. Most of the voices stemfrom band members,along with Anderson'sautobiographicalaccountsof his experiencesand the voices of core members of the scene. Absent from the accountare the daily activities involving the daily reproduction of a DiY sceneand how this is achieved. There is a specific rhetorical purpose to this book. DiY is presentedas the authenticroute, par excellence,with no considerationof how and in what specific ways this is achieved:the everyday is left off-limits. In spite of such detailed Blush's together, this and valuable work very and provide, criticisms, hardcore. DiY US accountsof

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The literature on MY punk and hardcore is a significant improvement when set literature the stubborn, and on the 'classic' punk era. misguided, mostly elitist against The major criticism of the collective body of work thus far is its over-relianceon the musician, manager, venue, label or source close to the band as the harbingers of authenticexperience. The casualtyof all this attention is the mundaneexperienceof those not centrally involved as band members,yet performing tasks central to DiY punk's reproduction. There is little detail of the wider context: how do participants get into punk, what do they do in it and how do they leave? More importantly, there is little said of how such participantspresentthemselvesas authentic. To rectify this imbalanceand examine how and in what ways the dilemmatic authenticity of DiY punk is

is one of the centralpurposesof this thesis. lachieved

Thus far I have presenteda punk literature devoid of the everydayaccount. This is certainly not the caseas is evident in the voluminous literature of fanzinesexclusive to the punk scenes. The DiY ethic of self-expressionhas an equal foothold in the punk fanzine that has held sway as an individual form of punk expressionsince the mid 1970s(Perry 2000; Duncombe 1998; Sabin & Triggs, 2002). Assessmentof the sheer number of punk fanzines and their content is way beyond the scope of the presentwork. US titles Flipside, Maximum Rock n Roll, Heart AttaCk [sic), PunkPlanet and Hit-List; UK titles such as Raisin' Hell, Punk Shocker, Fracture and ReasonTo Believe,with the exceptionof the last listed, RTB, (which refusescolumns) all containedcolumns and letters sectionsin which expressionand points of view are articulated. Yet, such writing still brackets-off the daily experiencein a sequential limited Such provide explanatory power of the everyday worlds of columns order. DiY Punk. The intention of this work is to illuminate suchlife worlds.

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TheorisingPunk The needfor an accountof everydayDiY punk in order to situatemy subjectsin 2001 has been established. I have outlined how the majority of punk literature is inadequateand ignoresthe lives and legaciesof thosewho enteredthe various related subculturesin the 80s, 90s and 2000s. Punk has not escapedacademicscrutiny. It is my intention in this section to situate punk in the existing cultural studies literature and the first wave of subculturaltheory to establishwhy my particular work presents itself as a significant advancement. Firstly, I shall deal with theory that does not directly mention or precedespunk, yet is relevant to the aims of the presentwork as an explanatorytoo]. Secondly,I shall focus attention upon the literature of cultural studies incorporating a consideration of sub- and counterculturesand subcultural endpoints. Finally, I shall review the academicpunk literature and journal articles that specifically addressrelatedareasof punk culture that are discussedin this thesis. Totalities and Ethnographies The early locus classicuson selling-out is Adorrio and Horkheimer (1944). Their key assertionis that the artistic actions and aspirationsof artists were always already part of the capitalist culture industry. The strangleholdof capitalism spelt certain doom for all previously subversive art forms and radical spaces.Specifically, the profit motive siphons the critical essence,transforming it from subversion into a tamed commodified form. It is bought-out for the market. As a consequence,subversive culture becomesmass-produced,uniform, 'standardised'and 'pseudo individualised' (Adomo & Horkheimer, 1995: 155). The only potential form of subversionis evident in previous bourgeoisart forms that demandlevels of understandingfar beyond the forms Potentially the subversive art such as jazz are musical masses. reach of dismissed by Adorno (1941). He stated that the rhythms of jazz replicate the

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have (see Held, they to them quality no subversive system: production mechanised 1980: 99-105). Such theory has been describedas 'totalising' (Jay, 1973) and overis 1995: 18). Horkheimer's (Rojek, Adorno work enormouslysubtle, and pessimistic is broad the one of the commodification and negation of subversive argument yet space. Their thesisoverlooks discussionof any original spacesof subversiveactivity. Hebdige (1979,1988) in the fist instance argues that punk had its subversion industry in before later the the that this culture commodified codesof way suggesting have multiple meaningsand are potentially subvertedby the consumer. However, in spite of this recognition of potential subversion,there is little discussionoffered of is improvement theory this A where such spacesempirically occur. on significant offered by Bey (1985), who introduces the term Temporary Autonomous Zone (hereafterTAZ). Here spacesare identified within a commodified culture in which subversiveaction may be enacted. Bey's term is however somewhatrestrictive for the purposeof the presentwork. The term TAZ is accuratefor discussionof political protests,warehouseraves, sit ins and as I shall discussin Chapter7, front room gigs, yet the autonomousspacesI visited such as the lin12 have beenin existencefor over 20 years so it is stretchingthe definition to label them as temporary. Instead,I offer the revisedterm autonomouszone with particular referenceto subcultural spacesthat 7 industry to attempt exist outsidethe culture The cultural critic, Richard Hoggart (1957) practically continued the theoretical trajectory of Adomo & Horkheimer (1944). He was equally influenced by the work of F.R Leavis (1930) and Q.D Leavis (1932) that also containedthe conservativeview of the past which took the view of classic literature as character-buildingand popular literature as slovenly, part of low culture and unworthy of study. In his 1950sLeeds 7 O'Connor (1999,2003a)also makesthe samedistinction betweentemporaryautonomouszonesand autonomouszones.

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auto-ethnography, Hoggart's argument was that the commodification

of culture

British the working class culture of the and self-produced autonomous once reduced It is these arguments that 20thC to culture. and commodified an administered early hark back to a real and authentic past of particular interest to the present work. Such inauthentic 'golden the to tend and as present represent past' romantic views of a uncritical. The above quotation from Blush (2001) with reference to the golden age of

US hardcoreand anything beyondit as fake is an exampleof thesearguments. To present the past as authentic and aspects of the present culture as inauthentic is only one dimension of this argument. The dualism can occur along the lines of a dilemmatic authenticity within a particular epochal music scene. Becker's (1963) pioneering ethnography of marihuana users and jazz musicians is an early illustration of how this occurs. My own work is indebted to his observations relating to the concepts of authenticity and selling-out in the jazz musician culture.

Whilst jazz

musicians viewed themselves as 'hip' and 'outsiders' against the wider society, they developed their own deviant subculture with its own values and norms: Where people who engagein deviant activities have the opportunity to interact with one anotherthey are likely to develop a culture built around the problems rising out of the differences between the definition of what they do and the definition held by other membersof the society. They develop perspectiveson themselvesand their deviant activities and on their relationswith other membersof the society (1964: 81).

Outsiderswere commonly referredto by jazz musiciansas 'squares': those deemed not to understandor even comprehendthe special talents and world understandings the hipsters possessed. Somewhat confusingly, in Becker's work this term also operatedas a description of how the jazz musiciansauthenticatedthemselveswithin held Square and their subculture. musicians were equally viewed as sold-out integrity hip for the and authenticity musician's artistic undermining responsible deviant from inside tastes the culture. their through control of mainstream

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Outsidethe subcultureof the musician,the squareexertspersonalchoice over which listen in to, they turn undermining the authentic position of the concertsand music hipsters. The hip jazz musician experienceda difficult position and this 'lies in the fact that the squareis in a position to get his [sic] way: if he doesnot like the kind of lack Through does it (ibid). he hear time' to a of music played not pay a second jazz jazz the the support understandingof means of culture, square controlled musicians relied upon to survive: income through audiencerevenue. This placed pressureon the musician to play 'inauthentic' mainstreammusic to cater to the tastes of the squaresas this provides a reasonableincome for the jazz musician. Being forced to play inauthenticmusic (swing and big band), Becker argued,placedthe jazz Musician at the centre of a difficult dilemma: to 'go commercial' or to remain authentic. (ibid: 92) The lure of going commercial hinged on survival need. The freedom of expressionin jazz musicianshipoffered, for musicians and audiences,a chanceof creativity but this was compromisedthrough the needto provide revenuein order to survive. Going commercialalienatedthe jazz musician who is forced to sell out: If you want to make any moneyyou gotta' pleasethe squares. They're the onesthat pay the bills, and you gotta' play for them. A good musician can't get a fucking job. You gotta' play a bunch of shit. But what the fuck, let's face it, I want to live good. I want to make somemoney; I want a car, you know how long canyou fight it? (ibid: 92) This compromise,

Becker argues, results in some musicians refusing any contact

with the squaresand attemptingto remain authentic at all costs. From this position they were able to aim political commentat wider society and its squareculture. One like 'If titles Boys, American XAvenue totally the song group, rejected society with (ibid: 98) and Ways You Ass' Can Kiss My Fucking Queer Don't My Like you describes Becker Likewise (ibid). 'extreme social a and attitudes' artistic adopted Chicago. Street in North Clark the area of a musicians of of similar political section

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statementthat reminds one of anarcho punk, this group of musicians attemptedto disconnectfrom the commercialworld of swing and American culture: They were unremittingly critical of both businessand labour, disillusioned with the economic structure, and cynical about the political processand contemporarypolitical American Religion popular and as were completely, and marriage were rejected parties. seriousculture, and their reading was confined solely to the more esotericavantegarde writers and philosophers(ibid).

However, it was increasingly difficult to maintain such attitudes and remain a musician. Becker observed that cliques began to congeal where networks of professional musicians located work for each other as they gradually sold-out. Adorno and Horkheimer's argumentis upheld: the wide systemicpressureto survive places the jazz musician in a compromisedposition. Musicians who attemptedto due family to the immediate from remain authenticexperiencedpressure and poverty lack of musical employmentand subsequentincome: The man who choosesto ignore commercial pressuresfinds himself effectively barred from moving up to jobs of greater prestige and income, and from membershipin those cliqueswhich would provide him with the security and the opportunity for such mobility. Few men are willing or able to take such an extremeposition; most compromiseto some degree(ibid: I 11).

From this position Becker was able to neatly articulatehow and in what specific ways the authenticity of jazz culture and authenticity was undermined by commercial pressure.

Beckers' ethnographic account of jazz musicians representssignificant historical antecedentsto punk and hardeoreDiY cultural production and reflects a number of concerns of the present work.

There are two key similarities. Firstly, Becker

highlighted an early awareness of the need to retain authenticity and of the the face 'selling in dilemmas the with social Pressure, of of out' consequencesand in focus issues I burnout burnout: on shall and selling out are resultantconsequenceof chaptereight and nine.

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Secondly, he illuminated how critique and creativity clustered around the identification of authenticity, although the examplescited above demonstratehow difficult it was to continue such a position against the mainstreamwhen the latter firmly held the pursestrings of survival: the well-paid gig. Perhapsthe most important critical connectionbetweenBecker'sjazz musiciansand my own work on UK DiY punk scenesis the effort to create free spacein which implicit critique of the culture industry and its efforts at catering for massculture can be achieved. Becker's dissection of the dilemmas of the authentic jazz musician struggling in the face of external pressuresremainsa key sourceof reference. Aside from the wider historical settings, the point of departureis that DiY punk raises a sustainedand vehementattack on the culture industry through both political action and musical/aestheticstatements. TheBCCCS.,Subculturesand Countercultures From the early 1960s, under the guidance of Hoggart and Hall, the Birmingham Centrefor ContemporaryCultural Studies(hereafterBCCCS) shaped a new academic discipline geared towards the detailed study of power relations, commodities, aestheticsand the daily practices of everyday culture (During, 1993; Storey, 2003). From the 1970s onwards the Centre shifted focus to the study and explanation of youth subcultures,producingtwo key studiesof direct relevanceto this thesis (Clarke & Jefferson, 1978; Hebdige, 1979). Clarke and Jeffersonpresentedan edited reader basedaround the Centre's theoretical subcultural model. Overall, a Marxist classbasedexplanation, informed by the writings of Gramsci (1973) and the concept of hegemony,attemptedto explain why youth subculturesexist. Here the authorsnote: Gramsciusedthe term 'hegemony' to refer to the momentwhen a ruling classis able, not only to coercea subordinateclassto conform to its interests,but to exert a 'hegemony' or ,total social authority' over subordinateclasses. This involves the exerciseof a special

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kind of power - the power to frame alternativesand contain opportunities, to win and shapeconsent,so that the granting of legitimacy to the dominant classesnot only appears to be 'spontaneous'but natural and normal (1976:38).

According to the authors,the arrival of subcultureswas a result of post World War Two affluence,consensusand embourgeoisement.Brake (1985) developedCohen's (1955) work on deviant subculturesby suggestingthat they are a meansof collective problem-solving: Subculturesarise (then) as attemptsto solve certain problems in the social structures, which are createdby contradictionsin the larger societies(Brake, 1985:36).

The various solutions subcultures took towards wider systemic problems were dependentupon how and in what specific ways such individuals negotiatedtheir class position in relation to other dominant or subordinategroups and could divide in three separatenon-mutually exclusive ways: sub, counter or deviant. Punk rock can be describedas the deviant subculturepar excellence. From a BCCCS perspectivesuband counterculturesarise out of the collective efforts of youth groups to actively provide an alternative identity to the dominant culture.

VAfile youth may

predominate,neither sub- nor counterculturesare the preserveof youth. Non-youth activities in this respect tended to be played down or ignored, though how the relatively elasticcategoryof youth is defined is notoriously difficult. A more significant criticism is that the BCCCS together with the literature on suband countercultureswere too theory-driven. With the exceptionof Willis (1978), the study of youth subcultureshas beena theoretically driven practice with assumptions madeon behalf of the participants. Their personalvoices were subdued,if not gagged in the research. Though theoretical approachesare of value in broad explanatory terms, they offer little opportunity for examining and understandingthe detailed nuancesand subtleties of everyday subcultural life. It appearsthat subculturalists during the 1970swere understoodthrough a seriesof theoretical understandingsthat

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revealedmore of the researcherthan the subculturalist. Many valuable ethnographic during decade this overlooked were and subsequentlylost. Theoretical opportunities models held sway as an explanatory tool of subculturesuntil the mid-1990s when ethnographicwork very much in the tradition of Willis (1977,1978) inaugurateda fresh set of subcultural studies. I will say more regarding how ethnography is a markedimprovementon abstracttheory in the following chapter. A clear exampleof a theory-preoccupiedhermeneuticis Hebdige(1979), one of the fledgling works on punk rock. For Hebdige, the control of the punk subculturewas enactedin two specific ways. Firstly, in a similar vein to Cohen's (1980) work on moral panics, punk is controlled through denigration in the mass media (the ideological form) or through buying it out (the commodity forrn) in an Adornoesque manner so to managecontrol and negate subversive qualities (1979: 92-9). From Hebdige's point of view, it appearsall too easyto negatea subculture. This portrays subculturalists as willing participants in their own fate. The present study will advancethis position by assertingthat DiY punk constitutesitself in opposition both to ideological and commodity forms. As I shall discuss at length the reaction and responsefrom those who claim to be authentic DiY punk and hardcore cultures has been one of self-exclusion from the culture industry; the identity of the latter is constitutedthrough such abstinence. In short, there is a deep-seatedcommitment to remain at an underground level where the term scene is more appropriate than subculture as both a general and specific descriptor that encompassesparticipants activities, an issueI will return to shortly. The theoretical terms subculture and counterculture are, simultaneously, ideological and rhetorical

and are useful as broad explanations of why punk occurred.

Subculturesas defined by the BCCCS are working class and chiefly concernedwith

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such issuesas clothing style and establishinga separatesubcultural.group identity and directly have little in issues. Looking only at to they terms say of political aesthetic: how peopleappearratherthan also at what they actually do is obviously limited. Alternatively, countercultureswere describedin middle-classterms and through the BCCCS as magical in its approach to problem-solving (Muggleton, 2000). To offer

an equally neat definition, a countercultureis political as it proactively challenges what it views as structures of oppression. Countercultures present a utopian, revolutionary dream of replacing such structureswith a new society or alternative formation geared towards human emancipation and freedom. The legacy of the actions of the 1960s counterculturefeed directly on into the anarcho punks of the 1980s in their fight against the Cold War arms race and animal exploitation (Rimbaud, 1998). As I shall discussbelow in relation to subculturalendpoints,and in chapter four, such historical goals inform both the ethics and practice of anarcho punk. While in many ways this definition seemsappropriate,it tends to play down cross-classtrafficking and, by emphasisingits idealistic utopian aspirations,neglects the extent of more mundane practical achievements. Counterculture is clearly a slippery term that needs careful framing and contextualisation.

Notions of

counterculture instantly conjure up images of beat culture, student protest and disharmonyduring the late-1960s. There is a large body of literature that attemptsto document and explain the main elementsof this cultural moment (see e.g. Nuthall I/ 1968; Roszak 1970; Douglas 1973; Musgrove, 1974; Foss and Larkin 1976; Eco 2000; Leech 1973). The most suitable working definition of this term is drawn from

Musgrove (1973) who definescounterculturethus: On the ideological level, a countercultureis a set of beliefs which radically reject the dominant culture of a societyand prescribea sectarianalternative. (1973: 9)

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DiY cultural production fits with the above definition through its attempt to reject the dominant forms of entertainmentand instead provide an alternative space to in a critical, political stance which authenticitycanbe maintained. produce In terms of present-daycountercultures,contemporary literature focuses on the visible elements of DiY culture such as road protesters, eco-activism and anticapitalist/globalisationactions in addition to couching these in either rave culture or New Age travelling (Mckay, 1996,1998; Bircham & Charlton, 2001; One Off Press, 2001; Hetherington, 2000). This literature, with the exception of its coverageof Crass,has screenedout DiY punk events of the last two decadesfrom its selective history. Though this has been rectified somewhatthrough the surfacing of insider punk literature during the last decade,as discussedabove, academiccountercultural accountspresentthe cultural legacyof punk rock as more or lessbarren. Where counterculturehas beensubjectedto academicscrutiny, GeorgeMcKay is at the helm. DiY Culture: Notes Towards an Intro (1998) is one of the first and most important academic discussionsof the concept of UK DiY culture. Whilst well roundedin its historical scope,the main problem with this text follows McKay's own admissionthat his attemptat chartingDiY culture is 'too neat' (1998:2). Any account of such culture will have significant omissionsto it. Where Mckay succumbsto his own criticisms is his wholesale avoidance of punk DiY cultural production. DiY Culture producessound historical coverageof the early antecedentsof 80s and 90s protest and hippie culture, yet overlooks punk and hardcoreDiY cultural production: it is awarded the blanket term, 'underground culture'8. The general narrative is a 8 This

use of a this conceptual term 'underground culture' by McKay (1998) is indicative of the general lack of uniform conceptual clarity within subcultural and popular music studies. Ilere are currently a imprecise from the terms use of underground culture, resistance culture, ranging of plethora community, subculture, scene and tribe etc. as general descriptors of these groups. This presents a blurring the of explanatory boundaries that are on the whole, empirically and conceptual confusion

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firmly located in form New Age UK DiY the political practical, of of culture reading Travelling, direct action, eco-activism, squatting,road protest and undergroundrave in key his is This through the activists edited volume. of writings cultures. supported McKay has little time for discussionof the UK's DiY hardcore and punk networks that voice very similar concerns and sympathiesand also raise their own political issues and campaigns. By drawing on Stephen Duncombe's (1997) critique of political activism as cultural production, McKay unwittingly throws the baby out with the bathwater. Duncombe's argument is that zine and underground culture is a catharsis,redirectingpolitical energiesinto safeforms: In my darker moments-I think that Zines and undergroundculture are not supposedto changeanything. Maybe for all their ranting about subverting this and overthrowing that, zines aremerely a form of political catharsis,and undergroundculture is meantonly to be a rebellioushaven in a heartlessworld. One of the cultural attributes of a cultural spacelike the undergroundis that it allows its participantsto engagein a critique of mass society and to construct alternative models of creation, communicationand community. But what happensif all this soundand fury stayssafely within the confinesof the cultural world? What then doesit signify? (1997:190)

He then proceeds to note: But since all of this [DiY cultural production] happenson a purely cultural plane. It has little real effect on the causesof alienation in the greatersociety. In fact, one could argue that undergroundculture sublimatesangerthat otherwisemight be expressedin political action (ibid). McKay

proceeds to note that this is a misreading

of DiY

culture,

arguing that

today's British DiY activists 'are more likely to be voiced by invading [industrial polluters] offices and disrupting work, trashing the computersand throwing files out of the windows' (1998: 5, italics mine). This may well be the case,but McKay and Duncombehave unnecessarilyseparatedDiY cultural production and DiY political activism. To portray the two worlds as separatereducesthe scope of any work on DiY as they mutually coexist within certain genresof punk and hardcore. McKay's See Hesmondhalgh (2005) for the an astute,critical accountof such mark. of and wide unverified conceptualdivergences.'Me presentwork conceptuallyusesthe term subcultureas an overarching, (including descriptor cultures all punk sub-genres,membersand associateactivities) music of general interpretations in by local terms the study 'scene' vernacular of subculture as the used various as and See 34,43 below. & 227-8 interviewees pp. author. and participants,

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argumentis that the free parties and rave eventsattendedby subculturalistsinvolved in DiY activism are the real and only, authenticUK DiY cultural production worthy of attention. This is only half of the picture. As I suggestin this thesis,DiY punk and hardcoreat times operatewithin the samecultural spaceand sharecommon political ground with direct action countercultures. In his earlier work, McKay (1996) introducesthe work of Crass,yet fails to trace the influence and legacy of that band into contemporaryDiY cultural production. Such an error, whilst introducing a silent endpointinto his work for DiY punk, servesas a convenientdistraction from the punk legacy that has come to fruition in the UK.

Overall, it seems that McKay has

inadvertentlyoverusedthe term countercultureas an explanatorytool. By hinting that DiY underground culture is a politically inert subculture, a safety valve and a carnivalesque sideshow distracting from the real, authentic business of halting capitalism's apocalypticprogress,McKay has inadvertently ignored the legacyof DiY UK punk. I have identified gaps, weaknessesand flaws in the literature. As I suggested earlier, the definitions of sub- and countercultureare inadequatefor the task as they are couched in a class-basedtheoretical imperialism.

The broad assertion that

subcultures are style-orientated and countercultures are motivated by political concernsis too stark, exclusive,and restrictive for the work presentedhere. For this I adopt subcultureonly as a wide, descriptivedevice. It is not employedin the present work for ideological and rhetorical effect and servesthe conceptualpurpose in what follows as a generaldescriptor of the plurality of punk culturescurrently in existence. The term scene, as used by the author, participants and interviewees, is used to describe the various interpretationsof punk throughout this thesis, a point I shall Secondly, is inadequate contemporary to countercultures work on shortly. return

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because,with the notable exception of Crass,it has overlookedthe post-1977 sphere of DiY cultural production. The presentwork will fill this gap. SubculturalEndpoints Popular culture and academicliterature frequently use subcultural endpoints:that is, subculturalsell-by dates. The classic endpoint discussedabove is 'Punk-79' and the somewhatharshermessage:'punk is dead' (or has been 'dead' since 1979). Such deviceseither rhetorically permit the new, fresh, commodified subculture,oiling the wheels of fresh culture industry product, or neatly box it in as an easily-controlled, authentic historical document. This is problematic. Where does DiY culture start, never mind end? Pearson(1983) has disputed claims (such as those of the BCCCS above)that youth subcultureswere chiefly post-war phenomena. Similar correctives have been made concerning the phenomenaof moral panics. By establishing that deviant subcultureswere visible in terms of distinct style and identity on the streetsof London in the late 19thcentury, together with associatedmoral panics over street muggings,the ideal of both subculturalbeginningsand endpointshasbeeneffectively challenged. Endpointshavebeenusedacrossthe literature as a methodof closure,of bracketingoff subculturalactivities beyondthesedates. Here are a numberof innocent examples of this practicein the literatureon the counterculture.Glasper(2004) placesUK street punk between 1980-4;Blush locatesUS hardcore from 1979-86. Mudrian (2004) is one of two exceptionsto this in that he provides a constantnarrative that denies an endpoint.

Those who employ and stand by subcultural. endpoints risk the

embarrassingprospect of a return or reappearanceof that culture.

Clark (in

Muggleton & Weinsierl, 2003) is also suspiciousof endpointsand clearly echoesthe its death' faked 'punk that to own the stating work avoid the present of concerns Gordon PhD

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incessantcommodification of the culture industry. The author also outlines in the broadestof terms the legacy of DiY and political actions enactedunder the punk banner since the first punk obituaries were written. As I have argued elsewhere (1995), endpointsas a continual feature of writings on subculturesplace an implicit restriction on future commentaries. The most salient work cited by myself and McKay is ElizabethNelson's (1989) study of the undergroundcounterculturalpressin England. Nelson is one of the key producersof the thesisthat the counterculturehad failed in its aims by the beginning of the early 1970s. Indeed throughout this work one is constantly reminded of this 'fact' as she keenly commits her version of the failed countercultureto a chapterof history. In the closing statementsof her book she notes: The counterculturemay be 'part of history' but it may somedayinspire and guide an more successfulwave of Anarchist refusal.(1989:143)

This is misguided and plain wrong. It both ignores and denies the rich counterculturallegacy beyond 1973 (though she is wary of the totality of her initial statement). McKay goes to great lengths to demonstratethat such a decline was definitely not the case.He mapsthe keen counterculturallegacy and its continuities in the UK, outlining on his way free festivals, Albion fairs, New Age Travellers, Crass, rave cultures,direct action cultures,eco warriors and road protestors(I 996:i). Nelson is clearly guilty of a short-sightedand restricted view of countercultural activity and practice. However, as I have noted above, McKay also concentrateshis work on political forms of counterculturethat embracedirect action and lifestyle politics. In spite of his fairly comprehensivechapter on Crass, there is no hint of how their action'sinspired others to embark upon similar projects. The anarchist lin 12 club scenediscussedin the presentwork is a highly pertinent example of such projects.

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Crassthemselvesplaced an endpoint of 1984 on their activities. This was the year they ceasedto exist asa band,but it did not representthe endpoint of all endpoints. The subeulturalendpoint is an event I dispensewith in the present work. It is certainly myopic to assumethat a genre,practice,sceneor tradition will not resurface in one form or another. The endpoint also servesthe discourseof the authenticpunk. Authentic punks present themselves as such by hailing their own subcultural. experienceascentralto a scene. Thosesubcultural.activities which occur beyond 'the original' are deemedto be inauthentic. I shall considersuch issuesin depth in chapter six. Post Subcultures? The theoretical imperialism and ethnographic poverty of the early work on subcultureshasbeenredressedover the pastdecade. In tandemwith the oral histories of punk I reviewed above, a body of literature has emergeddetailing the quotidian activities of subculturalscenegroupings. Spacerestricts detailed discussionof these works although taken together this body of literature offers a substantialrevision to the BCCCS and subsequentwork. The catalyst for this revision was the explosion of rave culture around 1987 which heraldednew academicinterest in subculturalactivities (Redhead,1990,1993,1997; Russell, 1991;Thornton 1995). The most interesting tangent to the presentstudy is Thornton's work ethnographicwork on clubcultures. Through the introduction of Bourdieu in her ethnographic methodology, she argues that those involved in clubculturehaveto keep pacewith the latestdancereleasesand associate'cool' genre terms in order to remain 'hip' (1995:115). 1have much to say in relation to how punk do to the authentic cultural apparatus putatively and amass so. participants remain

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The point of departurebetweenThornton's work and my own is one that I will pay more attentionto when I discusshow the use of sceneknowledgeis displayedboth in the entrance to, and the practice of, DiY punk.

Beyond rave culture, post-

subculturalistresearchhas concentratedon New Age travellers (Hetherington,2000); bikers, (McDonald-Walker,2000); and Goths, (Hodkinson,2002). Hodkinson's work on goth subculture displays certain tangentswith the present study. Primarily his study is yet another testimony to the plurality of subculturesoccurring within the broad umbrella of punk from the 1980sonwards and provides support of my use of the term subculture as a general descriptor of a plurality of scenes. Through his insider statusethnographicstudy, Hodkinsondemonstratedwhat it is to be involved in the goth subculturecommunicatesboth locally and beyond (Hannerz, 1993). There is also some discussion of the insider and outsider and this is the point of departure. Hodkinson's interest lies in the styles of the genres as expressedin clothing and musical style and how these are enactedwithin the different goth scenelocalities of the UK. He has little discussionof the specific ways goth scenesuse genresto present themselvesas authenticcore memberswithin their culture. Overall, post-subcultural writers have presented a set of studies that, whilst ethnographicallydriven, hark back to the old, familiar issue of clothing and genre style. Earlier I noted that Hebdige (1979) produced one of the first academic explanationsof punk rock. He made much of the stylistic 'bricolage' (see LeviStrauss,1962) the early punks displayed in the late seventiesthrough their 'cut and paste' dresstechniques. He commentateson the useof the bin liner and the dog collar as being blessed with fresh subversive meaning by the punks (1979:107). This encouragedearly commentaryto become overly concernedthe politics of style in from 1970s divorced the the underlying ethics of punks within an and actions ways

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economicand political context. Twenty one years later Muggleton (2000,2003) has convincingly set the scenefor a group of writers operatingunder the broad term of post-subculturaltheory that contestsuch modernisttheoristsas Hebdige. This theory operatesin tandemwith the postmodemtheoretical concernsof the 1980sand 1990s, between barriers and within with a consequentemphasison a collapse of stylistic The distinctive All lines have (apparently) the overyouth subcultures. evaporated. determinist modernist explanations of the BCCCS that operated with these distinctions are therefore redundant. Or are they? In his concluding chapter, Muggleton (2000) seesa modernistelementresidual in subculturalstyle. The post-subculturalists' over-concentration on style is in keeping with postmodernistaccountsof freedomand autonom . Their accountsare surface-based. What all of the above studiesoverlook is a consistentand coherentset of subcultural ethics. Whilst post-subculturalistscelebratestyle, this is couchedin an administered culture under the control of Adorno and Horkheimer's (1944) culture industry. My own study pays virtually no attention to the examination of clothing style, instead examining how DiY punks create a moral alternative to monopoly control over culture in their autonomouszonesand attemptto reproduceand advanceit on a daily basis. From a DiY punk perspectiveto remain outside of the culture industry is to remain authentic. It has, from the point of view of the people interviewed for this book, very little to do with their trouserstyle and much more to do with their ethical philosophy. Whilst I wholly supportthe return of the ethnographicmethodto study subculturesin responseto theoreticalover-determinism,I feel that both the methodsof the BCCCS

9 There has also been a poststructuralistinvestigation into style and authenticity that proves to be as frustrating asthe over-theorisationof the BCCCS. SeeWiddicombe and Woofitt (1990,1995).

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and the postmodernistpostsubculturalistsare of limited value in relation to the present work. I want to neither to draw heavily upon theory as an explanatory tool, nor to indulge in hermeneuticallyflamboyant explanationsof style. I want insteadto offer a groundedtheory approachto the ways in which DIY punk reproducesitself within an ethical framework. ThePunkademic Lovatt and Purkiss(1996) observeda shift in the agesof those academicswho choose to study subcultures (Muggleton, 2000: 4).

These academicswere younger and

already involved in the subculturesthey wished to study. Many of these writers simply did not agree with the existing subcultural literature. As I noted in the introduction to this chapter,this is exactly the scenariothat inspired the presentwork. The 'ill fit' betweentheory and practice is being addressedby insiders. Muggleton states: T'his situation is producing a new cohort of academic taste makers for whom the deficienciesof establishedtheories are Rely to be thrown into sharp relief by their own personalexperiencesas,say, punks or clubbcrs.(200:4)

At the WolverhamptonUniversity 'No Future' conferenceSeptember2001, on the 25'h anniversary of the Sex Pistols gig at the London Hundred Club, I gave a paper on DiY punk. The term banded around the conference to describe the delegates was 'punkademic. ' The recent glut in academic literature on punk, I suspect, is due in part to the scenario that Muggleton et al illuminate.

Let us put this term to work and

examine some punkademic literature. In tandem with the popular punk literature, the equal expansion in academic punk literature and journal articles produced by punks or those who claim to be ex-punks, has expanded from the mid-1980s onwards and deals with a variety of issues that usually reflect the academic's own subcultural experiences.

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discussionof theseworks but the broad frameworksare as follows. Topics of concern to punkadernicsare: the origins and meaning of punk and its genres(Laing, 1985; Home; 1995); social class and rhetoric (Simonelli, 2002); punk and censorship (Kennedy, 1990); punk and literature (Sabin, 1999); American hardcore and style (Willis, 1993); postmodern theory and punk (Davies (1996); and hardcore punk dancing(Tsitsos,1999). The key punkadernicsdirectly relevant to this thesis are O'Hara (1995); Leblanc (2001); and O'Connor (1999,2002a, 2002b, 2003a) in addition to some of the The In below. for done discussion I ethnographicwork on punk culture reserve Philosophy of Punk: More Than Noise, O'Hara offers a passionateand informative overview of the US punk and hardcorescenesfrom the mid-80s onwardswhilst also presentinga basic insight into the world of American DiY punk. Insider insights are provided into the ethical philosophy of the scenea term I shall deal with shortly. The majority of this work is either derived form interviews performed by the author or from various fanzinesof that period. What O'Hara's work does specifically is serve as a testimonyto the long-overlookedlegacyof DiY punk. Where he tendsto falter is though a fixed definition of the ethical framework. His study lacks ethnographic depth,short of his membershipin a punk scenebut is useful in tandemwith the titles I mentionedabove. He is descriptiveof the ethics of punk yet fails to accountfor how they function in participant terms, how they used to castigatecertain punks as 'sellouts' whilst reflexively presentingthe accuseras 'authentic'. This is the dimension irony in implicit have is I far described. from There thus that the absent an works DiY in detailed to to that context examination a critical order supply punk requires in five. I this of chapter say more shall punk rock.

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Throughan ethnographicstudy of punk girls Leblanc (2001) presentsa valuableand astute picture of a male-dominated subculture, stating that on average males outnumberfemalesthree to two (2001:107). In terms of ethics and ethnography,her study has many features in common with the present work in that there are biographicalaccountsof how the authorcameto be a punk and how the ethicsbecame a source of liberation and empowerment. My own work advanceshers in ethical terms by offering an examinationof how a young personbecomesa knowing ethical practitioner of punk valuesand how theseeventuallytransposethem into an authentic, coremember. The theme of entrancein a punk sceneis also mentioned in an earlier study by Baron (1989) in an ethnographicstudy of Canadianstreetpunks. Itutilises an eclectic mix of quantitative methods, BCCCS subcultural work and grounded theory, yet offers a rather clumsy mix in which its findings, far from a groundedtheory, present little advance on the existing BCCCS conclusions of subculturalists as 'magical' problem-solvers.(1989: 311). Where the work is of value is in its suggestionsfor more ethnographicwork in punk and hardcorescenesand also that it illuminates the work beyond the band member and towards the sceneparticipant. The most central value was how political issues were read through their punk ethics, although the squeezing of his subjects into quantitative social class categories diluted the ethnographicnuancesof what the punks actually did on a daily basis. The temporal structureof the working day is largely absentfrom all of the literature. Nothing has beenwritten about what constitutesdaytime activity for DiY punks. I hopeto redress this balancewith an examinationof the daily practice of DiY and its consequences on four. in chapter subculturalmembership

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A numberof articles have beenwritten about American hardcoreand politics. Goldthorpe (1992) made some interesting links betweenUK anarchopunk and US hardcoreand protest cultures,yet offered little ethnographicdetail and succumbedto the classic pitfall of exclusively discussing bands and band activity. A significant advanceon this is O'Connor's work on the punk Canadianand Mexican punk scenes (1999,2002a, 2002b, 2003a). Through his ethnographicwork (1999,2002b) on the Canadianautonomouscentre 'Whos Emma', O'Connor's comesclosestto my own in this study. Among other things, he tracesthe securing and developmentof a punk venueand cafe spacein Toronto during the 1990s.This is very similar to my work at the Bradford lin12 club. However, his study lacks the ethnographic detail of a groundedtheory. O'Connor offers little in the way of a transferabletheory that could be used to make comparative observations and statements. His work is either descriptiveof the centre as a whole or enwrappedin a theoretical gloss that obscures any detailed analysisof how the ethics of DiY punk are utilised to createthis space. Elsewhere,O'Connor (2002a,2002b) has producedvaluable, broad discussionof the geographicalconnectionsbetweenthe American DiY hardcorescenes,yet again there is little detail of how the ethics and the participants of DiY produce such a scenein the first instance. For O'Connor, they appearto have arrived out of thin air, straight off the backs of the original punks. Yet this is not to dismiss this work completely. O'Connor (2002b) equally offers an extremely valuable insight into how the participants of punk use the terms 'scene' as a descriptor of their own world. Here O'Connor is explicit: When punks use the term 'scene' they meanthe active Creationof infrastructure to support punk bandsand other forms of creative activity. This meansfinding for living developing building to supportive a audience, strategies play, places cheaply,sharedpunk houses,and suchlike (2002b: 226).

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Somewhat paradoxically, following from my criticisms, the lack of specific ethnographicdetail in O'Connor's work allows the transfer of the term 'scene' to the local punk communities of Leeds and Bradford featured in this work. The term 4scene'asusedin the presentwork has a heavy debt to O'Connor (2002b) who states: 'The term 'scene' is usedhere in the sameway it is usedwithin the punk scene'.The interviewees to the alike applies my own and same work, with author, participants daily lexical their this terms the to the of as using main placed embodiment reference interactionswith the punk community (2002b: 225). 1 shall return to the conceptual issueof scenein chaptereight. Of equal value and describedin much clearer ethnographicdetail is O'Connor's work on Mexican punk (2003a & b; seealso Sorrendeguy,2001). Here the ethics of equality and discussion are illuminated in public spacesduring anti-globalization protests. Through the application of Bourdieu to his participant observationdata, he effectively capturesthe essenceof what I spoke of above: the connection between DiY political activism and DiY cultural production. His article clearly describeshow thesetwo modesof activity mutually co-exist. The main problem with it is that there is a habitus, a disposition accountedfor, yet again, this habitus appearslike magic, a shapingand shapedpresencethat ariseswithout a trace; with little evidencegleaned that would enableus to seehow the entranceprocessto punk DiY could have helped to produce the subcultural disposition in question.

The detailed description,

production, creation and application of punk ethics, along with their generationand reproduction,is the clear aim of this study. I leave the most glaring gap in the subcultural and punkademic literature until last. All of the previous ethnographic work on punk subculture has been done outside the

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UK'O. There has been no academicethnographicwork done on the legacy of DiY punk in England. This is a huge hole in the literature that the present work is designed,at least partly, to fill. I hope that the illumination of how and why punk ethics in its daily practices will move the existing literature more securelyinto new areas. This will be done through ethnographicmethodologyand groundedtheory, the subjectof the next chapter.

" The other significant examples of work done on contemporary musical subcultures are Finnegan (1989) writing on local music cultures; Cohen, (1991) on Liverpool bands signing to major labels; Bennett (1999) on hip hop culture in the North East.

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Chapter Two: The Ethnographic Punk

Introduction In the previous chapter I showedthat theoretical models of subcultures,whilst they I in the the scenes. terms, punk actual view of cloud are of generalvalue abstract demonstratedhow the postmodern backdrop to the postsubculturalistresearchhas local how in scene of resulted an over-concentrationon subculturalstyle and a neglect ethics inform day-to-daypractice. In order to make good this neglect,we needwork depends is That centrally on own work of closeobservationand engagement. why my for I the In the use of ethnographic methodology. this chapter shall present case conductingthe researchin this way. One of the chief sourcesof inspiration for my researchwere the ethnographiesof the Chicago School, following the 1920s gang researchof Thrasher (1927) through the work of Cressey (1932) and White (1943) that offer a previous subcultural conceptionof everyday practice without becoming obsessedwith issuesof clothing style as a form of expression. The most significant study in developingand advancing the previous Chicago work, as I pointed out in the previous chapter, was Becker's (1964) research on jazz musicians and the ethics/practice relation in musicians subcultures:the desireto remain authenticin their identity as musicians,precisely in order to retain a senseof artistic integrity, is clearly conveyed in this work. While Becker presentsno clear discussionof ethnographicresearchin this work, it is clear this is his chosenmethod. My own fieldwork took place in the Leeds and Bradford DiY punk scenesduring 2001, with one of the principle differences from Becker's work being that the

detailed In to understanding a gain of study. order object a central were not musicians

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locatedwithin the perspectiveof the lay participant, I selectedthe following research methods: semi-structured interviews, focus groups, participant observation and participant diaries. The methodswere selectedboth for their potential to allow the participantsto articulate their questionsand for the researcherto remain focused on the chosenaspectsof the scene. While there are problems regarding the qualitative and subjective epistemology of ethnographic method, to adopt poststructuralist methods such as critical discourse analysis (Billig, 1992) would have reduced the study to an inspectionof talk read through theoretical considerationsof ideology and power.

Likewise, conversation analysis in relation to subcultural authenticity

(Widdicombe and Wooffit, 1990,1995) would have further narrowedthe scopeof the research.There is value in suchwork, but I wanted my parametersto be broader. By concentratingon minute selectionsof detailed subcultural talk the wider context can easily slip from view. I wanted an approachthat allows tangential theoretical points to be madewhen and wherethey are suitable. I required a methodologicalframework that would accommodateappropriatereferenceto the social, cultural and historical contexts of the subcultural scenesbeing studied. At the other end of the spectrum from fine-grained forms of discourse and conversation analysis, quantitative methodologies, social surveys and fixed-response questionnaireswould have not producedthe close detail of either the daily lives of the participantsor the subcultural ethics governingor structuringtheir behavioursand practices. Grounded Theory and Descriptive Ethnography In light of the problems outlined in the previous chapter, the work of Glaser and Strauss (1967) was chosen as the principle methodological approach because of its inductive epistemological concern in allowing

the creation of large bodies of

interviews, field work journals and participant diaries to generate a theory grounded in

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the lived world of study participants. Hopefully, sucha theory will have comparative value in its transferabilityto similar avenuesof investigationand beyond. Straussand Corbin (1990) offer a clear definition of groundedtheory: A grounded theory is one that is inductively derived from the study of the phenomenon it represents. That is, it is discovered, developed, and professionally verified through systematicdata collection and analysis of data pertaining to that phenomenon. Tberefore, data collection, analysis and theory stand in reciprocal relationship with each other. One does not begin with a theory then prove it. Rather one begins with an area of study and what is relevantto that areais allowed to emerge(1990:23)

This work is the most accuratemethod of surveying and surnmarisingthe complex life- worlds of MY punk. It provides a meansnot only of generatingdata but also of analysingit. Its chief strengthlies in the ability of the researcherto mix observation with interview and then to produce a theoretical explanation from which to advance the existing corpusof subculturalknowledge. My reservations with grounded theory as a method were related to the oversystematisationof the data. Redefining field-notes and interviews to a seriesof codes and sliding scales disrupted the sequential order of the data and the narratives establishedby the participantsin my field-joumal observations. As Hammersleyand Atkinson (1983) state, grounded theory 'representsan over-reaction to positivism'; they offer the critical observationthat such theory is often over-dismissive of other descriptive forms of ethnography(1983: 22). The methodological strategy of the present researchwill strike a balance between grounded theory and what Geertz (1973: 3-30) has referred to as 'thick description'. Denzin (2000: 15) has called this 'the interpretation of interpretation'. A total groundedtheory would have been too disruptive for the participants and would have distorted the intentions of my field joumals. WhyPunk Researchers?

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As I statedin the introduction to this thesis,I have beeninvolved in punk for most of in death Elvis Presley Sex Pistols the heard first life, having the of shortly after my August 1977. Over the next 25 years I becamea vegetarian,becameinvolved in interest in the became of my a result as a musician primarily anarchistpolitics, and band Crass. The adoption of punk brought me into conflict with all figures of Through the from work of to the teachers the police. and public, parents, authority, Crassand anarchopunk (anarchopunk will be discussedin ethical terms in chapter four) I found my way into animal rights and anti-war protests. The majority of the 1980swas spententering into and out of the scene. After I beganto releaserecordsand tour with bandsin the early nineties,I attended university. As I noted in the previous chapter, reading the literature on punk was disappointingin that it had neglectedto cover the experiencesI had had through the 1980s. Through a gradual integration into DiY philosophy, I discoveredthat bands could releaserecords,createsquats,organisevenues,parties and protestsif we put our minds to it.

Negotiation and permission from record companies, previously

understoodas the gatekeepersof the industry, were not required. This was an empoweringmindset to inhabit, yet I found it fraught with ethical difficulties and dilemmas,especiallyover remaining(in the eyesof onespeers)an authenticpunk. I first cameinto contact with one of the settingsof the presentresearch,the IinI2, a collectively-run anarchistsocial club, in 1990while driving a band to play a hardcore festival there. Originally formed as an unemployedbenefit claimantsunion according to the Club guide, "at

is the IinI2 Club they state:

'ne late 1970s and early 1980s saw massive job losses across Britain and Bradford was no exception with GEC and International Harvesters shutting backdrop Against in this the a particularly strong and active city. plants Claimants Union emerged which campaigned vigorously to improve the in 1981 low in Bradford for a when, waged and people unemployed situation found that 'I in Report') benefit fraud into (the 'Raynor investigation government

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12' claimants were actively "defrauding the state", the union lost no time in adoptingthis statistic for themselves(What is the IM12 Club?, 1995).

Gaining a council grant to buy a building in 1988, they renovated an old mill, through sheer detennination and effort, opening its doors two years later. My amazementduring this first visit was that this was a three storey building, complete with bar cafd and venue, collectively run by punks: no bouncers,high beer prices or entranceprices. There were no managersand everyone had an equal stake. I was seriouslyimpressedwith this achievement. My previous personalsuccessin creating DiY space was largely confined to squatting a terraced house for a month. We applaudedeachother when we managedto get the water turned on under an assumed name. The I in 12 was in an entirely different league. It was on a par with many of the European squats that have been established since the late 1960s (see Skelton & Valentine, 1998). A decade later, as a part-time university tutor, I felt that the lin12 presenteda perfect ethnographic focus for DiY culture.

The Club is the ideal setting for

investigatingthejunctions where DiY politics intersectswith DiY cultural production. Through the 1990s I became very familiar with the lin12.

I established firm

connectionswith the club though my band playing there from 1995 to the present,in addition to using the concertfloor for band rehearsalsduring 1997-9. My band had played all over the European mainland, mostly in the squats, and across the UK we had releasedrecords. We relied upon the hospitality, trust and friendship of the DiY support networks that exist acrossthe punk world. At a local level, through my participation in the band with three of the membersfrom Bradford, it cameto my attentionthat therewere significant differencesbetweenthe latter's DiY sceneand the neighbouringpunk scenein the city of Leeds. Bradford's lin12 scene be to geared towards the close connection of DiY punk and cultural appeared

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production, while Leeds appearedto be more concernedwith the latter and with remaining avante garde in its approach. The club struggled to survive financially during the late 1990s. It witnessed a move of lin12 people to the Leeds scene, resulting in the club facing possible closure in 1999. There was also a close connectionwith lin12 people and a squat venue in Leeds run by ex-club members. What this signalledto me after over two decade'sexperienceof punk culture was an opportunity to further addressthe gap in the literature regardingthe complex issueof how an ethics producesactivity and, moreover, what the participants get out of an adherenceto such ethics. My close associationwith the club had both advantagesand disadvantages.It meantthat I didn't have to gain entranceinto the sceneand win the trust of its members,though I did want to be explicit about the purposes of my researchand gain their formal consent. This is discussedfurther later on. On the other hand, my close engagementwith the club raisedthe dangerof over-familiarity. I had to make consciousefforts to develop a more distanced,critical perspectivein order to become an academic participant observer of the scene, rather than a lay participant.

This will be discussed in more detail below.

The advantages

considerablyoutweighedthe disadvantages,though, in that my prior experiencecould not only be drawn on; it also provided the inspiration to conductthe study in the first place. The seedhad beenset for the study. TheSettingsand Duration ofthe Research The fieldwork was accomplished over a four-month period, divided equally between the two subcultural scenes of Leeds and Bradford".

The chosen settings for the

11The issuesof raceand genderissuesin DiY sceneshasbeeninadvertently placedbeyondthe scope of the presentresearch.The reasonsfor this are twofold; firstly that thereare women and ethnic minorities involved in the DiY scenesunder scrutiny and they havebeenexcludedfrom the researchis due to the placing of the researcherwithin the white male dominatedstudio collective and its counterpartin the Leedsscene,Out of Stepskewedthe researchin this direction. Secondlythe

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researchare the linl2, which has been in existencefor over 20 years and had 640 12 in 2001 The building has a number of collectives that stem from members . promotions to food-growing. It was selected due to its ideological links with counterculturalvalues and practicesand the current anti-globalisationmovementand for its long standingconnectionsto punk and hardcorewith its countlessshows, also recordlabels,and fanzineproduction. Entranceto the I in 12 club as a researcherwas negotiatedthrough contactmadewith one of the core membersI knew through playing the club. This was considerably helped by being previously known to the club. Beyond this my project had to be acceptedby the club's Sundaymembersmeeting. I senta brief proposaloutlining the researchproject in advance, stating the central aims of the study and the contact details for my researchsupervisor. This proposalwas discussed at a meeting. It was collectively agreedthat I would be able to request interviews, engagein participant observation,ask for diaries and conduct the actual interviews from June to August, 2001. This was confirmed in writing by the club. It was not specified in advance exactly what I would be doing at the club. This was only clarified on my arrival by giving a presentationto the club and sketchingout any ethical difficulties that could arise during the research. I was informed I would be building a recording studio in the basementin light of my previousrecordingexperiencevAth various bands. I noted above that Leeds was a multi-sited DiY scene. This entailed visiting a number of venues during the evenings. It was impossible to negotiate access and

snowballing samplingprocedureand a distinct lack of availability of prospectiveintervieweesfrom thesegroupingsequally affectedtheir critical inclusion in this study. 12The membershipis usually around three hundred. Membershiphad swelled during this period on account of a rave collective promoting well-attended events that demanded ravers become club membersin order to gain entrance. Such eventswere bannedfrom the club after late 2001 following members' concerns over drug use and the contentious issue of long staff shifts. Membership is presentlyback at its original levels.

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permissionby all concernedso I took the ethical approachof being clear to thosethat asked that I was doing participant observation. Occasionally I was one of the performers. I also negotiatedaccessto one of the core areasof LeedsDiY subcultural by hardeore Staffed in two people the city centre. activity: a punk and record shop who I knew from playing gigs with their bands,I called the shop and it was agreed that could conduct participant observationthere from the end of August until midOctober2001. Mr. V, as he shall be known in this study, confirmed this agreementin writing. I was informed that I would be involved at all levels of the organisationof the shopand consideredas and equal partnerduring my time there. The sameethical issuesof confidentiality were discussedas in the I in 12 club. Tluough my fellow band membersand their contactswith the Leeds DiY scenea room in a sharedhouse was securedfor me at a reduced summer rent. I moved to Leedsfrom Nottingham on 15'hJune2001 in the band's transit van. Ethics Throughout the researchproject I ensuredthe ethical protection of the interviewees. With the exceptionof two interviewees,DanbertNobacon of Chumbawambaand the late RobertHeatonof New Model Army, all of the participantshave beenanonymised in alphabeticalorder throughout the research13 Heaton and Nobacon, due to their . central location in the bandsrelatedto the punk dilemmasof selling-out, agreedto be featuredin the researchby name. All the other intervieweeswere anonymisedas far as possibleand all identifying characteristicsin the interview data were altered. This was due to possible peer repercussionsfrom occasionalcompromising,hostile views expressedtowardspeersand core DiY members. Whilst I considerthe majority of the interviewees to be friends and close acquaintances,they still required ethical 13Seeappendix3.

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in (1995: 39-40) Rubin Rubin that many ethnographiesthere is a note and protection. critical distancebetweenthe researcherand subject; informed consentforms are there for their protection. The reversewas the often the case as I completely blended in with my peersduring the research. Although subjectswere aware of my participant infonned it I consent status, was usually when an official-looking observer presented form to some of the intervieweesthat certain tensionsarose:it then becameclear that they were not involved in an everyday conversation. The informed consent form registeredme in a more official capacity operating within a legal framework. It tended to distance me somewhatfrom those previously familiar to me, particularly thosewho are generallysuspiciousof any official authority. The geographical locations in the research are genuine as are the names of the venues. Where specific buildings and organisations are mentioned, I have retained their original names. This is also the case with all the bands named in the research. Both the lin12 and Out of Step, the Leeds record shop, in addition to the Leeds promotions collective, Cops and Robbers, were happy for their organisations to appear in the research under their genuine names.

All of the participants of the research signed an informed consent form (see appendix 2), clearly informing participants of their right to withdraw from the researchat any given point and also noting that they could withdraw any comment within two weeksof the interview (Silverman,2000: 200-2). This occurredonly once when the interviewee felt that the comments made could both compromise his personal safety and erase his integrity within the scene nexus. Due to the reflexive dimension of the research a number of interviews were

field deemed by I the activities and the setting me within where requested involvement of specific individuals to be central to the aims of the research. On three Gordon PhD

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occasionsI was declined interview opportunities. The broad reasonsgiven ranged from no specific reasonand a shrug of the shouldersto 'I couldn't tell you anything you don't already know, if it's all the sameto you, mate'. This illustrates one of the central difficulties of my insider status (see below). Such wishes were respected, though theseindividuals feature in the generalparticipant observation. Overall there were marginal consequencesfrom such statementsof decline. Due to my longstanding familiarity with some of the participants I felt mildly embarrassedwhen facedwith rebuttalsof this nature. That said, one of thosewho turned me down was a core member of the studio project I was involved with at the linl2, Mr. U, and he gavean invaluablecontribution to that project. His actionsin DiY terms spokelouder than an interview. Pilot work The pilot work aided the developmentof the researchand was chiefly refined by a sense of methodological reflexivity, that is thinking critically, and from varied perspectives,about both the pragmatics and the theoretical implications of the methodschosen. Rather than trying to remove oneself from affecting the behaviour Of the participants, such reflexivity seeks to study the consequencesof the ethnographer'spresence. As Hamersley and Atkinson note, there is no way we can escapethe social world in order to study it.

Nor fortunately is that necessary

(1983:15). At all stages of the research, reflexivity became a constant feature through which I was able to alter the research design in addition to my field conduct. Reflexivity was itself a research strategy affecting my actions as an ethnographer in the field.

The

original research intention differed considerably from the approach chosen in the end. This was to read the actions of DiY punk ethics through a critical response to the

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totalising theory of the Frankfurt School, assertingcomplete capitalist triumph over creative subjectivity (Adomo and Horkheimer, 1944). My critique was channelled particularly through the work of Foucault (1977,1978). This theory was to be fed into the interview strategy in order to advancenotions of resistanceat a theoretical level. However, an initial, unstructured pilot interview was patronising, to say the

least,with me presentedas a knowing academicinterviewer and the subjectsqueezed into the straightjacketof my own theoreticalpersuasion. I wasn't allowing people to speak. The following section of interview in the Mr. A transcript betraysthis initial error ofjudgement: Int: Just as a final question,then, or maybe as a discussionpoint becauseI feel that this has been more of a discussionwhich is just as useful as an interview. Uhhm, we began the interview talking about wider political contexts, a wider social, cultural and moral structurethat feedsinto the shape,or form, of the I in 12 and the Leedsscenein general. What issues of knowledge, for you, or cultural, political, economic issues shapethe discipline of this scene? A: Uhh?

It became rapidly obvious that I was forcing a theoretical agenda upon the interviewees and failing to get the level of data required. Through a reflexive reformulation and the subsequentabandoningof the theoretical content in favour of a grounded theory approach (Glaser and Strauss, 1967) the questions were vastly improved. I carried out a seriesof five pilot interviews with ex-Leeds and Bradford punks I was familiar with in my home town of Nottingham. These subsequentpilot interviews allowed me to restructurethe interview questionsuntil I becameat ease with the semi-structuredstrategy. The value of this method of interview was that it allowed me to explore points of interestnot always relatedto the central trajectory of the interview. From the pilot work, the interviews were transcribedin orthographic terms including laughterand slang. In addition to this I also visited and played a number of punk events as part of my

for The participant observationtook place at a GBH gig at work main pilot research. Gordon PhD

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field-journal the 2000, concert. the Nottingham, after up written Old Angel, with the familiar, it the close too that all this was One of the early problemswith researchwas detail was slipping from view. I have been to thousandsof punk concertsover the (1978), Glaser I the and became that obvious. It missing was obvious quickly years. in improving Straussand Corbin (1990), refer to one's skills and experience a given becomes Familiarity 41). (1990: problematicwhen 'theoretical culture as sensitivity' it obscures crucial aspects of the field: this kind of acquaintancecan block the 41). (1990: become have from obvious routine or researcher seeing things that Techniquesfor enhancingtheoretical sensitivity involve a seriesof in-field exercises designedto improve inductive strategiesand introduceways of seeingthe field setting in an entirely different way (ibid: 76). My chosen method was to silently question in is field for the that aspectsof environment: example,why personselling records the comer, how are they doing it and to what benefit? This strategyallowed me to begin to producea fresh perspectiveon detailed accountsbeyond my vernacularexperience of the field. This was an entirely successfulmethodological venture allowing me to consistentlyand reflexively improve my field techniques. From the interviews and pilot observation I wrote a 3,000 word piece of test analysis on the issue of political correctnessin punk. This was submitted to the Departmentof Social Sciencesat LoughboroughUniversity as a piece of coursework. for the researchmethodscourseI had taken. The ironic use of punk as an ethic of 'get freedom liberty through its incarnation destroy' and of political against pissed became theory language in lin12 the a grounded the of use subtleties and rebellion The in ironic I the DiY direct work. to the present ethic of maintain relevance with first class mark awarded this essay confirmed the successboth of the method of interview, the questions asked and the suitability of grounded theory as a

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methodologicalstrategyfor approachingthe research. Yet in spite of this, the use of immersed in theory to the data proved produce a narrative completely grounded insufficiently sensitive to the expressivemeaning of the interviewees. I took the reflexive decision to strike a balance between grounded theory and descriptive ethnography in order to avoid gagging my participants' experiences and masking the

narrative of their life-histories. From this decision the broad narrative of the questioningstrategiesshifted towards a biographical dimension in order to track the participants' subcultural trajectory through punk. This enabled me to construct coherentnarrativesthat came to inform the structure of the study: entrance,practice and exit and the associatedethical dilemmasinvolved in participation.

QuestionStrategiesandInterviews. All interviews were tape recordedand conductedeither at the I in 12 club, the record shop or the interviewee's house. On the tour, interviews were conductedin over ten European countries or in the bands van. Back-up tapes were produced after the interview. No noteswere taken during the interview as I consideredthis a distraction for the interviewee. I have discussedhow my interview questionswere reflexively devised and revised out of the pilot work (seeappendixone). The questionswere field-tested until there was a reasonable'fit' betweenthe questionsand the intentions of the research. The questionswere designedto investigatethe entrance,practice and exit of a subcultural career with the final section geared towards the issue of the dilemmas circulating issue the of selling-out. This strategywas effective in terms of introducing a around narrative. Semi-structuredand open-endedquestionsalso allowed me to explore in detail selectpoints the intervieweesmadeand reflexively alter further questionsin the light of any interestingdivergenceof topic (see Fetterman,1989: 54). With Heaton Gordon PhD

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followed trajectory the the Nobacon, the of existing strategies questioning open and interview narrative, although the questionswere geared and altered relative to the bands their individual's their and respective activities, specific actions of each final The had in they that feelings to sold-out. relation accusationsmade personal MY Leeds done focus the for the with group revision to the question strategy was frame Here Robbers. Cops the of the questions general promotions collective, and how in but they to individual in terms of relation was constructednot narratives establishedtheir DiY promotions collective and what the specific problems were within the scenecontextsof Leedsand Bradford. To someextent I adoptedelementsof a life-history approach,asking retrospective questionsinvolving the participants relying upon memory and recollection. Such accountsoften proved difficult for someof the participants,as for examplewhen they were askedto remembertheir punk origins, someof which occurredin the late 1970s. There was the additional and thorny issue of the honesty of such accounts. All the interviewees'testimonieswere neverthelesstaken in good faith as bona fide. Participants

The participantsof the study were drawn from the club membersof the I in 12 and the Leeds hardcore and punk scenes. They ranged in age from 20 to 42 years. As a reflection of the ethnic compositionof the punk scene,they were white and originated across the class spectrum, with varying levels of educational background. Their in in Yorkshire, West the with the remaining were main origins geographical North East from hailing Manchester, Birmingham, the and the southern participants Counties. The ma ority were previously known to me as a band member playing in these cities. Although there was some familiarity, and in spite of my previous Interviewees I to the newcomer scene. were selected a relative experience, was still Gordon PhD

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after I had established some rapport through working with them or through conversationsregarding the researchduring gigs and social events,on the street and round friends' houses. As I progressedwith the fieldwork I managedto make ftirther contacts and the researchsnowballedfrom there. For examplein conversationI found out one of the club membersknew Danbert from Chumbawarnba,who had helpedto build the I in 12 during the late 1980s. He introduced me to Danbert and he kindly agreedto do an interview. The interview with Robert Heaton came through him producing Mr. J's band. J invited me to the recording and I already knew Robert from the 1980s. He also kindly agreedan interview. The majority of the interviews were arrangedduring field work, with the exceptionof thoseincluded in the pilot work: thesewere arranged through mutual friends in the Nottingham punk scene. In all I conductedtwenty five interviews, four pilot, with the rest split equally betweenLeeds and Bradford and one focus group involving eight people. I interviewedthree women for this project. Their representationis broadly reflective of the under-representationof women in punk and hardcorescenes(seeLeblanc, 1999). TheDiaries During the years leading up to the researchI had already begun to keep a diary of some of the events during my travels with the band. This is referred to only once during the thesis but it helped to lay the footings for it and it also reveals the dual existenceof the researcher. This was in keeping with the sociological tradition of a life-history approach (see Bertaux, 1983: 29-47). However, aware that I was not presenton all occasions,nor obviously omnipresentin the settings,I askeda number key the participants in the study to keep diaries. There was a predictably mixed of responseto this methodand the resultsrangedfrom sketchynotesto over 3,000 words Gordon PbD

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in a detaileddiary suppliedto me by Mr. 1. Mr. I proved to be a valuable resourcein the field work. Of the seventeendiaries,only Mr. I's featuresin the thesis. The other diaries either detailedaspectsof DiY not coveredin the presentwork, such as touring EuropeDiY, or they simply containedinformation duplicated and covered in greater depthin the interviews. Someof the diarists abstainedfrom writing and insteaddrew picturesto sum up their feelings. One participant had secondthoughtsregardingme keeping the diary and refused to let me read it, due to issuesof confidentiality. I naturally respectedhis wishes. In terms of ethical protection I amendedthe informed consentform to cover the diary material. It took upwardsof a year to collate all of the diaries. Overall the diary method proved the least successfulof my mixed-methods approachin terms of the effort expendedand the material gleaned. TheField-Notes Field-noteswere written from memory and pocket book notes. Reflexively they were fine-tunedafter my initial attemptsproved clumsy. Spradley(1980) was of particular help here. The field noteswere organisedaccordingto the following outline: 1. Space:the physical place of places. 2. Actor: the people involved. 3. Activity: a set of relatedactivities peopledo. 4. Object: the physical things that arepresent. 5. Act: single actionsthat peopledo. 6. Event: a set of relatedactivities that peoplecarry out. 7. Time: the sequencingthat takesplaceover time. 8. Goal: the things that peoplearetrying to accomplish. 9. Feeling: the emotionsfelt and expressed. (Spradley, 198078ff in Hammersley& Atkinson, 1983)

This organizational fieldwork tool allowed me to keep a well-organised field journal. After the four-month fieldwork period, 154,000words of field notes were written. These were gearedtowards new avenuesof ethnographicexploration across the two key fields of observation. Time was consistentlyset asidein the eveningsand Gordon PhD

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one day per week for the writing and study of this journal in order to reflexively preparefuture strategiesof the research. Analysis

The sheeramount of data, consisting of seventeenparticipant diaries, and 330,000 words of transcribedinterview andjournal notes,proved rather formidable. It was a difficult task to familiarise oneself with a large amount of data. Using grounded theory as my principle method, salient and significant selectionsof the data were compiled in order to begin constructinga narrative ranging from the entrancethrough the practice to the exit of the participants,concluding with the final discussionof the dilemmas of punk. I avoided a total grounded theory through my wish to avoid gagging the participants, striking the balance between a Geertzian ethnographic method of 'thick description' and the coding of general themes in the researchin order to produce generaltypologies and models of subcultural action. Such analysis involved becomingfamiliar with the data to the point of saturation. This allowed me to see where the most salient featuresof the data had made themselvesexplicit. In tandemwith the method of groundedtheory, I exercisedconsiderablecaution in not forcing the data and allowing the meaningto 'emerge' as it were organically from the data (Glaser, 1992). Through detailed analysis and coding of the data, patterns becamevisible that broadly reflected my field experiencesand also the participant's lifeworlds. This chimed in with one of the key aims of the research- to allow the participantsa representativevoice in the research. AssociatedProblemsand Dilemmas Certain difficulties aroseduring the field work that were connectedwith the overall dilemmas. in These I shall the of manifested research. were of personal aims a series

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take two as illustrative of the generalproblems of conducting ethnographicresearch on one's own subculturalcommunity. Throughoutthe researchI becameplaguedby the anxiety that I was somehowselling DiY out to academicscrutiny, and that I was substantially better off financially on my research bursary than many of the participantswho were mostly in low-paid employmentor unemployed. A degreeof guilt led to a preoccupationwith the question as to why certain DiY practices are adheredto. Here I felt like I was playing at being DiY, not actually doing it. The sole reasonI was there was not for the completion of any particular task at hand (though this was exceedinglyimportant) but to study those doing DiY. I occasionallyfelt like a completeimpostor, a fake: in short a sell-out myself with my feet in two worlds and my intereststom in two. I was investigating sell-out bands and their dealingswith major record companieswhilst aware that this work could possibly end up in the handsof an academicpublisher. This would certainly be my aspiration if the work is to gain credibility throughpeerreview. Overall I had to strike a consistentcompromisebetweenmy researcherstatus and my scenepeers. To navigatebetweenthesetwo roles often proved exhausting. I felt that I was occasionallyavoided by certain peers. It was as if they were 'shy' of my research.However,as my presencewas gradually acceptedand I was assimilatedinto the daily workings of the club, record shop,touring and gigs, this awkwardnessbegan to evaporate. This did presentone further difficulty: as I becameimmersed in the field, I lost the critical distance with which to make clear observations. Glaser's (1980) techniquesfor enhancingtheoreticalsensitivity againhelpedto instil a senseof perspective here. The issue of memory also struck in places where it was difficult to take notes. In this case a pocket book was used. Frequent trips to the toilet allowed

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for the privacy of note-writing in order to secure fine detail. Harnmersley and Atkinson (1983) refer to this as the 'weak bladdersyndrome' (1983:148). As a final point to this: in personal terms, with my involvement in the club's This in I was militancy. political activities progressing, observedmyself growing illuminated how the Leeds. The in the clearly change reduced multi-sited sceneof contextof subculturalsceneethicshelpsto inform and govern action. TechnicalProblems On four different occasions, I lost valuable interview data due to tape recorders breakingdown. Often not discovereduntil after the interview, whilst reviewing the tapes,I eventually switched to minidisk which proved to be far more reliable. A further crucial problem was relatedto computeruse. Whilst in the field the short life of batteriesused in my laptop computerproduceda senseof frustration.' It was as if my memory was becomingselectivein terms of capturing a given event. Conclusion I have outlined the broad methodologicalstrategy used to produce the ethnography that follows.

Overall this is a multi-method ethnography using participant

observation,diaries, semi-structuredinterviews and a diary approachto generatethe field data. In terms of an epistemologyI have avoided importing abstracttheoreticdl for balance framework, into instead the a reflexive opting methodological models for in description between to theory thick a space ensure order and a grounded struck the voices of my intervieweesin the subsequentaccountsand to retain the sensethat life-history intersect various with the subcultural scenesstudied at numerouspoints how DiY is This gauging punk the of appropriate way and effective most narratives.

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drawn into, through their mobilised entrance are practically upon and practice ethics within, and exit from DiY punk scenes.

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Chapter Three: Entrance

Introduction This chaptersetsout to answerthree questions:how did people enter the broad punk subculture,why did they becomeinvolved, and what was their experienceof entry? It presentsthe casethat subculturalentranceis primarily an investigative practice that propels the participant towards an authentically styled knowledge, basedaround the discovery of what is deemedto be genuinepunk rock. The chapterpursuesthis case for key discussion the through the motivating primarily a of social role of music, factor for entry was an initial engagementwith the music of punk rock and its various political manifestationswithin its own subculturalmatrix. Entranceinto this matrix was reportedby the intervieweesto be propelled by their developing feelings of disenchantmentwith society. This sensibility inclines them towards a senseof affinity within the subculture. Bound up with it are claims towards an implicit, rebellious subjectivity. Furtherpreconditionsfor entranceare feelings of loneliness and peer pressure. Both of these issueswill be questionedin relation to their validity as factors conducive to forming allegianceswith punk. The opening section of this chapter will situate such claims in relation to actors' claims to authenticity. In order for clarification of what follows in the empirical work I have constructed three levels of sceneinvolvementso that working distinctions can be drawn between levels of involvement. Firstly, the core, thosethat engagewith and perform core daily organisationalDiY tasksand maintain skills central to the reproductionof the scene; secondly, semi-peripheral, those who regularly attend DiY events and have occasionalinvolvement and, finally, peripheral members:those that engagewith the

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sceneat a marginal level and have little involvement with core and semi-peripheral tasks Entranceto the subculturewill be outlined in terms of a two-stagemodel: primary and secondaryinvestigation. The progressionthrough such stagesworks through a heuristic processof trial and error. I contendin this chapterthat entranceto the punk is is the that of punk rock experience early subculture such a practice and argue through the primary identification with sympatheticpeer groupingsand a concomitant The from inauthentic. be deemed those to chapterwill examinepeer separation peers pressure,media engagement,the purchase,consumptionand playing of punk records, tape trading and 'hanging out' with subculturalpeers. Theseare integral to achieving discussion Underpinning this of authentic subcultural membership, so perceived. how investigation the participant entering the punk be of primary will an account discourse becomes familiar the which producesand and subculture with punk culture is its this Full at stage within punk practice as authentic. participation maintains restricted and informed through wider social constraints such as age, school and parentalrestriction. Secondaryinvestigationdetails how the selectionof peer groupings,and a greater deepening is differentiation from combined with a of other social groups, senseof knowledge through experience scene and specific subcultural commitment, activity For the example, regularly going to concerts activity. and repetition of subcultural labels, in bands, are vital for this deepening record and playing or running commitment. Again, underpinningsuch activities are claims that the actor's selected peer grouping and subsequentsubculturalactivity are culturally authentic. Within this chapter I will examine such claims to authenticity and investigate how the study

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by becoming associatedwith and their punk commitments participants enriched forming counter-culturalscenessuchasthe I in 12 club. The chapter is broken up into three key sections dealing with pre-existing punk investigation. investigation, secondary and sensibilities,primary Pre-existing Punk Sensibilities,Loneliness,Isolation and Trend-setting. became first how When they kind What asked of personentersthe punk subculture? involved with punk, a number of the interviewees made claims regarding their had They 'critical being a predisposition outsiders'. authentic status as already life to their prior disenchantment feeling experiences with towards and expressing This first senseof prior orientation their engagementwith the wider punk subculture. is a commonplace in punk discourse and had been previously discussedby Fox (1987)14whose ethnographic study of punk culture in a southern American city in feelings to of rebellion: disenchantment 1983revealedsimilar and claims authentic Punk didn't influence me to the way I am much. I was always this way inside. When I in 1986 (Fox, be finally I life. myselE could cameinto punk, it was what I neededall my Adler & Adler, 1993:378)

Mr. 0 in interviewees the study. by present Similar sentimentswere expressed the bit knew things I [of a were shit issue: 'regardless punk] always was clear on this I ideas, to the had mainstream 'I guess, ' Ms. W alternative stated: already anyway. [punk] lives how treat openedme up their people: other and and on people should run to a whole other world'. Mr. F reported:'I've always had the feeling that stuff wasn't G information'; Mr. 'before I the but kind noted: came me gave of quite right punk into contact with the DiY hardcore punk rock movement, I would have thought of Joe Bloggs I that bit your average cause was more conscientious myself as probably a into recycling'.

Finally

Ms. M claimed '[punk]

hasn't altered me because I kind of

14Fox, K.J. (1987) "Real Punksand Pretenders:The Social Organisationof a Counterculture." Journal 3. 16, No, Vol Ethnography, ofContemporary

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thought that way for the past ten years anyway.' Andes (1991, in Epstein, 1998) presented a similar frame of reference reported by the informants in her punk ethnographyand commentedthat: 'Almost all the informants consistently perceived themselvesas being "different" from those in their referencegroup: "normal others", i. e. their peers,parentsand mainstreamsociety in general' (1998:221). What the Fox and Andes studiesfail to do is to locate such utteranceswithin the realm of claims towards subculturalauthenticity and to offset such discourseagainst ironic claims of the life-transforming capacitiesof the subculture. It is important to note how some of the above claims, presentingthe speakeras 'always' feeling this way, belie a sensibility of difference that is 'predisposed' to entranceto punk. The claims such as 'punk hasn't alteredme' and 'I was probably a bit more conscientious than your averageJoe Bloggs' stakeout the rhetorical claim for the existenceof their innate capacities for rebellion, disenchantmentand sense of difference: they are authentic rebels. From this position punk is sought out as a secondaryconduit and vessel for the investigation,expressionand articulation of such feelings of difference. As such claims are made after the intervieweeshave already become long-standing members of the punk subculture, fin-ther explanation is required. Apart from the claims of a senseof difference,what other factors led to the intervieweesbecoming involved in the wider punk subculture? One such factor is the generalpunk aesthetic- the subcultural framework of social critique and its alienatedcommentary.This actedas a receptacleand magnetfor those young people experiencingfeelingsof difference and disenchantment.It was actively sought out by the majority of the study participants. But how were these subjects specifically drawn to it? A numberof the intervieweesreportedfeelings of loneliness and peer isolation. Combined with feelings of difference and disenchantment,such

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is for this be not claims appearto a valid explanation punk subcultural entrance,yet initially as clear-cut as one would hope. Respondentsspoke of experiencing such feelings at school. Mr. B statedhe was 'on me own for a few years, and noted a lack bit been have 'I 0 Mr. that a of a always stated of contact with similar punk peers. loner,' whilst Ms. W commentedon the fact that she 'didn't really gel with the people at school.' From such feelingsthe young subculturalentrant searchesout a subculture in which theserebellious feelingsand views can be shared. The senseof difference is affirmed within a communityof outsiders. Loneliness,isolation and peer separationthereforeprovide a possiblemotor towards subcultural involvement: a group of rebellious peers with similar sensibilities will in interested became Mr-C difference. in punk a collective senseof provide affinity his describing 1980s, in in Derbyshire primary subcultural town the mid growing up a lack distinct lonely of similar there 'a that was a existence' and noting entrance as his found he that isolation, into main point of Due to this relative punk. peersentering from his the buying initially major music stores: to music access punk music was HMV and Virgin recordsis. Such intervieweeslater sought out punk peer groupings by united their outsiderstatus. However, it would be a naive to suggestthat my informants' senseof lonelinessand isolation were the sole factorsresponsiblefor punk subcultural entrance. This would fail to explain how other subculturesare, or are not, entered- if at all - from those 15The involvement be for difficulty Mr. C Virgin to HMV a retrospective point and proved of and with is in his interview. He his punk status was authentic evident early some surrender/admittanceof he his initial DiY, that deeply the of yet admitted to procurementof punk ethics presently committed records camethrough engagementwith theseshopsand theirdubious' standing within the DiY punk his lack due to justification this The presented of knowledge of the scene. In was of community. had hold I he lit the of way getting of the stuff 'cos the distros that you see only retrospect argued: was nowadaysthat are so common,weren't in abundance[then]'. This justi f ication is a central issuein the defenceof authenticity and all I wish to do presently is note how comment on previous engagement with such shopspresenteddifficulties for the speakerwhich result in the latter, subsequentjustification of previousactions. Due to its retrospective,dilemmatic status,full discussionof suchjustifications are reservedfor chapters6&9.

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who do not share such disenchantmentand isolation. What unites such entrance claims in the present study is a sense of difference from what is considered mainstreamor 'normal' culture,but it doesnot always follow that the potential entrant subscribesto enter a subculturethrough feelings of lonelinessand isolation from their peers. In one interview, the initial entranceto punk was articulated through a clear needto adopta new 'hip' form of rebellion. Mr. G spoke of his entranceto punk culture as a result of jettisoning his pseudorebellious peersand establishinghis role as an original, authentictrendsetterthrough a loneliness his involvement in hardcore Rather than and complaining about new punk. lack of acceptancewithin his peer group, full inclusion in his peer group acted as a catalyst for him to enter into the punk subculture. Mr. G claimed he was fully in he by his that the set place many of its accepted case peer group, and made had his facets. However, G adoptedand mirrored that peers subcultural once stated this rebellious attitude it rendered himself and his existing subcultural practice inauthentic: for G it becametoo popular to be authentic rebellion! He decided to his becoming by 'trend a more authenticsubculture existing advance statusas a setter' member through heuristic examination of contextually relevant, and previously unexplored, obscure punk subcultural groups in order to mark out his authentic difference from schoolpeer groupings. [1] liked being a bit of a rebel at school. I was always like trying to be the first to do everything. I was the first to grow my hair long out of our group of friends, first to dye it, the first to get senthome form school for having scraggyjeans and stuff. It got to the point where suddenly loads and loads of people would do it and, wanting to be a cool trend setterat the time, I was like I have to get into somethingdifferent! I was like right, what's cool? OK, I'm going to be a skater.

Here the reverse of the opening sections statements detailing loneliness and isolation is the case. Finding acceptanceas a trend-setterwithin his peer grouping, G outlines the pleasureof being a rebel. He strove to establish a fresh outsider status

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further in hip to difference gain order acceptanceand and sense of practice as a 'cool' distance from from his establishing esteem peers, while also simultaneously them16. It also provides a neat exampleof how an early senseof what it is to belong to an authentic subcultureand how its obverse,'inauthenticity,' is detected. As his initial rebellious examplebecomeship andpopular amongsthis peers,his authenticity his 'trend'sold deemed been by have G out': rebellious to was undermined and Such is out. sought setting' status negatedand a new authentic subcultural strategy lonely, the of position rhetorical sentiments collide with my previously established isolated outsider as 'Prime' material for entranceinto punk rock. Here Mr. G is for in his distance from a new, authentic to striving peers attempting establish subculturalidentity. Entering punk subcultural groupingsrestson a fulcrum of disenchantmentwith the distance 'cool' feeling being wishing peers, establishedworld: a at oddswith one's of from them, or with society in general:in short a senseof difference. Where loneliness is producedby such feelings (conflict with parents,teachers,authority figures etc.) it has the immanent potential to propel the individual to seek out and identify other loneliness, But the the opposite of peers who share subcultural norms and values. peer celebration, may prove the conditioning ground for punk. In a sort of heroic individualism, Mr. G set out to investigate the subculture more fully for himself through the investigation of existing undergroundcultural forms, though even this practice still restedon the assumptionof rebellion againstthe establishedauthority of subcultural levels deemedto have becomeinauthentic through popular subscription. A senseof rebellion against social conformity can be directed outwards, to false standardsor forms of sociality, or inwards,to fake punks. 16Forbiographical of theSeattlegrungegenreandNirvanaseeAzerrad,(1994);Cross, overviews (2001).

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Having establishedthat the antecedentconditions of subculturalentranceare centred around a pre-established sense of either disenchantment, loneliness, isolation, individualism or some combination of these, so constituting the central theme of difference, I want now to explorehow subculturalentrantsfirst encounteredthe wider punk culture in their searchfor a senseof authenticidentity. Here the questionwhich is fore initial investigation is how to the this carried out that allows the actor to comes becomea full participant? What are the initiating factors that introducethe subculture to the potential participant and vice versa? Primary Investigation The next section details the early experiencesof making contact with the wider punk subcultural groupings prior to becoming scene participants. Such experiencesare central to what I have termed the heuristic practice of primary subcultural investigation. The participant entering a subculture after experiencing feelings of difference (whetherpopular with or isolated from their peers)is largely restricted by is It in full legal the from subculture. participation age, experienceand restrictions important not to denigrateearly subculturalparticipation during this period as trivial, involves large in indeed, inauthentic. into this Entering the a age group subculture or, from in distress for terms significant others the of resistance amount of participant (immediate peers) and conflict with established structures of authority such as 17 family teachers,parentsand members . There are three key points of primary investigation in entrance to the punk subculture: media interaction, the introduction of the punk subculture through peer and family groupings, and the first attendanceat concerts. The majority of the intervieweesreported that they enteredpunk in their early teens. This age of punk 17SeeLeblanc, 2001: 1-5

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entrancehas also beenpreviously documented(Andes, 1991:216; Leblanc, 2001: 6976). The first of the factors,mediacoverageof the punk culture over the last twenty-five years, has provided a key inspiration and influential entrancecatalyst for a number of the intervieweesof this study. Similarly, Leblanc (2001:70) reportedthat one of her informants was first exposedto punk agedsix, seeingthe Californian punk band Fear play on TheSaturdayNight Live Showin 1984:her informant's parentalresponsewas 'you'd better not get into that shit!' (2001:70). Entrancewas eventually made at the age of fourteen. My own intervieweesexpressedsimilar memoriesof media coverage of punk over a twenty-five year time scaleincorporating a number of musical genres. Among the older interviewees,Mr. R statedthat he first came acrosspunk reading a Sex Pistols write-up in the Soundsmusic paperwhilst on a scoutcamp in 1977. Mr. S in Nationwide BBC the Sex television Pistols the the programme saw reports of on sameyear and this led him to buy the band's records. Mr. I's first contact with punk in Ramones Damned BBC Show Radio I John Peel through the the and came playing 1977. Younger participants such as Mr. B and D both cited the British heavy metal press of the 1980s such as Kerrang and Mega-Metal Kerrang. Papers covering underground hardcore bands gave them the impetus to investigate the subculture further. Likewise, Mr. C and Mr. D reportedthat the American skateboardmagazine Thrasher and its column on hardcore punk provided inspiration to enter the subculture. Here Mr. B comments: I got into hardcorespecifically around the age of eleven through looking through metal magazinesand seeingthe odd interview with hardcore bands in there and from there going and picking up theserecordsand checkingthem out.

This quote neatly summarisesthe practice of primary subcultural investigation in terms of age and investigative engagementwith subcultural music media. The

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fleeting glimpsesof the obscurebandscoveredin such magazinesled to B's further investigationand associationwith a peer group with similar subcultural identity. Mr. F stated that the twilight hours ITV heavy metal TV programme, Noisy Mothers, introduced him to the punk genre in the early 1990s. Through his involvement in C 'gradually' Mr. buying investigation records, the of skateboardingand primary becameimmersedin the punk scene.is The skateboardmagazineThrasherallowed C to becomeawareof the more obscureUS hardcorebandsduring this time: I used to read the American magazineThrasher,which at the time was a newsprint sort its it to but to across I way make used the great so was not of magazine. mean print run but there in was a music UK that there skateboarding the only not and was magazine it, Pushead, The bands. interviews hardcore wrote who guy punk column with with [AKA] Brian Schroderhad a great influence on me and was responsiblefor getting me into all kinds of different hardcorepunk bands.

However to portray media coverage of punk subculturesas the sole variable in subcultural entrancewould be to ignore the wider context of social peer relations. This is of equalimportance. The majority of the intervieweesspoke of peer, sibling and parental relations and in interest initial his From investigation. is key factor in punk, this the second primary drawn from his inspiration from Thrasher,Mr. C beganto establishpeer relationships investigation, Through primary gearedtowards membershipof the punk subculture. C was eventuallylucky to find anotherpersonat his school interestedin hardcore.He identified him by seeingrecordsin his schoolbag: I happenedto be in a corridor outsidea geographylessonand there was this guy and he had a bag full of records,like there was the Stupids LP and the Adrenaline OD LP, uhh the DagnastyLP and I went up to him, as you do in small town like that and you think like. in fucking I talking the have got middle of nowhere to you're cause you out reach to him and got loadsof tapes.

Through both the recognition of subculturalbadgesof membershipand his senseof direct isolation, to C Mr. contactwith a potential peer which peer was propelled make 'a For a fall, historical accountof skateboardingand it's connectionsto punk and hardcoremusic see, Borden,1(2001) Skateboarding,Spaceand the City: Architecture and the Body, Oxford: Berg

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then blossomedinto a friendshipig. Oncesuchpeer groupingsare established,mutual primary subculturalinvestigationcanoccur. This was exemplified by Mr. Q who reportedhow he came acrossPunk through his friend's tales of accompanyinghis elder brothers to punk gigs in the early 1980s. Whilst Q's own brothersparticipatedin the heavy metal genre,thus exposinghim to this subculture,his friends' activities in punk appealedto his senseof difference and appearedmore interestingto him than heavymetal. He recalled his early experiences his friend: listening in his bedroom bands to the this with of associatedwith genre [we] used to borrow and buy records,get drunk and put them on. Me and him used to throw each other round the room dancing to fucking, you know, some of the favorites were like Cruciffix Antisect and the Subhumans.

Here the rehearsalof subcultural sceneactivities through primary investigation is clearly articulated. Q shows how borrowing and buying records, getting drunk and dancing'to records, in addition to learningto differentiate betweenpunk genre,were his main activities of primary investigation. Whilst not able to attendconcertsat this is the a central part similar peers point, reciprocal engagementwith punk recordsand of primary subculturalinvestigation. Primary investigation at subcultural entrance through peer interaction was demonstratedby Mr. 0. He first cameinto contact with the punk scenearound 1983 his full His to thirteen, engagement relate aged comments restricting participation. with peers. For 0, the first Chronic Generation LP, from the street-punk band, Chron-Gen,was played to him, in similarity to Mr. Q, in his friend's bedroom.2o The impact of this record was bolsteredby the cover artwork. He stated:

19Hodkinson (2002) came across evidence of similar affiliation through the recognition of subcultural badges of membership in his ethnographic study of goth culture. Here he makes specific reference to the affiliations of subcultural members not only within their immediate locality but globally. 20Street punk is associated with the bands of the early 1980s who espoused working class politics and styles far removed from the anarcho punk scene. Bands such as Glasgow's The Exploited,

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It wasjust like so, it wasjust fucking pink and yellow and it was Day-Glo as fuck and it was punk rock. It was out there.

Here an excited, emphaticclaim towardsthe authenticity of punk rock is made: O's identification with the Day-Glo of punk rock authenticity serves to mark out the boundaries for him of what is and what is not punk rock in terms of his chief identification with a dominantaestheticpractice of the subculture. First usedin punk key (1977), Pistols Sex the Here's Bollocks The the Mind on the Sex Pistols LP, Never be deemed for 0, Day-Glo, to an authenticmarker of genuinepunk was signifier of for him to O's in Mr. exampleserved authenticate rock. The recycling of suchcodes he his that to bands his peers other time of entry whilst also signifying the popular at discourse in his inclusion for 'correct' of entrance. 'into' the music suitable was Thus far the influence of peers, siblings and friends has been chief in the role of introducing instance for through music investigative subculturalentrance,as primary in influence However, primary subcultural traditional parental to the potential entrant. investigation has been presented/portrayedas both a conventional gatekeeper A in subculture. from becoming a membersandparticipating restricting young people details the that parental is (2001) Leblanc above this the quotation clear example of the Within the in reverse becoming involved study, present the subculture. warning of initially (mother) his V Mr. For demonstrated. is parent of parental restriction also introduced him to the punk subculture. Raised by his grandparentsin the south of England, Mr. V found that his primary subcultural investigation was kick-started by in Nirvana him, Sex Pistols the the his the music and such as played visiting mother

Birmingham'sChargedG.B.H and LeamingtonSpa's The Varukers arejust three examplesfrom a vast array of bands. There is also close connectionwith the 'Oi' skinheadculture (see Marshall, 1991:6785). Overall this streetpunk had an aestheticof streetstyle and adherentswore, studdedleatherjackets boots Doctor Marten them, band iconography and coloured, spiky mohican haircuts, on with painted See,for Example, Punk's Not Dead and Punk Ltves (1981-83) magazinesfor further examplesof the streetpunk genre.(SeeGlasper,2004, )

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early 1990s. He found this music did not exactly chime with his senseof taste in punk music: I got into sort of alternativestuff like the bigger bands,Re Nirvana and stuff and bands like the Sex Pistols, causemy Mum tried to play me good stuff, and I said to her I really Re it but I want somethingthat's faster.It soundsright but it needsto be twice as fast.

What is evident here is the reverse of parental restriction and hostility towards sub,cultural entrance. Mr. V acknowledgesthe previous value of the bandsmentioned yet he also demonstratedthe need to investigate and establish his own niche and personaltastewithin the subculture.For him the examplesplayed by his mother were only partially compatible with his existing sensibilities and aspirations. What he cleavedto himself was music with greaterspeed. In similar parentalterms,Ms. M camefrom a Bradford family of social workers and statedthat both her parents'shapedher ideason life. ' Here the parentalrelations and long-standing also authenticity is intimated thought the claim of 'her parentsshaping her ideas on life'. M's primary subcultural investigation in the early 1990s was initially non-specifically describedas 'kind of indie music and alternative grungy stuff' which she found lacking. So primary investigation has a chief role in either affirmation or rejection of encounteredtastes, or some combination of both. It is aboveall a trial and error processof selectionand assessment of subculturaltastesand activities at the primary investigative level.

As with Mr. G above, for M the

previously describedgenreswere abandonedonce she made contact with peers who were membersof the punk subculture. Thus far peer groupings have been demonstratedthrough a reciprocal sharing of music and the interaction with media coverageof the wider punk subculture. One of the key, overarchingthemesof the interview discourseof early entranceto the punk

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The interviewees 2003) (Marshall, the tape trading 21. majority of subculture was spokeof how they were introducedto the different genresof punk music through the investigation it important in is Tape trading tapes. allows as primary sharing of knowledge their taste to and of share existing and establishedsubcultural members their chosensubcultural genrewith less or equally establishedpeers without one or It that buying tape trading financial having was peer the records. outlay of other party his initial found He that inspired Mr. J the to enter punk subculture. eventually 'he He in 1977. first that stated contact experienceof punk rock was uninspiring on heavy Finding the false to metal the stuff. sort of a start with got off seventyseven his initial described he thoughtson punk rock the time genreof much more appealing, five him. It fashion' 'violent failed years to some until that to not was as a appeal later that he beganto engageearnestlywith the punk genre. This example presents heuristic Through to. immediately the casethat subculturesare not always subscribed investigation they are, in the case of these interviewees, returned to after other investigations. Mr. J from their subcultural primary potential genresare eliminated he tape listen he inspired a of a to given was that after to punk reported was eventually band that affirmed his political ideasof the time. After being given a tape by a friend London Metal, Black band, 1982 Venom anarcho and the their album with metal and

21Tape trading is a resilient practice that occurs in the hardcoreand punk scenes'predating the now popular CDR, tapes were used as the first DIY method for releasing a bands songs. From the late 1970's to the present day the tape was used to also capture the live performance of a band (often incomes low Those bootlegging). of in the stageof primary investigation found the to on referred as relative cheapnessof the tape and the easeof reproduction presentedan easy way of trading music. Tapedrecords,demotapesand live recordingsfound themselvesonto 'trade lists' sentthrough the post or sold for a small amount. Advertising was undertakenin the smaller fanzinesand also lists of tapes (trade-lists) were given out at gigs. 'Ibis practice enabled those unfamiliar with bands in other countries to hear them at little expenseand to also make contacts with others around the UK and moreover the world. Finally, during the 1980s there was a concerted effort on from the record companiesto outlaw or tax blank tapes. Flaunting this rule chimed with punk's rebellious stance. Tape trading still occurs but has largely been supersededby CDRs and Mp3 file sharing over the internet. SeeMarshall (2003)

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punk band, Conflict, It's Time to See Who'sWho of the sameyear, he beganto form political opinions: When I first got it [tape] I was like yeah,two noisy bands. Then after a bit it was like: shit, one of them is talking crap and one of them is talking politics. I startedto get into the politics.

The assertionthat he preferredmusic on the tape for political reasonscementedthe authenticity of his choice. The investigationof the music, previously un-cncountered, allows the primary investigative memberto make evaluationsand choices regarding the saliencyof the music on the tapes. The sameprocesswas evident in the interview transcript of Mr. F. He enteredthe subculturein 1995 after making tapesof the deathmetal band, Obituary, and trading them with an older peer, who reciprocatedwith tapescontainingthe bandsDischarge, Napalm Death and American hardcore bands, Suicidal Tendenciesand NO FX.22 From primary investigation of this tape and subsequentpeer interaction he found that he was listening to obscuregenresof punk and hardcore.23 He consideredthis to be a vast improvement on his idea of punk establishedfrom clips of the Sex Pistols he'd previously seenon television. From this tape, he investigatedthe punk genre further and found ýhatthe lyrical contentchimedwith his existing political beliefs. He noted: [Punk's] definitely got me more into politics and awarenessof issuesand things like that. I always had some kind of feeling that stuff wasn't right but [punk] kind of gave me the information.

The establishmentand affirmation of his political beliefs through his tape-traded introduction to political punk inspired F to take his primary subcultural investigation

It has been establishedthrough the example given by Mr. C that the recognition of subcultural.badgesof membershipallowed connectionswith peerswhere tape trading 22For a full accountof Death Metal and other genresrelated to the ScandinavianbandsseeMoynihan, M. (1998) Lords Of Chaos: The Bloody Rise of TheSatanic Metal Underground, Los Angeles: Feral House. Chapter2 23SeeBlush, (2001).

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could occur.

However non-musical forms of subcultural activity, such as

skateboarding, were also reported by the interviewees as a means where peer formation and tape trading could occur. As I noted above,Mr. G decidedto become involved in skateboardingas both the next step in his subcultural career and as a means of reinforcing his role as trend-setterin his school. As a result of primary investigation, G becameinvolved with two older peers involved in skateboardingat his school. Through this he was introducedto hardcorepunk. G statedthat his initial contact with hardcore during this period was 'life changing' and the initial contact was bolstered though tape trading when he was given a tape by a peer with contemporary American hardcore bands on it such as the New York straightedge band, Snapcase. Further primary investigation of the genre then took place. What tape trading allows is both the primary investigation of the subculture's musical output and the subsequentformation of musical tastes. To recap:through the interactionwith media, family and siblings, the establishment of friendships and peer groups with both subcultural entrants of a similar age and those more subculturally experienced,along with tape trading, primary investigation occurs through the heuristic device of trial and error. It is purposive, but haphazard; self-directed, but with spills and setbacks.Specifically, whilst membership of the subcultureis initiated through such activities, full participation stops short of regular concertattendanceand participationin establishedpunk activity. The final key issue is therefore concert attendance an issue I will afford consideration in chapter seven. Two of the respondentsstated that they attended concertsbefore the ageof sixteen.Mr. R noted that during the early period of punk he was too young to attendthe early punk concertsin Newcastle, yet there was primary

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subcultural investigationof the subculturewithin his school peer grouping before he could finally attenda concert: I rememberthe Damnedplayed at the City Hall. I think The Stranglers,X Ray Spex was the first punk gig I sort of think. The Stranglerswere like mid seventy-sevenand the Damnedand the Dead Boys playedthe end of seventy-sevenand someof the kids in our school or the kids' older brothersa year aboveme had gone to that and [punk] was sort of coming through on a school level. And then my first outing was the Buzzcocksand Penetrationin like March 1978when I wasjust this little geek.

For R. primary investigation of the wider punk scenewas practiced through peer relations such as listening to radio and records,watching TV or vicariously observing his first before he This the attended older peers' activities within came punk scenes. investigation The belies R's 'first of the concert. use of senseof primary outing' his initial down little 'this the to geek' plays subculture while self-referral fieldwork. in favour his the fully-fledged time the of commitment of punk status at Here there is self-recognitionthat R is not a fully-fledged participant of the scene;he recogniseshimself as marginal. It is this marginal and liminal statusthat categorises the primary investigativesubculturemember. So in concludingthis section,we can seethat primary subculturalactivity is relative in important the group and subculturalpeer and principally within the actor's world of the initial practice of rebellion. It is marginal within the older and more established subcultural scenepracticesof concertattendanceand what has been identified as core subcultural activities.

The primary subcultural investigator, within the larger

subculture and its practice, is relegatedto the role of a peripheral member of the subculturalnexus,a relative bystanderwho, by showing persistenceand commitment in searchingfor what is consideredauthentic in punk practice, may overcome and move beyond this marginal statusand enter into a position of liminality with respect to fully-fledged sceneparticipation, involvement and identity. In order to proceed towards more advancedsceneknowledge of the subcultureand gain an affinity and

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affiliation with it, liminal individuals enter into what I have termed secondary subculturalinvestigation. Secondary Investigation

For the participants involved, secondarysubcultural investigation is the detailed, practical investigation of existing subcultural scene activities and the amassingof subcultural sceneknowledge through the identification, reciprocation and interaction with more potential, experienced and capable peers.

This is done through

advancementof the previously establishedexamples,and through further engagement with skateboarding,tape trading and interactionwith specific media, listening to more obscure underground bands and the regular attendance of concerts in a more committed explorative manner.

But how, more specifically, is secondary

investigationdifferent to its predecessor,primary investigation? The majority of participants who spokeof their deepeningsubcultural involvement did so at an age where they had either left school and could attend concerts or attendedsuch events by flaunting the legal restrictions governing entry to licensed establishmentsin tandem with their perception of punk's rebellious spirit. In this processthe existing peer networks formed through primary investigation within the subculture are expanded,strengthenedand fulfilled.

They are establishedthrough

repetition until 'authentic' participation is approachedthough not fully achieved. In short, the fledgling subculturalmemberin this study deepenedtheir involvement and commitment with other subcultural members through an intensified repetition of subcultural activities. From this, the senseof affirmation is felt, shared ways of thinking are embarkedupon and social networks are formed allowing the subject to participatemore fully in subculturalactivities.

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In terms of entrance,secondaryinvestigationis key in the formation of subcultural sceneknowledge it is at the sametime both heuristic and explorative. As a final introductory point to this section, it should be made clear that the practice of secondaryinvestigation still marks the entrant as existing at either the peripheral or is involvement. This levels not to say that there is no semi-peripheral of subcultural possibility of full or 'core' participation. Indeed,secondaryinvestigationconfirms the is individual from liminality the to poised on the cusp of as movement periphery completesubculturalsceneparticipationand practice. Within this section I will deal with three key points. Firstly, the formation of and deepeningassociationwith punk peer groupingsgearedtowards a specific genreand associatepeer groupings gatheredaround the rubric of authenticity. Secondly, the deepeningof commitmentto the latter with the formation of link activities such as the Leeds 12 lin the fanzines. Finally, tapes the scene and club production of as and featured in both the participant observationsections and the interviews, I wish to in how local examine punk networking and organizationoperate the role of secondary investigation. In secondary investigation the gradual accumulation of subcultural scene knowledgetakesplace. As a consequence of this deepeningof understanding,a sense of subcultural understandingand affiliation occurs heuristically.

Here Mr. V

in investigation how takes the secondary place provides a clear exampleof subcultural absenceof more experiencedpeers: We wereift told that the Dead Kennedyswere a classic band and this is a classic band. We were like: where do we start? Oh right well I went to see this band and this band supportedand they are playing again and we should check'em out and we should do it from scratchourselves. Every time we found a band that was amazingwe were like oh right, what label are they on? Follow that up, check out the other bandson that label.

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From this practice the vernacularskills usedto participate in punk subculturalscene discourse and to become knowledgeableof its sub-genresare produced through in is both Such this outlined quote, subcultural activity, repetitive engagement. investigative and exploratory. It is firstly investigative through the trial and error bands 'classic in finding V's the were' and through the process,as caseof out what This bad the is subculture. within practice process of ascertainingwhat good and level of investigation involves refining one's tastesaccording to a chosengenre of punk. Once selected,the exploration of the specifics of that given genre can occur, labels bands' in involves and this other which case searching out and exploring concerts. This practice was carried out by Mr. B in his searchfor an appropriatepeer group. He statedhow he struggledto find peerswho listened to American hardcoreduring the mid-1980S.24 He found himself associatingwith 'the metal kids' for company, although the dominanceof the metal genrewithin his peer group and the obscurity of hardcorepunk left him with the peer statusof outsider and his isolation intact.2s This

24American hardcore,is the US equivalentand legacy of both the American and English punk scenes and debatesare rife in relation to the exact origin of the genre. This was the genre that extendedthe Hardcore into DiY formation was a phenomenon the networks. ethic and global punk of of national that took a foothold in the UK in the early nineteeneighties with bandssuch as The Dead Kennedys, Black Flag toured there. Indeedboth the aestheticand musical style of American hardcorehas become a relatively stable influence on punk rock in the UK up the presentday. IndeedMr. R speculatesthat the initial contact with this genrecamethrough tape trading and the Californian band, Crucifix touring the UK in 1984 after recording for the Crass records subsidiary label Corpus Christi: entitled Dehumanisation. Also the American band, MDC, (Millions of Dead Cops) recorded and releaseda hardcorerecord on Crassrecords in 1982: Mull! Death Corporations. In terms of style there are as many sub-genresand styles of American hardcoreas there are bands. Overall the tempo and speedof many of thesebandswas faster,more energeticand the approachto the music more direct than many of their British counterpartsin the early 1980s. For an American view of British punk's initial reaction to the Californian hardcoreband,Black Flag, SeeRollins, H (1995) Get In the Van, Washington2/13/61 and the comprehensivehistory of American hardcorefrom 1977 until the mid 1980s:Blush, S. (2001) American Hardcore: 4 Tribal History, New York Feral House. Also seeany issueof Maximum Rock and Roll 1984-present. 25'Metal kids'relates to the once separategenrespopular in youth culture from the 1950sonwards. By using the genreterm 'metal' in the mid-1980sthis servesas a genre location indicator. D is referring to the acceptabilityof showingaffiliation with a number of sub-genresof punk in this time period and this broadly reflects the dissolving and shifting of musical genre boundariesevident in the late seventies and early eighties. The genreof rock known as metal was first invoked in the late nineteenseventies

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led to his continuanceof secondaryinvestigationresulting in the subsequentdiscovery he Stating identification his that the of straight edge. sub-genre with, of, and eventual did not appreciatethe drinking and drug taking of his subculturalpeers,he found that the adoption of the straight edge allowed him to 'resist peer pressureto drink'. His formation in direct investigation the the and connection secondary eventuallyresulted deepened his beliefs. both This of a peer group sceneassociatedwith straight edge 'brotherhood': to and the of affiliation sense a commitment subcultureand provided It was a nice little clique to be in and therewas not that many straight edgekids about so you had like a feeling of brotherhoodand that kind of thing. I mean if you saw some kids into the straightedgeand stuff you understoodeachother and had a link.

Mr. B's testimony demonstratesthe problems that subcultural investigation can investigation the Through most until trial continued present. and error, secondary identified in was grouping authentic and personally suitable punk subcultural scene terms of tasteand affiliations formed with it. The affiliation with a group of outsiders, initially to the existing punk sceneof the late 1980sand to punk activities couchedin hedonism,locatedthe senseof unity andthen allowed B to show affinity with a group both his deepened This senseof affiliation and the marginalisedwithin punk scene. his particularistic commitmentto the punk subculture.

to describethe soundof bandspost rock and heavy rock with bandssuchas UFO, JudasPriest, AC/DC and Motorhead. Later the new wave of British heavy metal' was used by participants as parlanceto describe the new metal bands of the early 1980ssuch as Iron Maiden, Accept, Ile Scorpions, The Tygers of Pan Tang, Vardis, Venom and Samson,etc. Indeed, the music press of the time (Sounds, Kerrang, Melody Maker and NME) coined a term for the plethora of latter bands involvement as NWOBHM. Such genreswere viewed as distinct and separatefrom the genresof punk rock as both the music pressand fans viewed punk as a separategenre. However, during the mid-to-late-eighties there was a seachangeof opinion as musical styles and genresmergedwith punk. Punk and hardcore bandsbeganto play metal and vice versa. Evidenceof this is most visible and audible in the adoption of American bands such as Anthrax and Metallica playing fast, energeticand angry music of British street punk combined with the dexterity and musicianshipof metal, wearing street punk band t-shirts such as Discharge and GBH. Vice versa, punk bands such as Onslaught,Heresy, Concrete Sox and Sacrilegedid the same. Overall this genre becameto be known as 'Crossover.' a loose term which summarisedthe blurring of boundariesbetweenpunk, metal, hardcoreand heavy metal in the 1980s and beyond. For further discussionof this genre see (See Arnett, 1996; Walser, 1993; Weinestein, 1991,2000). For the mediacoverageon this seethe issuesof Mega Metal Kerrang from 1986onwards and for criticism, seethe UK scenereportsfrom the sameperiod in Maximum Rock and Roll,

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Thus far, within secondaryinvestigation,peer pressurehas remained unexamined. In the previous section on primary investigation, Mr. G considered himself an authentic trend-setter and commentedthat he controlled the peer pressure in his subculturalgrouping. In the role of secondaryinvestigationthis changesdramatically. Once immersed in the hardcore punk subculture, G found his peer group through in investigation secondarysubcultural scene also the niche genre of straight edge. However, where B clearly articulatesthe consciousdecision to resist peer pressure from his is is become for Mr. G the the reversed role case: and straight edge, opposite his early subculturalexperience:he is no longer a trend-setter,rather a follower! He has becomethe personhe chastisedfor following his rebellious examplesat school! G's secondaryinvestigation of the straight edge comes through a peer pressureto conform to existing straight edgebeliefs, eventhough he had little knowledgeof what they meant at the time. Of all the intervieweesMr. G was clearestin relation to the hardcore in he felt during the his to scene. pressure peer early years participate Issues of authenticity become striking here as the subject clearly makes the distinction betweenbeing an inauthenticparticipant in the genre of straightedgeand investigation further be before full to of the secondary attempting a participant meaning of this subculturalpractice could be performed.26Becoming straightedgeat 16, and initially having no idea what this entailed, G commentson how this decision was a result of peer pressureand a fear of being identified as inauthentic by a more involved straightedgepeer:

26Straightedgedraws its title from the DC band, Minor Threat's song 'Straight Edge' and originatesin American hardcore from aroundl980. In short straight edge is the complete abstinencefrom drink, drugs,premarital sex and adoptsa positive attitude. It is a reactionto the hedonismof past and present youth culture's: this has been termed a 'rebellion againstrebellion' Lahickey (1997:xviii). Boston's SSD and WashingtonDC's Minor Threat and a number of later New York Hardcore such as Youth Of Today, Gorilla Biscuits, Judge and Bold were representativeof this period. For full accounts see Sinker (2001), Andersonand Jenkins(2001) Blush (2001) Lahickey (1997).

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My decision to be straight edgeharks back to a conscientiousfashion decision back in the day. I remembergoing to see[band] and they were all x'ing up and stuff and I x'ed up to be part of the crew. And they are like 'oh, so you're straight edgethenT And I'm like yeah OK, I'm straightedgeand then I kind of like found out what it meantand stuff and I was like: Ok I'm gonnabe straightedgefor a yearjust to prove I'm not addicted. I was like doing it purely for fashion,to be part of the crowd, to belong. Six years later I still don't feel the needto drink or whatever.

Here there is the clear suggestionthat the processof subculturalscenemembership is learnt - 'then I kind of like found out what it [straight edge] meant' - but taste is not governed solely by the individual's preference at the point of secondary investigation. For G (as with Mr. Ts opening commentsabove)the clear admission that he did not fully understandthe implications of what was involved with the straightedgesceneand his admissionof succumbingto peer pressureand the needto 'fit in', meantthat he merely assumedthis role until he could participate long enough to investigatestraight edgepractice. The questionby his peers,'oh, so you're straight edge thenT also reveals either that there is some affinity being expressedbetween is 'doubt' the the the time, that some questioner present. part of on peers,or, at same The affirmative responseto the questionerrevealsthe fear G has of being discovered is investigation. This inauthentic leads further, this to subcultural as and secondary wherethe peer pressureis revealed. Mr. G's example summarisesthe central point that secondaryinvestigation of the subcultureis governedby the two-way impact of peer pressureand 'bluffing' around questions of identity and taste. As Mr. V stated above, 'no one told us the Dead Kennedyswere a classicband.' Similarly, no one told B or G what straight edgewas, they had to find out through secondaryinvestigation, although B made a conscious decision to become involved to avoid peer pressureto drink and G did so merely through peer pressure.

Once such knowledge is investigated and explored

heuristically, detailing how the shared subcultural scene values, rules and norms operate,a deeperform of participationand commitment can occur.

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Overall, through secondaryinvestigationthe subcultural peer group is sought out and established. I have shown how peer pressureis either refuted or withheld as a practice of gaining entrancecredentials. What runs alongsidethis entrancepractice is a deepening of commitment through the more meaningful reiteration and intensification of subcultural activities. The question arises: what shape and form doesthis commitmenttake in secondarysubculturalinvestigation? I have establishedthat the secondelementof secondaryinvestigationis the selection of a specific punk scene and I now wish to explore more fully the deepeningof commitment and the more precise adoption of values within the subculture. As I noted above, two of the intervieweeschoseto abstainfrom drinking and drug use in order to demonstratetheir level of commitment to a specific punk scene. The other most salient demonstrationof commitment was vegetarianism. The most striking in had between time interviewees them the some that at similarity were, or all of was their subcultural careers,been either vegetarianor vegan. Mr. R, 0, Q, K, J and C diet in for in influence this was the change were explicit stating that the main discovery of the anarcho-punkgenrein their teenageyearswith its heavy emphasison animal rights politics. Mr. Q stated on his choice of punk genre that 'if it wasn't anarcho it wasn't good. He became a vegetarian and later through secondary investigation became active, with other punks from his area, in forming a hunt saboteurs'cell. Mr. C was explicit how his choice to becomea vegetarianwas both a combination of the needto impresshis girlfriend at the time and his investigation of the anarcho-punkgenre: Shewas a vegetarianand we went to Birmingham like, 'causethis is where I usedto go a lot of the time to buy recordsand stuff. I bought a Ripcord record that day, Defiance of Power and there's an anti-McDonalds song on the LP. There we were stood outside McDonalds. There I am chomping on a burger, a proper McDonalds burger, and she's vegetarian.Anyway, I supposeit's the sort of thing where you want to impress your

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girlfriend, and stuff, you want to do the right thing. So then like, I was going to be a vegetarian. I endedup doing ft and sticking with it and got more into it.

Mr. C shows how the level of commitmentis both a combination of peer pressure and the input of the political statementsof the genresof punk he was investigating. As I noted above,Mr. Q becameinvolved in the Hunt SaboteursalongsideMs. W and Ms. M. The levels of commitment for the intervieweeswere extendedto other activities within their chosenpunk scenes. Mr. R madea fanzine and copied tapes for friends before joining his first band in 1984. Danbert Nobacon took inspiration from early concerts by the band Crass, who demonstratedthe ease of which goals could be achieved in punk rock though DiY, and took early steps towards forming Chumbawamba. Mr. S becameinvolved in the promotion of gigs for the lin12 club in Bradford. In short, all of the intervieweesspokeof their regular attendanceof punk concertsduring the later stagesof their subculturalsceneentrance. The short list of secondaryinvestigative activities detailed here demonstrated,in contrast to primary investigation,the deepeningof levels of commitmentto the punk subculture. Authenticity is an implicit feature of the interviewees talk regarding their commitmentto a given sub-genreof punk. The majority of the intcrvieweeschosethe anarchopunk sceneas an authentic,ethical version of punk rock. To be committed to a specific genreof punk and form opinions of what is and is not punk, is at the same time both an index of the actors' commitments to the subculture scene and also a badgeof authenticity and separation.It is also a key elementof secondarysubcultural investigation. Mr. R demonstratedthat someof his punk subculturalpeers'just didn't get it'. Their interpretation of punk for R and his peers was inauthentic. Here R voices his opinions of the rise of streetpunk in the early eighties:

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It occurredeverywhere,it was stupid,like, especiallythe press,Garry Bushel and Sounds and stuff like Punk Lives with the fucking 'punk prime-minister' or whatever. And I mean there are probably equivalentsof that now in some sort of cheesypop paper. I mean you know it was laughable. We used to laugh our assesoff at the Exploited. I should show you my copy of Punk's Not Dead by the Exploited where it just has these crazy drawings just taking the piss out of these fucking goons you know. So yeah, I wasn't really down with unity 'causethere was like punks who got it and fucking punks who didn't.

I shall reservedetailed analysisof how such comment is engagedin the discursive constructionof punk authenticityuntil chaptersix. PresentlyI wish to use this quote to establish that alongside a deepening commitment to a scene in secondary be is deemed investigation, to is formed subcultural regardingwhat an opinion - and what is not - authentic punk rock. For the interviewees of this study, secondary investigation involved an affinity towards what was consideredan authentic version it. One demonstration to the such example of punk rock and active of a commitment of such a commitmentin the field-work was involvement in the I in 12 club scene. The final elementof secondaryinvestigationdetails how affinities and commitments for the 1inl2 Club scene are formed. Indeed, it is not only peers but also for as a act magnet with punk which organizations,networks and groups associated involvement initial hub here The introduced Iinl2 is Club and of as a entrance. entrancefor a numberof the interviewees. The club is an exampleof a community of outsiders due to its affiliations with anarchism and links with political activities links The left-wing of these groups with associatedwith marginalised groups. The for followers the those anarcho scene. punk of anarchismalso acted as a magnet senseof disenchantmentwith the world, the dissatisfactionwith what was considered inauthentic,was supportedthrough the actors' entranceand affiliation with the 1in12. Located chiefly around secondary subcultural investigation, this organization provided a proper resolution to the initial isolation and loneliness of some of the interviewees. It functioned, from the point of view of the interviewees, as an authentichaven of solacefor the socially disaffected. Here I demonstratehow some GordonPhD

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of its members came to be involved in it through their secondary subcultural investigation. Many of the intervieweesspokeof how the club 'gradually' drew them into full political subculturalsceneparticipation for varying periods of time. The club also representsa fascinatingintersectionof punk rock and politics. Mr. C was invited to gig there in 1992; Mr. R becameinvolved whilst living in a K Danbert Mr. in Leeds before being invited there. to and squat promote gigs Nobacon volunteered to help renovatethe building in 1988. Mr. S volunteered to promote gigs with the club from 1983onwards and Mr. 0 and Q attendedthose and later gigs.

The binding element of attraction to the linl2

was its anarchist

it that interviewees' that the punk: sensibilities perceptionof authentic combinedwith is cheap,anti-profit, accessible,inclusive,rebellious,libertarian and political. In what follows there are various claims madeby the intervieweesregardingthe cheapnessof the club, its empoweringpotential and its statusas a sceneof outsiderscelebratedby its senseof difference. Mr. C referredto the club as a 'mixed bag of freaks'. The rhetorical implications of this statement lie in its wry celebration of variety, is difference; Unity cemented solidarity community and outsiderness. consists of through social distinction. I shall now examinethree of the members' reasonsfor becominginvolved with the lin12 club in the perceivedentrancestageof secondarysubculturalinvestigation. Mr. H made contact with the lin12 club through a college friend who played in a band, inviting him to a gig there in 1992. He was impressedwith the 'cheapness' and 4collectivenature of the club'. The senseof cheapnessand accessibility to marginal groupsis a common threadof interview discourse,not least becausea number of the interviewees were on unemployment benefit throughout the 1980s. Here the authenticity of the club is alluded to in H's claim that the club is not 'in it for the

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money', and has 'no leader to dictate to you' through its collective organisation: sentiments which corroborated his disenchantment and affirmed his sense of difference. The impressionthe lin12 madeon H led to his secondaryinvestigation of the punk subculture through the supportive lens of the established scene peer groupingsthere. He statedthat he 'gradually' becamemore involved in DiY hardcore and punk through picking up 'flyers' and 'chatting' to others at these events. His subsequentscenerelationswere formed asa result of attendingmore of theseevents. After a period where he describedhimself as a 'loner' at the club, H exemplified how an initial friendship was struck up. Here the recognition of what he perceivedto be an authentic, common sensibility of punk culture was made allowing him a sense its by investigating involved further He became various of affinity and affiliation. subcultural sceneactivities. Mr. K cameover and chattedto him at a lin12 club gig: I was sat at the bar and it was really busy and he actually came up and sat next to us did Mr. K. And it was like 'hello, like how are youT Fucking hell! Yeah, sound! And it was like 'did you like the bandT And I was like yeah, they're really good. And it was like 'what's your name? Oh, H, 'I'm K' it was like wicked, I [realised] I was just as freaky as all the other peopleyou know.

For H, the initial peer relationships in punk were made through a secondary subcultural investigation within the club where an affinity with the other club memberswas established. Whilst being accepted,H insistedon describinghimself as a loner, stating that he never adopted the 'correct clothing' in order to secure in he is interesting This that rhetorical point membership and acceptance. an considered the clothing secondary to authentic subcultural scene practice.

He

preferred to wear his own 'normal' clothing style as a marker of authenticity, yet is It member. also significant that his rejection of peer remainedacceptedas a club pressureto adopt dresscodesreflects the club's generaldisposition. Within the club, H's senseof differencewas upheld allowing him the esteemto enter into, and become

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further involved with, secondaryinvestigationof the club's activities. He joined the 'mixed bag of freaks.' Ms. G's secondaryinvestigationoccurredwhen she moved to Bradford to be with her sisters. Here she found through secondary investigation that there was a community that reflectedher own ideason life: Everyonemoved out of my hometownand found better lives through the punk sceneand had beento different towns endingup in Bradford, so I followed the sisterly route. Int: What attractedyou to the punk and hardcorescenesthere? G: well it was the peopleat first that attractedme. I just got on with peopleso well. Sort of realisedthey are the best sort of peopleI have ever met in my life. They arejust dead down to earth and stuff and, erm, the music grew on us at first. It wasn't instantaneous with the music thing, it was the peopleand the senseof communitythat brought me to it.

G's term, the 'best sort of people', whose chief value for her was that they were 'down to earth', is usedhere to authenticatethe senseof affinity and community she felt at the club. The colloquial phrase'down to earth' is a vernacular synonym for 'authentic'. Its rhetorical value is reinforced by the senseof contrast implicit in its metaphorical reference. The presupposedopposites of being 'down to earth' are either delusion ('head in the clouds') or deceit ('pie in the sky'). Such terms are used here both to verify andjustify G's reasonsfor attraction to and involvement with the linl2.

While I have previously establishedthat the combination music and politics

has beenthe sole reasonfor and secondaryinvestigation,in this instancethe opposite is the case:for G statesthat the music came after involvement and identification with subculturalmembers. The point is not the priority of one or other factor, but the way any can facilitate entry and then confirm and reinforce this in combination with others. The benefits of such a geographic move in subcultural scene terms, and the subsequentconnectionsmade, coincide with the theme of personal transformation through secondaryinvestigation. Initially G describedherself as 'shy' and 'lacking in

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confidence' when she first moved to Bradford. After about three months of club activity, G noted that she became 'almost over-confident.'

This personal

transformationwas chiefly produced,for her, through a 'sense of achievementfrom doing DiY activity, stuff that could not normally be achieved.' For Ms. G the I in 12 provided a 'non-judgmental space and a sense of community and family' that increasedpeer influence and inspiredwhat sheconsideredto be genuine,autonomous activity. Here the claims towards subculturalactivity centre around the senseof both personal and collective control governing her activities in the lin12.

Through

secondaryinvestigation and participation, her senseof an authentic belonging at the point of entrancewas established. The casefor this is located around the rhetorical distinction betweenDiY at the I in 12 and other subcultural and cultural spaceswhere 'stuff could not normally be achieved.' Authenticity is espousedfurther in her claims for the I in 12 providing a senseof non-judgmentalcommunity and family. Here the oppositesof 'lack of a collective feeling and solidarity' are intimated as inauthentic ways of being. Finally, Mr. F's secondary investigation of political punk in the taped music describedabovesteeredhim towardsa university degreein politics at Bradford. From there he made connectionswith the lin12 scenearound 1999. However, whilst he found, in similarity to the other interviewees, what he described as 'like-minded' people at the linl2, whose atmospherehe felt 'supportive',he occasionally found the relatively advancedages of his peers and the 'cliquey' atmosphereof the club offputting. The problem here with the subcultural community of outsiders is that the perceivedatmosphereof the club belonging for young newcomerscan be off-putting: the existing experienceand the full participation of the members there made for a difficult period of assimilation for him.

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barrier daily to the newcomer. act as a established,vernacular normsandpracticescan Mr. H noted this above. From my participant observation at the linl2, there is a period on entering the club when one feels initially excluded. This feeling dissipates once familiarity and involvementoccur. However, this was in the negative for F: the fruition of secondarysubculturalinvestigationdoes not always pay off. His feelings 'cliquey' his being the the and perceived peers age of of out of step with advanced in investigation led further to resulted a which atmosphere, secondarysubcultural keen is Here finished. had Leeds degree his University to example of a move after how a personmay leave the lin12 club scene,an issueI will deal with in much more detail in chapter eight. For presentpurposes,F's example has a dual purposehere. Not only does it show how the 1 in12 club is entered;it simultaneouslyshows how the Leedssceneis also consideredfor relocationdue to its younger scene. Overall I have establishedthat secondarysubcultural investigation in broad terms is the establishment,through the heuristic repetition of subcultural practice, of a peer in interest the identified punk subculture. scene specific group affinity chiefly a with Secondly, once an affinity is establisheda sense of commitment and authenticity begins to be generated. What this servesto do is to establish,for the actor, what is how have I is In the shown particular, and not an authenticgenre/sceneof punk rock. investigation and adoption of the anarcho punk genre led to a number of the intervieweesbecominginvolved with the I in12 club sceneand how this involvement was establishedalong the lines of what they consideredto be authenticpunk practice. Secondarysubcultural.investigationinvolves initial participation within such a scene, continuing until the memberhasachievedfull acceptanceand membershipstatus.

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Conclusion

Overall I have identified the initial pattern and central theme of entranceto the punk subculture as an investigativeone: a cultural activity that involves the fonnation of peer identification, interaction and reciprocal support in order allow the participant to strive towards full, authenticparticipationin the punk scene. All the intervieweeslaid full form leaming before involved to the participation could be claim of some process recognized by their peers. What though has not been discussedin the above is the ethical history of the punk scenesthe participantsfound themselvesimmersedin and influenced by. In tandemwith a number of the participants of this study the ethical bedrock of punk has evolved and matured with the members of the subculture, constantly being redefinedand reinterpreted. It is to the thorny issueof ethics that I now turn my attention.

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Chapter Four: Punk Ethics The nameis Crass,not Clash! They can stuff their punk credentials &causeit's them that take the cash! Crass(1978) TheFeedingOf the Five Thousand(Small Wonder Records).

Introduction The purposeof this chapteris to set out a relatively coherentethics of DiY punk rock in order to provide a framework for the presentationof the ethnographic data in immediately Such runs up against a potential a purpose succeeding chapters. difficulty. Trying to show how an overall ethical corpusinforms DiY punk rock may is lead this that to, the a universal, absolute to assumption easily or appear support, DiY is This Understanding of any particular manifestation entity. not the case. both begin the in similarities and to with a given milieu or scene, needs ethics, differencesit has with other, wider punk subculturalscenegroupings. How do they be it Here that from distinct remembered should to other? and each yet relate remain into built the methodological choice of this was recognition of analytical point in Bradford. Leeds and two scenes geographicallyadjacentpunk subcultural studying In the presentcontext, this choice allows the presentationof ethical values without an ironic or realist subscriptionto a 'core' punk morality and ethos. This is the trap I have fallen biographical in rock works on punk outlined chapterone, that a numberof into in advancingtheir own versionsof punk as gospel and, in support of their own inauthentic. denigrating as others ethical credentials, Authenticity has a shadowy presencein the background of this chapter, but will becomeopenly manifestlater on, in the chaptersdealingwith practice and the passage into and out of punk. It is the key issue, indeed even the key theme, especially of hardcore is American the assimilation of punk which subsequent anarchopunk, and my central focus throughout the thesis. This focus has been chosen for two major

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reasons. Firstly, whilst it could be seenas the selective advancementof a specific genre,anarchopunk and hardcoreloomedlarge in the backgroundsof the informants of the presentstudy. Secondly,thesesceneshave a rich history of resistanceand of intensifying what can be called the early 'punk spirit' in its active conjunction of political action, DiY cultural productionand punk musical values. That punk is consideredby many theoristsas a subcultureis my first port of call in developinga relative model of punk ethics. Subculturesand counterculturesestablish themselvesagainsteither a parentculture or a political and economicsystem,yet they are sometimes set off against each other as if they present radically opposed 27 The term counterculture may be applied to punk as a political alternatives. formation in so far as it is concernedwith dramatic social political and cultural hegemonic itself in direct values, cultures and parent placing change, conflict with become in term When the this set can easily way, and norms. ethics usedexclusively up against that of subculture. This is certainly the case when subcultures are identity being whilst of style and aspects advanced as chiefly concerned with dichotomy. is largely This to a simplistic and misleading conforming a parentculture. Punk, including anarchopunk, may well be both, as for examplewhen we considerits its international (counterculture) geographically and and and national connections temporally specific scenes and groupings (subcultures).

There is clearly a

considerableoverlap between the two definitions and their objects of description. Further, there is at times an uneasy 'fit' between the chosen activity and the term applied to it: is it subculturalor countercultural? I am suggestingthat the decision as to whether punk is a countercultureor subcultureprovides a wider indication of the centralargumentof this chapter:that the ethics of punk, as realized by the participant, 27Whilst the tenn is DiY in to the loosestsensein this chapter it is presented applied punk subculture for reasonsof continuity and brevity ratherthan for ideological and rhetorical effect.

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rest upon the acceptance of one or more of a number of competing claims with regard

to what punk actually is. Punk is shapedin relation to how it is defined. Early theoriesof subcultureshad the tendencyto presentthem as coherent,unitary wholes, complete with their own cohesive internal dynamics. This was a falsely syncretic gloss on what was alwaysa far messierreality. In addition, the relationship of subculturesto mainstreamgroupswas presentedin dualistic terms. This can easily lead to misconceptions,and in orderto help offset them, it may be instructive to return to Albert Cohen (1955) who theorized the emergenceof youth subcultures as a responseto tensions in the wider culture, perceived by young people as 'problems' which he defines as largely status-driven. Subcultures,for Cohen, form through understandings generated between groups of young people with a common understandingof their plight which, in turn, is transformed into a set of practical solutions together with their own internal dynamics of norms and rules. It is worth quoting the author at length here: The emergenceof these 'group standards'of this shared frame of reference,is the emergence of a new subculture. it is cultural because each actor's participation in this system or norms they go by in evaluating people. These criteria are an aspect of their cultural frames of reference. If we lack the characteristicsor capacitieswhich give status in terms of thesecriteria, we are beset by one of the most typical and yet distressing of human problems of adjustment.One solution is for individuals who sharesuch problemsto gravitate toward one another and jointly to establishnew norms, new criteria of status which define as meritorious the characteristicsthey do possess,the kinds of conductof which they arecapable.(Cohen, 1955:65-6 emphasisin original)

An ethics of punk from this position is entirely convincing - disaffection with or a senseof exclusion from mainstreamnorms and values can lead to people gravitating toward one another and jointly establishingalternative norms, values and criteria of statuswhich, as in the caseof anarchopunk scenes,are antagonisticto those of the mainstream- yet we still needto accommodatethe variability and mutability of punk ethics. They are not identical acrossdifferent DiY scenesand do not remain invariant

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over time. The extent of the difficulty here can be gaugedby the affirmation afforded to the illusion of uniformity and cohesionby the rhetorical claim of some individuals and groups that, unlike thosewith whom they are unfavourably compared,their own ethical practiceis closer in spirit to what was 'originally' set out in punk's moment of creative emergence. Suchrhetoric works at the sametime to undermineor annul the in far dualistic to the culture so mainstream as validity of notion of punk's opposition the claim is for a more pristine continuity with an originating ethos. Like its subcultural predecessors,punk provided a vehicle for its participants in which previously unacceptableforms of behaviourcould be simultaneouslyadopted 'straight' being to to the or cause offence and acceptedwithin able group while still 'normal' membersof society. Cohensuggestedthat new subcultures'representa new status systemsanctioningbehaviourtabooedor frowned upon by the larger society', and that 'the acquisition of statuswithin the new group is accompaniedby a loss of statusoutside the group' (1955: 68). Cohen'swork clearly developedthe analysisof youth subculturesof the mid-20thcenturyperiod into a credible argument- or at least the beginnings of such an argument- and so provided a useful foundation (now largely neglected)for subsequentsubculturetheory. His model is neverthelessfar too restrictive in terms of its scope and takes little account of how youth subcultures becomerelatively acceptedand assimilatedinto mainstreamculture over time or how their membersin time turn themselvesover to positions of respectability. Nor is the model able to accountfor the divisions and difficulties that occur within a particular subcultureand how thesemay give rise to 'new' subcultural formations or splinterformations (scenes)at the same time as sharing similarities with their subcultural predecessors. The model deals with wider divisions but not with those that occur within a group.

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The occurrence of divisions within a subcultural milieu is a useful focus in advancingthe presentdiscussion. Suchdivisions may even be the best place to start in terms of mapping out an ethics of punk rock. Yet when we turn to later theorizations of scenesand subcultures we find that the emphasis still falls on divisions betweenthem or betweenthem and either mainstreamsociety or a dominant culture. For example, work on the sociology of deviance and later some of the researchof the BCCCS produceda voluminous literature regarding the problems of difference and conflict betweensubculturalgroupings. Spacerestricts full discussion key in here distinctions; discussion to three texts I these the order of all shall confine to illustrate the argument. These are, in the order of their presentation,Stan Cohen (1972), Howard Becker (1964) and Dick Hebdige(1979). The issueof divisions betweenyouth subculturesis centralto StanCohen's (1972) study of mods and rockers, particularly through the attention he gives to the role of the media in amplifying divisions through their ideological focus on the social deviance generatedby subcultural differences. Cohen was right to criticise existing homogenous how he too sociological a presents models of subcultures arise yet divisions internal the He and of account of such groupings. adroitly avoids mention dualisms 'debatedover' in relation to questionsof conduct and practice within youth subcultures. Cohen is chiefly concerned with media reaction and the negative constructionof conflict betweensubculturesthrough the discourseof social deviance. He notes: 'The focus here is on how society labels rule-breakersas belonging to certain deviant groups and how, once the person is thus type cast, his acts are interpretedin terms of the statusto which he has been assigned' (1980:12). As well as deviant subcultural action being responsible for an increase in social control, Cohen's thesis arguesthe reverse of this: that the subculturalreaction to its deviance

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in deviant behaviour of the in the the reflected media produces an expansion subculture. Deviancy amplification is interesting in as much as it is useful in explanatoryterms for punk's earlier exploits, such as the Sex Pistols 'controversial' appearanceon the Today Programmein 1976,but it shedslittle light on the question of how an ethics of punk shouldbe mapped. At least in the caseof punk, but arguably for many other subcultures,ethicsare a continualtopic of discursiveargument- claim do they since not and counterstatement,counter-claimand counter-counterstatement have any single or absolute lodestoneto which they are oriented. Members of subculturesdo not navigate through the vicissitudes of everyday life with a fixed moral compass. Howard Becker's Outsiders (1964), whilst not specifically a study of youth culture and a predecessorof StanCohen'swork, provides an ethnographicaccountof develop jazz To divisions the the outline musician. the artistic within subcultureof presentedin chapter one, Becker makesexplicit the relation betweenthe authentic, 'hip' jazz musician and his 'square' counterpart,the musician who places personal interestsover artistic integrity. I shall saymuch more in chapternine on the dilemmas how illustrate Becker Here I to to subculturescan of such a relationship. want use presentvarious tensionsover ethical issuesof integrity within that subeulturalgroup. Becker refers to suchgroupsas 'cliques, and makesthe following observation: Cliques made up of jazzmen offer their members nothing but the prestige of maintaining artistic integrity; commercial cliques offer security, mobility, income and generalsocial prestige(Becker, 1963:110).

This conflict is a major problem in the career of the jazz musician, and the developmentof his career is contingent on his reaction to it. Becker's argument is basedon the subcultural member's degree of integrity as a musician and reactions within the wider subcultureto their conduct. Thesemay be affirmative or give rise to

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tensions,disagreementsand disputes.Evaluativeresponsesare basedupon vernacular ethical norms and values within the subculture. In many respectsBecker's work prefiguresthe ethical dilemmasof punk, and helpsto emphasisehow issuesof ethical difference arise within scenesas well as between subcultures. These give rise to dilemmas that are often defined aroundrhetorical claims as to who are authentic and inauthenticmembersof a subculture.28 In similar recognition of the internal subcultural divisions observed by Becker, Hebdige addressedthe internal politics within punk by explicitly commentingon the internal inconsistenciesbetweenoriginal and later membersof the subculture: The style no doubt madesensefor the first wave of self-consciousinnovatorsat a level which remained inaccessibleto those who became punks after the subculture had surfaced and been publicized. Punk is not unique in this: the distinction between originals and hangers-onis always a significant one in subculture. Indeed, it is frequently verbalized (plastic punks or safety-pin people, burrhead rastasor rasta band wagon, weekend hippies, etc versus the 'authentic' people)(1979:122).

Hebdige brings thesecritical distinctionsto the fore, though characteristicallyhe does he has if is It to match the stylistic excessof through as so a preoccupationwith style. For leads distorted but to in his this perspective. a youth subcultures own analysis, instance, it is not as if punk antipathy to hippies was based simply on a sartorial objection to beadsand flares. In his reading of subcultures,the aestheticsof style prevail over the ethics of conduct. Divisions and antagonismswithin and between subcultures have both deeper and broader causes and consequencesthan a predominantattentionto style is able to broach. A primary focus on style is unableto encompassthem sufficiently, or to interpret them satisfactorily. As I stressedin chapterone,the major weaknessof studiesof youth subculturelike Hebdige's is that they driven principally by their authors' own intellectual interests. 29Sarah Thornton (1995) has also made this distinction between the hip and the square during her ethnographicexaminationof the undergroundLondon rave cultures of the early 1990s.

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At best, this can yield some interesting insights; at worst it is highly subjective, analytically wilful and empirically unverified. The shortcomingsof such accounts stem from a failure to groundthem at all adequatelyin the views, valuesand voices of subcultural participants themselves. My own study has sought to overcome these shortcomingsthrough its closeethnographicattentionto what participantsin two DiY subcultural scenessay and do as membersof the subculture. What they say and do is directly informed and influencedby their ethical standpoint. Overall these approachesgloss over the divisions and present subcultures as unified blocs of subcultural identity or when such discrepanciesare identified are discussedalong the lines of style (Hebdige, 1979). One of the few advancesbeyond this impasse has been made by McKay (1996) in his discussion of the internal divisions betweenvarious protestfactions in the 1994 London demonstrationsagainst the Conservativegovernment's Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of the same year. Here explicit mention is made of the divisions betweenthose protestors who urged solidarity in challenging police attacks on the demonstrationthrough violent direct action and thosewho choseto resistthoughpassive,non-violent means. This is summarizedin the statement,'Keep it Fluffy or Keep it Spikey' (1996: 174). McKay helps pave the way towards a clearer understandingof the ethical positions and dilemmas in a counterculture. Central to what follows is a detailed investigation of how such divisions are actually constitutive of the ethical positions within the DiY punk rock scenesin this study. In this chapterI shall outline the major componentsof punk ethics and explore in detail what is involved in the production of an ethics from a UK DiY perspective. In doing so I shall pay attentionto both divisions within and betweensubcultural scenes, though in developingthis focus I do not meanto rule out the question of international

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influences

(2003) 'transnational Ulf Hannerz the calls connections' what or -

impact of large-scalesocial and political events. Nor do I wish to suggestthat the methodsespousedby Crassand hardcorepunk elementsprovide the sole model for punk or presentthe only authenticpunk way to proceed. There is no such model, and dualisms divisions The true, and attest to this. no one, absoluteway. existenceof Punk generatesa conflictual, reflexive and relatively internal dynamic with regard to what it actually is, how it is conducted,how it is authenticand how it conductsand presentsits political stances. Through its intersectionof music and political practice, DiY punk discourse employs a definite rhetorical strategy involving a number of competing claims specific to the identity and values of any particular subcultural variant. It is on the basis of theseclaims that we can map out the main tenets and principles that collectively add up to somethingapproximatingto an ethics of punk. I The three main areas of consideration on which I focus in order to sketch the

both direct to for the their specific and relevance standpoint ethical of punk are chosen field in in 2001. the the observed ethnographic subjects and subcultural practices They are the initial inception of punk in the 1970s,the anarcho,punk legacy and the incorporationof American hardcorefrom the early 1980sonwards. Parasitic Punksand Media Parasites Declarationof the emergingDiY punk ethic was first set out in the fanzine Sideburns in 1976: 'This is a chord, here's another! Now form a band!' (Savage, 1991: 281). This was an expressionof a generalcultural sensibility that was in keeping with the alienation and senseof frustration at the thwarted creative energiesof working-class youth in the late 1970s. Gray (2001) neatly articulatesthe early punk spirit of DiY: 'if you're bored, do somethingabout it; if you don't like the way things are done, act to changethem, be creative, be positive, anyone can do it' (2001: 153). At that time

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therewas a significant gapbetweenpop music aestheticsand the everydayexperience of unemployedyouth. This was registeredin an extension of the previously existing DiY ethic of the British counterculture. Influences from this period fed into punk (McKay, 1988:1-53). In ethical terms it has since been manifestedin terms of being and remaining authentic. The ethical imperativeof authenticity has directly informed DiY punk valuesand practices,sometimesin quite divisive ways. Once establishedin the vernacularof punk culture, those who sell out, ignore, transgressor just step over the mark are met with the moral discipline of those deemed (by themselves and/or others) as authentic members of the scene. Joe Strummereven went-so far as to refer to the punks in generalas 'being infected with the kind of Orwellian revisionism and doublethink that was guaranteedto deny personalfreedom' (Gray, 2001). Gray alsocites Tony Parsonsas viewing punks' new 29 divisions internal 'StaliniSt, but in its the this which over as glosses ethics approach instance for in those tensions the transgressions as subculture, ethical and produce basedaround either support for or refutation of such bandsas The Clash (2001: 163). The early period of UK punk revealsthe first sinnersand transgressorsof a putative punk DiY ethic. The Sex Pistols and The Clashare perhapsthe most obvious, though in the venom subcultural trade-offs similar sell-outs and were met with equal immediatemonths of punk's emergenceaswell as in subsequentyears. After the initial outrageand banning of punk, the UK record industry signed up large numbers of punk bands in order to stave off the general recession which had resulted in the decline of record sales in the late 1970s (Laing, 1985).

This

incorporation by the industry was viewed by the Epping punk band Crass as utter travesty -a complete 'sell-out'.

The term 'sell-out' here refers not only to seduction

29TonyParson'sin Gray(2001:163).See,Westway Tothe WorldDVD specialfeatureinterviews.

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by the lures of commercialsuccess,but also to compromiseor even abandonmentof punk principles and values,or what, rather less kindly, we might call an essentialist senseof punk propriety. This was the first significant example of a punk critique of ethical infraction. PennyRimbaud(1998) statedthat: Within six months the movementhad beenbought out. The capitalist counterrevolutionarieshad killed it with cash. Punk degeneratedfrom being a force for change,to becomingjust anotherelementin the grand media circus. Sold out, sanitized and strangled,punk had becomejust another commodity, a burnt-out memory of how it might havebeen(1998:74).

This blanket ethical censuregave rise to the offshoot anarchopunk scene with its associatedclaim of moral andpolitical authenticityin the face of what was considered to be a 'bought out' and sterilizedpunk subculture. Rimbaudand Crasswere in many ways responsiblefor first voicing the concernsthat punk had becomewatered down and politically inert. For Crassthe core ethic of DiY had beenovertakenby executive managers,records deals,contractsand money and the result was that the subversive, rebellious and political edge of punk had been eclipsed. Such sentiments were articulated in their first twelve inch record, The Feeding of the Five Thousandon the track 'Punk Is Dead': Yes that's right punk is dead,it's just anothercheapproduct for the consumers head. Bubblegum.rock on plastic transistors,schoolboy sedition backedby big time promoters. CBS promote the Clash but it ain't for revolution it's just for cash. Punk becamea fashionjust like hippy usedto be it ain't got a thing to do with you or me. Movements are systemsand systemskill. Movements are expressionsof public will. Punk becamea movement 'causewe all felt lost, but the leaderssold out now we all pay the cost. (Crass,1978)

The angerin this quoteat the 'leaders' (Rotten, Strummer)in their 'selling out' of punk rock standsas testimonyto the social movementthat aroseout of Crassand the subsequently inspired network of anarchist inspired bands at this time. The developmentof anarchopunk constituteda significant political turn in punk culture. To quote Rimbaud on the beginningsof Crassagain: 'When Rotten proclaimed that therewas 'no future,' we saw it as a challengeto our creativity - we knew there was a

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future if we were preparedto work for it' (Rimbaud, 1984: 62). The influential effect interviewees fieldwork has been legacy turn this musical on my and of political and very substantial. Under the threat of the Cold War and the economic and social decline of the UK at the turn of the 1980s,Crasswas organizedas a band to provide an accessible and authentic conduit for the anger, protest potential and political disenfranchised by both found had themselves those concernsof young people who Rimbauds' Crass out of arose sell-out punk and organized political movements. responseto the challengeposedagainstpunk creativity. After falling foul of censorson their 'Reality Asylum' track on the Small Wonder began Thousand, Five their they first LP The Feeding own the their of of pressing label, Crass Records, as a crystallization of uncompromising DiY ethics. Recording contracts were shunned, and complete creative control of the uniform artwork was (the by had Crass label. Bands price affordable the at an released records retained $pay no more than' sticker becoming operative here), thus ensuring access and showing sympathy with

the low incomes many of audience members were

band The recession. economic experiencing at the time though unemployment and themselves lived on a meagre income derived from record sales and only gave interviews to DiY fanzines and played only benefit shows. Under its own momentum, the band quickly established themselves as both Situationist jokers - through a series importantly targets and more of pranks on a number of unsuspecting establishment as the ironic ethical figureheads of the early anarcho punk scene.

They found

themselves able to release records and compilation albums of other bands with a 30 While the political actions and music releasesof Crass are too political edge . 30The actions band Crass huge legacy is detailed their too the and now of and wide activities and ranging for the scope of this research. See: Crass Best Before 1984 sleeve notes (Crass Records 1985);McKay (1996); Rimbaud(1998).

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numerousand wide ranging to documenthere, their subsequentinfluence and legacy has acted as a blueprint for the operationof subsequentDiY scenes:in this casethe Leedsand Bradford DiY scenes.The grassroots, political exampleCrasspioneeredin their groundbreakingearly releaseshad a markedethical effect that cameto fruition in the numberof political punk bandsthat emergedin the late 1970sand early 1980s. Compilation RecordsandAnarcho SceneNetworks The first anarcho punk compilation that demonstratedthe spread of anarcho punk ethics was the 1980 Crass Records compilation, Bullshit Detector. This featured twenty-five MY bands from aroundthe UK, and retailed at fl. 35. What this album achieved was the consolidation of the early underground band network, not least through such practical devicesas the publication of contact addressesfor the bands. The second Bullshit album, releasedin 1982 and retailing at E2.75, contained 38 bandsmostly from the UK. The spirit of MY was clearly presentin the sleevenotes to this double LP: Ile tracks on this album expressthe real punk spirit of protest, independence, originality and refusal to compromise,even if some of them do not conform to the media idea of what punk 'should be'. Punk is about 'doing it yourself and Bullshit is a compilation of bandsand individuals who have done exactly that - it isn't going to get anyoneon Top of the Pops,but, becauseit showsthat there are people who want more out of life than personalgain it offers HOPE that there's something the parasitic punks and media parasiteswill never give us (Bullshit Detector Two sleevenotes).

There are two observationsI want to make here. Firstly, the ethical rhetorical position of anarcho punk becomesblatantly explicit in the phrase the 'real punk spirit', while the 'originality' and 'authenticity' of DiY anarcho punk resistanceis registeredas an alternative to the presenceof 'media punks': those out for personal gain and fame, those deemedto have become the very things punk came along to challenge. The latter are presentedas a target of resistance,and otheredas 'parasites' in order to provide a benchmark for where the anarcho punk alternative should

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establishits initial foothold: not to aspire to the mainstreamof Top of The Pops, but to inspire in the anarchopunk conceptionof a political freedombuilt upon bottom-up hope, trust and solidarity. In broad terms the ethical position is couchedin clear and definite boundariesof 'them' and 'us'. If one wishesto remain authenticthen such an ethical path involves shunningthe very things anarchopunks consideredpunk to have initially rebelled against. Yet, as I shall show later in much more detail, the adoption its in implicit ironic has tail. this twist of position an Secondly, by the early 1980s, the examples of Crass had clearly established themselvesin a strong anarchopunk sub-genrein the UK with its roots firmly set in a The 'anyone DiY the can of punk. core ethics rigid and uncompromisingreading of do it' ethos led to inspired 'spin off projects that both cementedpolitical links and by Bullshit The compilations were mentioned reinforced anarcho punk scenes. Danbert as an influential DiY blueprint for Chumbawamba'sfirst compilation of bands known as The Animals Packet, a tape released in 1983 of bands making had Chumbawamba in 2001 that He a track on the statementson animal rights. stated from this: Bullshit had Detector second alreadymadea numberof contacts and The first thing we did was do a compilation tape which was like mail order which was called 7heAnimals Packet. We did a tape of our songsand then we did other bands like the Passion Killers, we did everything, we wrote and recorded all our own songs. We did the artwork, we put the label on the cassettesand sent them out to people. And from that I meanthe time was about eighty three we were in touch (with other bands] partly though Crass'sBullshit Detector 2 which we had a track on and the PassionKillers had a track on. We wrote to everybody asking if they wanted to be on the Animals Packet and that brought us in touch with the whole scenearound the country which we weren't really awareof or weren't part of. And from that we went to Crass'ssquatgig in London and that inspired us to go on in Leeds and we got invited to play other ones around the country. And for three or four years we were part of this anarchopunk underground.

Stemmingfrom the inspiration of the Bullshit albums,the above quotation clearly showshow the early networksof anarchistpunk beganto come togetherand congeal. It illustrates how new projects were inspired and developed around political issues

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and DiY ethical principles with the aboveinclusion of animal rights as a new ethical 31 site of resistance. These recordsstand as a more than adequatedocument of the early UK DiY punk scene,demonstratingthe far-reaching impact of the DiY ethic between 1980-84. In total 103 bands and individual performers were included on theserecords,though this doesnot accuratelyindex the total number of bandsactive in the UK at the time. Anarcho punk held sway with Crass and Conflict at the helm until 1984 in the UK. In previous yearsCrassas a label had begunto releaserecordsby other anarchist bands such as The Snipers, Dirt, Sleeping Dogs, Zounds, Anthrax, Omega Tribe, Captain Sensible,The Alternative, Hit Parade,Lack of Knowledge,Honey Bane, The Cravats, KUKL, Anthrax and MDC. The latter Texan band, MDC, alongside their first Kennedys, from Dead the San Francisco, The of one made predecessors transnationalconnectionswith the UK punk scenein 1980. This is the period when the main anarchopunk bandssuchas PoisonGirls, Flux of Pink Indians, the Amebix, the Subhumans,Rudimentary Peni and Conflict achieved popularity and began to form labels of their own such as Mortahate, Spiderleg, Corpus Christi, and Outer Himalayan records. Thesewere usedas the main labels supportingthe large number of anarcho punk bands not on the Crass label. Anarcho punk was not the only subgenreto continue and extend punk culture into the 1980s. Many of the original bandssuch as The Clash and The Stranglerscontinuedthrough this period, alongside the streetpunk that included bandssuch as, UK Subs,GBH, Vice Squad,Discharge, 31First raised as an anarchopunk issue on the Stations of The Crass record with track 'Time Out' where comparisonsare madeto humanand animal flesh. Animal rights becamea central ethical theme over the next decade. Around the time of the Animals Packet there were numerousanarchorecords voicing animal rights issuessuch as the promotion of vegetarianism,anti hunting and anti vivisection themes. See for example Flux of Pink Indians (1981) Neu Smell ep and the track 'Sick Butchers'. Conflict (1982) It's Time Too See Who's Who, (1983) To a Nation ofAnimal Lovers; Amebix,(1983) No Sanctuary ep. Subhumans,(1983) Evolution ep; Antisect (1983) In Darkness, There Is No Choke, in particular the track 'Tortured and Abused'.

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The Addicts, The Varukers,and ChaosUK, to namejust a feW32 The other subgenre . fashion late Oi the the and working class skinhead politics of of earlier combined 1960swith punk's uncompromisingposition. Bands such as The Last Resort, The Four Skins, Sham 69 and The CockneyRejectsstandas examplesof this and also as testimony to the plurality of competing subcultural distinctions within the wider definition of punk rock. As I have already noted, these subgenresand subcultures didn't co-exist in between harmony. the various scenes. There clashes peaceful were numerous Divisions betweenthem are emblematicof the conflicts over what constitutesthe real, basic and durablepunk ethic. This period threw up examplesof violent conflicts, most 33 notably between punks and skinheads and street-punks against anarcho punkS. Throughout the 1980smany shows were maffed by violence, conflict and fighting between the various scenefactions within punk. Many street-punksand skinheads legitimate hippies targets of so and class viewed anarchoand peacepunks as middle defined the In valuesunderlying such terms against was ethical attack. punk anarcho threats. Mr. R recalls one occasionof attack: A load of skins came one time when the Subhumansplayed in eighty three in Durham and erm,just randomly beat the fuck out of the peacepunks. As peace bit It all a we were scene and was quite a new punks we weren't very united. dippy you know we didn't really know how to cope. The copsbustedthe wrong peopleand all this shit happened.

The rightwing, and often racist, perspective of the skinheads was in vehement forces Rightwing (or to this the and opposition peace) punks of period. anarcho 32SeeGlasper2004 for a detailedaccountof UK streetpunk and a select number of Oi bandsof this period. 33ThiS is perhapsan understatement:attacks on what were perceivedto be 'lefty' peacepunks were often committed by skinheadsand punks against anarcho or hippie punks as they became known. Some of the most famous examplesof the inter genre venom were the war of words between the Edinburgh band The Exploited and Crass in addition to the Special Duties (1982) T'record Bullshit Crass, RondoletRecords. Ile documentationof the skinheadviolence is capturedon the sleevenotes by Andy T' Whine and Broken Noses' and contentof the Crasslive Perth 1981 CD You71Ruin it For Everyone,Pomona(1993).

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tendencieshave proved to be a constantthreat to those involved with the DiY politics of the punk left. Broader political factors were of course also highly formative. The political menaceof the cold war and the threat of nuclear annihilation were constant,almost thematic political concernsin anarchopunk. This is a central point in relation to the formation of punk ethics. Rather than examinethe complexities regarding the cold war and nuclear weaponsand the generalrecessionwestern capitalist societieswere experiencing during the 1970s, 80s and early 90s, I want to suggest that the subcultural reactions to such macro factors had a timely and relative effect on the in have been This terms acute most given subgenreof punks' ethical conduct. would in location subcultural gender and geographical of members' social class, ethnicity, addition to their age and standing within a given subcultural grouping. As an late in 1970sand wrote a number of Crass CND the example, made connectionswith AINagasaki Little 1980 Big A The the was songs. anti-war most notable example Nightmare single featuring detailed sleevenotes on cold war issuesand the threat of known became As as the nuclear catastrophe. above quote shows, anarcho punk 'peacepunk' as a result of theseanti-war activities and the political sentimentsof the bandsand their followers. Mr. K noted that there was a senseduring this period that the world was at risk from nuclearweaponsof massdestructionand the only solution was to protestagainstthis through any meanspossible: There was a real sense that things were fucked up back then. You know people actually thought the world was going to get blown to fuck. I mean we can all laugh at it now, but people actually believed it. I believed it. I was going on CND raflies, I was in CND and we believed that these people had all this power taking all our fucking money off us and our parents to build these fucking weapons, putting us all at risk. It was something I didn't fucking believe in. What were they putting us at risk for?

Crass and the bands that were released through their label voiced similar sentiments. Through a series of statements,actions and pranks they were able to

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createa counterculturalclimate of refusaland dissentwhich resultedin the numbersat anti-war demonstrationsswelling substantially. In 1982 Crass releaseda series of records condemningthe 1982Falklandswar: Shee P Farming in the Falklands, How Does it Feel to be the Mother of a ThousandDead and YesSir, I Will. During 1984 the miners' strike and the heavy tactics of Tbatcherite policing provided visible targets for the new punk counterculturesceneto protest against. The main events encapsulatingsuch protests and also demonstratingthe size of the anarcho punk movement were the Stop the City actions of 1983 and 1984. Rimbaud describes them: Half riot, half carnival, they attractedthousandsof peoplewho in their own ways protestedagainstthe machineryof wealth and the oppressionthat it represented. Windows were smashedwhile groups danced in the streets to the sounds of flutes and drums. Buildings were smoke bombed while jugglers and clowns frolicked amongstthe jostling crowd. Peoplelinked arms and blockaded access roadsand bridges,while othersstagedspontaneoussit-ins on the stepsof offices and bands. City workers were handed leaflets and told to take the day off, phoneswere put out of action, locks were superglued, wall were graffitied and statuesadornedwith anarchistflags (1998: 255-6).

Mr. S attendeda Stop the City action during this period and found that they acted as an ethical meeting ground for people. An arenafor protest that was outside of the punk concert, this helped to strengthenthe UK network of anarcho punk along common ethical lines of concern. The Stop the City actions were just one of many acts of refusal bolstered by the anarchopunk networks. CND benefit concertsand marches,hunt saboteuring,direct action animal rights protests,prisoner bust funds in addition to the picket support of the miners' strike of 1984/5, were all political activities mentionedby the participants. What can be establishedthus far is a crystallization of an ethical counterculture that had its scene roots in anti-commercialist autonomy, social protest and independencefrom related,wider punk subculturesof the time such as streetpunk and Oi. Here the presentationof anarcho punk music as a vehicle of authentic punk

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resistancewas set up, with their characteristicpractices managing to enshrine and integrate themselvesinto punk culture throughout the 1980s. However, as I have pointed out, this was not without a senseof ethical irony in that it left the non-anarcho punk feeling unworthy of subcultural inclusion. That the presentationof anarcho punk was predicated on a rhetorical claim of authentic autonomy presentedother forms of punk resistanceas dishonestposeurs incapable of conducting real punk fashion but (see For theirs nothing a parade was resistance. anarchopunk adherents, involved in discourse 8). The this worked as a appendix real/contrivedoppositional mode of cultural self-authenticationand moral exclusion, whetherthis was directedat accommodative leisure habits or oppressive gender politics.

As the band

RudimentaryPeni made abundantlyclear on their 1983 Corpus Christi record, Death Church: The "Punk Scene"is just a big farce.Gigs are pretty much a total wasteof time. It's not is is All that they created an to atmosphere. even as serve createa warm and creative atmosphereof indifference and isolation. The average"punk" still wasteshis or her time indulging in the sameold macho, sexist crap. It's just boys and girls out for the night "getting pissed". There's nothing I find more tediousthan the rows of identical painted leatherjackets how moronic. Nothing changesat a gig. it is still just the sameold world where men are big and tough and women are just their "birds", with the sickening habit of plastering themselveswith make-upbecausethey want to look nice and pretty for the boys. No doubt by now, if you've botheredto read this, you'll be nodding your head in agreementas if it's someoneelsethat I'm talking about - well it isn't, it's you. You are a part of all this shit. Why don't you try using your brain and help yourself for once,not just a prat masqueradingas a stereotype(RudimentaryPeni 1983Death Church, Sleevenotes). Here the boundaries between street punk and anarcho punk scenes are clearly and

starkly drawn through the evocationand severelyironic use of the stereotypeconcept in that street punk is portrayed as a narcissistic monkey parade,a sexist gallery of 34 peacockpunks incapableof authentic,real rebellion . In ethical terms the traditional punk show from this band's point of view has collapsedinto 'the sameold world' of in terms of an authentic punk alternative. This is nothing social conformity offering 34 seeappendix8, section4

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one of a number of exampleswhere ethical splits betweenanarchopunks and other, inauthentic punks are drawn out and reinforced. The rhetorical position adopted is that you can only becomeauthentic if you accedeto and confirm the thinking of anarchistpunks. A major intersectionfor such thinking rests on debatesover punk, money and authenticity. It is to thesethat I now turn. Money and Music Autonomy, independenceand freedom are ethical watchwords of anarcho punk. Attempts to manipulate,control and exploit bandsby those outsidethem are strongly is DiY They in that the the centralto anarchopunk ethic resisted. are resisted nameof if downright it is It to that sceptical, not a generates practice. germane suchpractice hostile view of the multinational recording industry, especiallywhere labels such as EMI have links with armamentmanufactureor other ethically reprehensibleconcerns. This example combinestwo targetsof opposition: the capitalist exploitation of music for the sakeof profit, and the capitalist productionof military hardwarefor the sakeof profit. Making money out of punk rock was anathemato the anarchistpunk scene. Making money out of deathand suffering was equally a sourceof political ire. Anarcho punk made music central to the disseminationof its moral and political critique.

The central aim was to make this as accessible as possible. Such

For have is itself based this principle. reason participants accessibility on ethical always tried to make all their productsand concertseither free or as cheapas possible. The majority of anarcho punk gigs in the. early 1980s were benefits for political causes. All the intervieweesin the researchstatedthey were unemployedduring this period. This enabledthem to participate fully in punk music and punk politics. One of the most striking critical statementscame from the band Conflict on the 1984 The SerenadeIs Dead single on their London label, Mortahate:

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A messageto all the parasites,such as agents,record companiesand managers etc: FUCK OFF! We don't needyou, you needus. We can function without you, but you cannot without us and when all people realisethis all your shitlink racket will become extinct. Punk is not a business,it meantand still means,an alternativeto the shit tradition that gets thrown at us. A way of saying no to all the false morals that oppressus. It was and still is the only seriousthreat to the status quo of the music business.Punk is aboutmakingyour own rules and doing your own thing. Not about making some pimp shop owner rich. Realise the con in the punk shops, fuck them up, they're only businessmenexploiting me and you. I look aroundat the so called punk bandsat the moment and ask this question:- "What the fuck are they up to?" I seemajor headlinesin kids magazines,wall pinups of some of the latest punk rockers hair style. They play in shitholes like the Lyceum for f.3 a time, and they claim to be punks, listen the people who play for 0a time are conning their own people, taking the piss out of their own supporters.Think. Keep playing in placeslike that and the systemwins....Shove your contractswhereyou shit (TheSerenadeIs Dead, Mortahate, 1984).

The languageof this piece, in similar terms to the Rudimentary Peni hostility to fashion punks, is obviously explicit in its venom towards mainstreampromotions and record companiesthat create a 'false' punk gearedtowards exploitation rather than political resistance.The uncompromisingstyle of the writing and its underlying ethic clearly illuminates the ideal of authenticity of anarchopunk and also simultaneously hails the band in the light of this ideal. The underlying ethical messageis that MY anarchopunk is the correct method of resistance.Participation in the mainstream,or in streetpunk subcultures,signalsan inauthenticsubculturalmember. The 'system' is in league with the 'business' man; they are the peddlersof 'fake resistance'. They dilute the core ethics of the punk scene as they claim them to be (resistance, revolution and political change)through the presentationof punk as a politically inert subculture. This is a centralpoint in this chapter. Thoseaspectsthat are deemedto be subcultural (those aspectsconcernedwith fashion, style and identity politics, those that consumepunk culture ratherthan creatingit) are deemedanathemato the anarcho punk scene,which presentsitself as a countercultureset up in criticism againstthose membersof punk culture who pursueagendasthat are not political. Once again we should resist the representationof punk in ethical terms as a unified bloc, void of internal disputes and differences. We can pursue punk's historical Gordon PhD

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narrative in order to offer further illustrations of this. The anarcho punk genre set itself a time limit: 1984. Indeed all of the Crass record releases,apart from being accompaniedby a 'pay no more than' price tag, had a catalogue number counting down to 1984. As promisedby Crass,the band split up during this year, playing their last show as a benefit for striking miners on 6th July. What the anarchopunk genre had createdduring the precedingfour yearsor so was a feeling amongstits followers that somekind of real social changewould be the logical outcomeof its various scene efforts.

The aim was that the structures of power would feel, and indeed be

challenged. Mr. K noted that: You felt part of something,you would go on demosand there would be fucking loads of punks there and shit. Like the CND demos,you know there would be two hundredand fifty thousandpeoplethere. I meanthe first gig I went to was a CND benefit. I meanI wasn't involved in CND but that got me thinking, got me into it, got me thinking aboutthings certainly.

The Orwellian prophecy, with its famous dystopian date, provided the senseof in fuelled that the anarchopunk at prevalent change urgency spirit of revolutionary this time. The demonstrationsand benefit concertswere a central part of the anarcho direct line, began though Both to the Crass Conflict action push punk struggle. and bandsremainedethically divided betweenthe methodsof pacifism and violent direct band Conflict 'Conflict On Pressure, 1984 the Increase their the stated: action. album, for believe be, have to strive and peaceand we are not pacifists and never claimed 35 have. little Crass made similar freedom but wfll'not let people destroy what we statementson their last single You're Already Dead and made token concessions towards Conflict's position while undermining the solidarity of the band's position. Mr. K noted how he had once believed in Conflict's direct action approachto social change,althoughhe is now scepticalof their claims of authenticity:

35See Conflict Increase the Pressure (1984) Mortahate Records for a succinct, sincere and angry lyrical accountof the cold war, animal exploiters,political apathyand the escalationof the armsrace.

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Conflict were fooling people,they were raising people's hopesin that they could changea lot, you know, that there would be a fucking revolution and shit and they weren't to be believed. I meanI sawthrough them.

While he was likewise doubtful about the validity and viability of what they said, Mr. R also notesthat a lot of punkstook both Crassand Conflict at their word: People took them on and I wasjust that bit older and Crass were the ones that did it right. I think punks, anarchoor otherwise, were looking for a bit of a leader, they wanted somethingto follow and so Conflict filled that gap quite nicely I think. And then the backlashagainstthem was the whole samething. It's like build up, smashdown. The thing is this thing goes on through society and that we, as anarchopunksshouldknow a bit better really.

After splitting up in 1984, Crassleft the legacy of anarchopunk open to Conflict during later in backlash the that this them mainly occurred and resulted a against 1980s. Shortly after the event, Penny Rimbaud ruminated on the ethical minefield involved in maintaining rigid political views. The fun was removed: [During Ihefirst couple ofyears of Crass's existence]for all the chaos it was immensefun, no one bitched about leatherboots or moanedabout milk in tea, no one wanted to know how anarchyand peacecould be reconciled, no one bored our arses of with protracted monologueson Bakunin, who at that time we Before 1984 Best (Rimbaud, have brand thought of vodka probably would was a sleevenotes,italics mine).

What this quotation demonstratesis one of the long-standinglegaciesof divisions in what is referred to as a unified subcultural grouping. As ethical alternatives frowned become I into daily upon. shall transgressions crystallise scenepractices, here in to that this say make much more of this subsequentchapters, so suffice intra-group is first subcultural tensions the of statement one of acknowledgements keyboard Crass their and with a series of poems activities within anarchopunk. ended songs,Acts of Love and TenNotes on a SummersDay, that seemedto push them out of favour with fans of the musical anger they had produced in their previous work. Conflict continued playing benefit concerts and advocating violent revolution as a theme. Indeed, though the subject of a huge amount of criticism (including some from my own interviewees)and the target of general accusationsof hypocrisy from the last two generations of punks, Conflict remain active, still playing benefit

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concerts, running their record label, Mortahate, and continuing to make political statements.Their work has becomesuch a long-standing emblem of anarcho punk ethical refusal that they deservea book to themselves. Alternative Media One of the most popular meansof musical reproduction,alongsidevinyl, was the tape machine.Through suchmethodsof mechanicalreproduction,punk music was able to be inexpensively copied,tradedand shared.36 As I describedin the previous chapter, tapes were central to undergroundDiY punk during the early 1980sand through the postal system,bands,ideasand lyrics were mutually traded and shared. They were traded betweenfriends and were (and still are) a useful tool for making contact with fanzines The developing people, establishingacquaintances sold at gigs alliances. and contained reviews of tapes and records, and carried adverts and addressesfor band tapes. Chumbawambausedthis mode of production and distribution to produce the for in demo 4nimals Packet. Mr. R his bands tapes mail order a similar reproduced , fashion. He recalledthat one of the earliestexamplesof record distribution stalls was tape- not vinyl-based. When he played a Leeds squat gig in a garage in 1984 with The Ex, The Three Johnsand the Instigators,tapeswere sold at the back of the venue. It should be emphasizedthat this was not a money-spinningventure; the price was intendedto cover the costsof production only. The main form of income for most of the participantsduring this period was unemploymentand housing benefit. Mr. R told me of how he was able to channelsocial security money to fund anarchopunk tape projects: They usedto give you money for bedding grants and shit and I put that with my giro and I spentnearly a hundred quid on what now would be a crappy double tape. So I would copy my band's demo tapeson it day and night. And from that my bandhad a demo[tapeout]. 36 1

will examinethis issuein closer detail in chapter5.

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From this tape Mr. R's band was able to establish firm connections with the in in led this turn This to them and eventuated gigs playing more anarcho,punk scene. the collectively run Stationvenuein Gateshead,Newcastle. The break-up of Crass,the centrepieceof anarcho,punk in the UK, may suggest that the practice of DiY suffereda similar demise. The end of Crasswas certainly a blow to DiY culture, but a centralargumentof this thesis is that DiY ethics have been has through that continuity continuous over the past quarter century or so, even intensity. The displays in high lows been end of manifest variable witnessed and and DiY be Crass the countercultural ethics and values, of end should as of not read despite views and intimations to the contrary from McKay (1996) and others. The US introduction by the DiY of the continuation of post-Crass ethic was stimulated hardcore. Its subsequentassimilation led to new forms and took on the original terms. in political and anarchopunk genre musical, aesthetic Bands such as Dirt, Doom, Deviated Instinct, Extreme Noise Terror, Electro Hippies, Extinction of Mankind, Hiatus, Health Hazard, Suffer and One By One are just a small exampleof the bandsthat continuedthe political issuesinitially raisedby 37 becoming Club lin12 They and some the with relocating anarchopunk. all played It involved in could club activities. and general music of the centrally organization also be argued that the structuresof experienceand sensibility underlying anarcho diminution the intensified of of political changeand the a result as punk music even For Mr. R, the music of anarcho punk was drift the to right. continuing political its fuelled fast, furious hectic by The ethically anger. and characterisedparticularly fastcore, britcore late to to the that of mid nineteen eighties screaming were central k

37For detailed accountsof the continuity of UK anarchopunk during this period and beyond see the UK scenereports in MaximumRock W'RoII fanzine 1984-present.

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became fast UK hardcore, more abrasive, and and even and angry. assimilated were R noted that this style of music was a clear expressionof the frustration at anarcho punk's lack of political and cultural achievement. The ethical principles of MY were sound but nothing seemedto have changed:'As you go on you just get more manic and more fucking furious and you get angrier as you get older, you know and that's shit! ' So although the UK anarchopunk scenemay have been in a stateof slow decline had informing its did that the this ethos expired. around mid-to-latel980s, not mean Quite the contrary. Its ethos spread, either through anarcho punk music or in in but UK hardcore, the forms also, not only combinationwith relatedmusical suchas during the latter part of the 1980sand early 1990s,all over the continent and the US. A notable illustration of the spreadof anarchopunk was the Minneapolis label and fanzine,Profane Existence. Hardcorefor the Hardcore StephenBlush (2001) neatly summarisesthe ethics of the American version of DiY in hardcore. At DiY known tangential hardcore, in his first a point as chapteron punk, time to the emergenceof anarchopunk in the UK, its hardcore counterpartcame to the fore in the US. The two genressharea numberof similarities and also bring to the fore the irresolvable argumentof punks' origins: UK or US? In spite of this, with the UK and US punk sceneshaving related head-of-statehate figures in Thatcher and Reagan,the politics and methodson both sidesof the Atlantic had a numberof mutual points of intersection. Andersen and Jenkins (2001) recognize the degree of hardcore DC between the punk sceneand UK anarchopunk (2001: 131, convergence 146). For example, how Crass had managedto galvanise thousandsto gather in London for the 'Stop the City' protestsof the early eighties was taken as a benchmark

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for similar anti-Reaganprotestsin DC 1984 (2001:180-209). Of course there were differencesas well. Americanhardcoredealt with personaland social issuesin equal largely UK to anarcho punk was measure political statements,while concernedwith instrumental, political critiques againstthe cold war, the capitalist state and animal forms In to the of punk such as Black Flag, exploitation. more experimental addition hardcore was also characterizedby a faster tempo and a more energetic stage Black by Dead Kennedys UK from then Apart the the to the and presence. early visits Flag, hardcorewas a relatively obscuregenrein the UK in the early eighties. After its introduction mostly though record and tape trading and the fleeting band appearances in the UK, the DiY ethic began to co-opt numerous genresinto its aesthetic style. These included metal, hardcore,and thrash. This also had a reciprocal effect on the hardcoreand metal genres. All of thesechangeswere to have an effect in terms of the ethical reproductionof the UK DiY punk scene. One of the first hardeoreimports into anarchopunk was MDC who played fast but heavy its British from retained a counterparts, political music which was up-tempo in involved British For bands. the link to the many aesthetic many of anarchopunk in 1980s 1990s, the the and such records scene of punk anarcho and wider genres introduced a whole new genreand style of music that had been eclipsedthrough the dominance and style of British punk from 1976 onwards. Hardcore has become firmly cementedinto the culture sincethe early 1980s. However, as Rollins (1995:2635) notes,the acceptanceof the American genre was not easy. Initially British punks hardcore American band, Black Flag, when they hostile to the were vehemently toured the UK in 1980,1982and 1984,covering them in spit, bottles and verbal abuse. Through Crassreleasingthe MDC single, Multi Death Corporations on their label in 1983,and the associatedLondon anarcholabel, CorpusChristi, releasingthe debut LP

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from San Franciscoanarchoband, Crucifix, Dehumanization, in 1984, the political elementsof American hardcorebeganto reach and influence UK audiences. Mr. R noted that American hardcorewas beginning to circulate via peer tape circulation around 1983: A lot of anarchopunksweren't really into this. I had like a few friends that had like weird tapesof stuff like DRI and Minor Threat and theseweird new bands. I was one of the first peopleto get into DRI and it was absolutely,it was as lifechangingasanything in termsof it being fast and political.

As I noted above, Crucifix toured England in 1984 with British anarcho bands Antisect and Dirt. Mr. R travelled to Leeds to seethesebands and describedit as a watershedin ternis of influence: This was like 1984,so it was like Antisect, Dirt and Crucifix. Antisect and Dirt were pretty good of coursebut Crucifix, they moved, they ran around and they brought it to life in a lot of ways and it showedus British people [how it could be done].

Whilst not yet being the mainstayof the British punk sceneduring this period, the inspiration of hardcorewas clearly becomingevident. Mr. B and D mentioneda key issuethat emergedin the mid 1980s. As a result of the influence of Americanhardcore,the overt politics of anarchopunk were viewed as Indeed, by two these when asked about the subjects. unimportant and secondary 'it's influence D Mr. that not affected me a great deal noted political of music, but by know it in has I I that sort of stuff, you politically and am not really motivated be identified These ways personal can as a theme in terms of supposepersonalways'. the personal politics that Mr. D later became involved in, particularly the 'straight edge' personalpolitics of abstinence. Mr. B articulated this in specific terms in that he reacted against the overt politics of this period and was instead concernedwith personalissues: The stuff I was into when I first got into hardcorewas heavily political. I mean the British bands [were concerned] with animal rights and politics in general. The US at the time, especiallythe New York bandsand the straight edge bands,

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were a bit more apolitical. It was about looking at yourself and more social issues.

The conductof personallife can of coursebe said to be political. What constitutes the political is not the exclusive preserveof 'politics in general'. But if there was something of a shift here is could be said to involve a move from concern with politics in a relatively conventionalsenseto ethics in a relatively conventional sense. While this distinction shouldnot be pushedtoo far, given the overlap and interlinkage involved, the move changed participants' orientation towards punk, or rather to mainstreampunk. For B the latter, more social form of politics created a senseof he from He that the the gained a senseof noted separation majority of punk scene. motivation and confidencein his feelingsof differenceto the majority of the UK punk and hardeorescenes. In consideringthe specific themeof authenticityand the peer rivalry this involves, the claims and counter-claimsfor authenticityand questionsof the valid production of punk music have been legion. Betweenthe Leedsand Bradford DiY communities, a hardcore. Mr. G was form between and punk general of opposition and rivalry exists in specific picking up on this issue. In spite of various genre claims and counter.

is hardcore or not punk assertions whether and vice claims, and refutations,regarding he be inwardness, Mr. G dislike his to the considered of what nihilism versa, spokeof Bradford 'punk lack in Leeds the and scenes': and of vision I think that punk is possibly a bit more rowdy than hardcore. The mindset is a lot more self-destructive:it is not as positive [as hardcore]. It's all about fucking shit up. I'm not bitching about punk becauseit's all the same thing when it comesdown to it, but I think a lot of the punks I have met have this kind of fuck you mentality!

Hardcore appeals to G for the musical diversity it is able to accommodate, whereasin his view punk is more 'samey' and 'set' in its musical ways. He notes: I think the punk sceneis traditional. If you look at hardcorethere's all the emo [and] metal bands,there's all the crazy fucked up shit. I meanif you look at the hardcoresceneyou could pick five bands that are all under the hardcore label

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and each one of them soundscompletelyand utterly different. Dilinger Escape Plan or Canvas? Crazy ass metal, indie rock. In the Clear, fast, old school straight edge. What HappensNext, fast, fast, thrashypunk; Noothgrush,slow as fuck. I think it is a bit more setmusically in the punk scene.

Implicit in this evaluativecomparisonis a claim for hardcore being superior and more outward-looking than punk. Explicit in its discursive accomplishmentof this comparison are such rhetorical devices as the use of 'traditional' in a pejorative, balance the the neat of contrasts negative sense, carefully weighted exaggeration, Cfast, fast'Pslow as fuck'), and the throwaway final sentence. Both this and the how develop, indication from G subcultures of preceding statement provide a clear interaction dynamics internal their of and the mutate and move on, as a result of between different divisions tensions that as consequent and occur within as well is of groupings what nominally the same subculture.

Ethics and Elitism In contradistinction to this, Mr. C found himself gradually politicized through his engagementwith punk rock. Viewing his engagementwith undergroundpunk rock as DiY during know didn't blocks, he 'building he that about really a seriesof stated these earlier biographical stages. The connectionswith anarchism and DiY were has in immersion later, his initial the though scene contributed punk rock made overall to shapinghis opinions,attitudesand generaloutlook: The way I have done things in my life, you know, some of the paths, shall we say, that I have followed, have been linked directly to the beginning of skateboardingand punk.

The firm connectionswere madefor C around 1986, firstly after he had bought a Bristol band MY Ripcord's album Defiance of influential the punk record, personally Power, he becamea vegetariansoon after. For C, vegetarianissuesthen connected into a much wider awarenessof and involvement in politics that helped him to connecthim with a broadarray of political issues:

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The animal rights issuehas beena big issuewithin the hardcorepunk scene. A lot of people have picked up on that and gone 'yeah, that's fucking right' and I'm glad that it's still prominent. At the sametime it's notjust animal rights, it's about a wider perspectiveand should engagehuman rights and I seethem all as linked. I don't see animal rights as a single issue I see it as a part of a wider issue.

The pressureto remain vegetarianand ultimately becomevegan formed a broad It interview data in time. to this the theme openedup a of relating period political further ethical division within punk subculture and drew on further rhetorical descriptorsto justify the division and bolster participants' adherenceto one side or the he downsides division Q, the For Mr. the this of what was production of one of other. bores' by Takunin 'holier In to the thou' than outlined attitude. similarity called a Rimbaud, Q referred to the 'vegan police' and 'politico police' as becoming displeasure His in Leeds time. this and antagonismare countercultureat predominant incapable having 'middle his description in these arseholes class of as of people clear between he While C laugh. ' Mr. to this vegans and rift veggies. also referred a becamea veganhimself at this time, he objectedto the sanctimonyand intoleranceit generated: I'd say I'm fairly lenient, but you know at times there has been a vegan police days from doing hunt sabbing I I've the remembered. remember elementwhich that people would be like fucking going into people's kitchens and looking in people's cupboardsand going "what the fuck is this in your cupboard?" That is just ridiculous like.

Clearly, the pressure of morally upholding and maintaining veganism. and from latter former, the to the to the with pressure convert combined vegetarianism, issue in itself of the late 1980s. Within the punk scene political a major was generally, the ethics of food, hunting and related mattersbecamea symbolic site for the politics of cultural elitism. Thesewere manifest, contestedand fought over within the sceneas part of its own ongoing debateover what constitutesthe true principles and valuesof punk's counterculturalconstellation.

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TheStraight vs. TheGreat Unwashed In the late 1980s,a new division opened up within the punk subculture. Anarcho punk and its subgenreof Britcore mergedwith residuesof the travelling communities to producethe group categoryreferred to by my intervieweesas 'crusty.' Those who drank too much, consciously ignored personal hygiene, and begged outside of concerts were frowned upon by elements in the hardcore and straightedgescenes during this time. Straightedgeoriginatedon the eastcoastof America in the late 1970s and early 80s. The major sites of straight edge activity are the east coast cities of Washington DC, New York and Boston. Later, the west coast (1984-5), then, involved. became Straightedge U. K, Europe, Japan, Australia the mainland and culture is now an establishedmicro-cultural phenomenonof most Western capitalist cities and former Soviet Bloc countries. The key question that arises is why has straightedgedeveloped? There are a is logical The progressionof resistance. By taking main one a number of reasons. UK, Europeanand American attitudes to punk as givens (DIY ethics, alienation and forms idea these to take to the used sub-cultural straightedge early punk autonomy), its ultimate point of resistance:a rebellion against traditional forms of rebellion. Traditional forms of rebellion are viewed by straightedgeculture as being floored and hampered by the destructive consequencesof drug ingestion which dilutes and is The is that the argument of straightedge society majority of underminesrebellion. dependenton the consumption of potentially harmful substancesand this practice functions as an obstacle in the path of having a clear, critical and positive mind. Drug, alcohol and substanceculture is reproducedby peer pressure. By turning its back on the destructive elementsof consumption (drugs alcohol, tobacco etc.), and rejecting the peer pressure that enforces and reproduces nihilism, oppressive,

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destructive cultural forms and aesthetic practices can be resisted. So goes the straightedge line.

Unsurprisingly, intolerance is one of the main criticisms aimed at straightedge culture, usually by those participants in the punk and hardcore sceneswho were perceivedby straightedgeas weaker and less disciplined as they were. Straightedge started to become the thing that it once opposed. In the more conventional Lahickey As became the notes: straight. metaphoricalsenseof word, straightedge Unfortunately as the Straight Edge scene progressed it became hauntingly reminiscent of all the narrow mindednessthat hardcore had given me refuge from. Preachingtook over friendliness. All of the negative issuesbrought to light by the positive scenedetractedfrom the power of the music. It all beganto fell in love I feel I these to shortcomings. see uncomfortable. was sad makeme for the freedom I felt from others. Straight edgebecamejust a different set of rules. (Lahickey., 1996:XVIII)

Ian Mackaye,the reluctant creator of straight edge culture, has distancedhimself from some of straight edgebehaviourand no longer prefers to label himself as such. In a recentinterview he commented: I think the straight edgething appealsto a lot of jocks which is weird becauseI kind It's down jock. I that of stuff. weird; I don't know with am not a was never fit because I I'm fuck I I the where sure not a computer not am. am really what geek,not ajock, just sort of a normal guy. Peopleover the years were so hardcore,fucking jump doVMmy throat because they feel I'm not vocal enough or hard enough. I had guys saying, "I can't believe you fucking play places that sell alcohol," or, "I can't believe that you play places where people smoke cigarettes." I had this one kid say to me, "I can't believe you're drinking iced tea." I was like "What?" and he said, "In my book, caffeine is a drug." I said "fuck you." Thesekind of people were so hard didn't because they think I was hard enough- where to attack me and so ready the fuck are they now? I'm not trying to be so smug about it. But I am 33 now, and I don't give a fuck aboutall the rumours (Mackaye in Lahickey, 1996:108).

Under the influence of hardcoreMr. B noteshow he felt good in the late 1980sto be clean-cutand positive. Togetherwith other straightedgepeoplehe statesthat he felt a kind of 'brotherhood' in being straight and looking down his nose at crusties. He stated: It was a nice little clique to be in and there were not that many straightedgekids about so you had that feeling of brotherhood. It was sort of like the Leeds mentality as well, I mean going to shows and standingthere looking down at

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peoplewas good. It was alright. For a while it was like straightedgekids versus crustiesand there was a lot of shit.

B found a lot of strengthin the hardcorepunk scene. He statedthat he gainedhis selfconfidencethrough realizing that he didn't have to conforin, that 'he didn't haveto be a regular dickV At the other end of the spectrum,Mr. K statedthat there was a lot of trouble with straightedgein the late eighties. Hostilities within the wider Bradford scenebetween the straightedgeand crusty groupsbecamevery tenseat points: I had a few problems with some of the individuals who were involved with [straight edge]. There was a lot of hostility betweenthe two groups. I was like I don't care about your fucking sceneand they arejust trying to wind us up, those straightedgepeople. Like the punk scenewas pretty [nihilistic] and fair enough they were just tying to wind peopleup basically and causeshit and they never backedit up. Tley were just full of shit basically. [One of them] startedat me once in a pub and I threatenedto batterhim with a pool cue.

The hardcore and punk scenes have always constituted and reconstituted themselvesthrough occasionalintra-sceneantagonismand rivalry. While this could lead to physically threatening behaviour, as the above example shows, the process was mainly realized through a discourse of moral pietism, authenticity and forms What the of resistanceto the capitalist social correctness. are real and proper order? For straightedge,a clear, sober, alert and positive mind was set against the in decadence, latter-day drunkenness a sort of and nihilism of crusty puritanical form of dissentand nonconformism. The anarchopunk baseof the lin12 producedthe sameelementsof conflict. The personal politics of straightedgetogether with its doctrine of resistancethrough a 'rebellion against rebellion' (Lahickey, 1996) congealed further and became more extreme. From 1991 onwards the militant straightedgedoctrine of 'hardline' had developed. A zero-toleranceapproach to substanceabuse and intoxication was adoptedfrom the New York band, Vegan Reich. Those who smokedor got drunk at

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concertswere frowned upon by thosewho proclaimed a commitment to straightedge. For the hardline straightedge,the capitalist systemcould only be challengedthrough a combination of total abstinenceof drugs and animal productsthrough a vegandiet on the one hand, and direct action against transgressorson the other. Together these would achievea 'purity' of body and mind. In many ways the challengingof capitalist values and beliefs was in tandemwith the politics of anarcho and crusty punk and the lin12 club. Scenedisagreements aroseover the appropriatemodesof resistance. Theseproved a considerableethical stumbling bloc. The purist mentality of straightedgehad led a number of anarcho punks to accuseits adherentsof 'moral fascism', whilst straightedgeviewed the wild, inebriate dissolution of the punks as counter-revolutionary. In a description dripping with contempt, Mr. B referred to crusty punks as often 'begging outside shows and dressedin shitstainedrags'. B's vituperative tone caps his portrayal of crusty punks as ethical lepers.This antagonisticmind-set becamefully manifest when the first UK straightedgehardcore bands were becoming popular and establishing hardcore as a subgenreof punk. Mr. D recalled the heckling of straightedgebands playing at the I in 12 and the 'resentment'towardsthem during this period. He statedthat there was trouble in assimilating this new form of politics and resistance. A good deal of the antagonismwas, in his view, hypocritical: It never pissed me off but I kind of thought it was a bit fucking hypocritical coming from people who ran a place based upon a policy that was kind of acceptingof anything apart from stuff that'was downright offensive or fascist or whatever. Tlere seemedto be a lot of hypocritical people involved in it [I in 12] at the time. There always seemedlike there was people that had somethingto say whereas I went there and never judged anyone on fucking anything. [straightedge]seemedlike somethingnew for England you know kind of young outsiderscoming in that weren't involved in the old British punk scene. People came in [to the club] to causetrouble and go what the fuck is this sort of thing. People would be at shows fucking shouting their fucking heads off or some fucking nonsenseto do with the [straightedge] bands playing and people just didn't seemto get it. The punk scenewas err that way inclined [drinking] and then suddenly people came in [linl2] with all these straightedge gigs that weren't into that at all.

Gordon PhD

The antagonismgradually died down as the straightedgegigs and hardcorebands becameassimilatedinto the anarchoand lin12 scene. In addition, those subcultural memberswho cameinto the scenein the metal, hardcoreand crossoverperiods were younger and more receptive to straightedgeideas. Mr. D talked of the hostility betweenpunks and straightedgekids and demarcatedthe division along age lines. As noted previously, Mr. K had problems with the straightedge,but he soon became frustratedwith the intolerant attitudesshownto this genre: There was this divide as well; you know we were all scumbags.[A straightedger] usedto write things like 'freaks' on the club and that used to really piss Joe off. [However] a lot of the punk kids were up their own arseas well, they are hostile to it [straightedge]. We had all these fucking gumby punks carping on about straight edge.I said: "what the fuck are you saying?Shut the fuck up! What do you know? What do you fucking do? You know, you do nothing!"'

This proved to be a contentious issue based around affiliation to different subgenresand sceneswithin the wider DiY scene.More fundamentally,the clash of ethics involved was centred around the antagonismbetweenthe personal politics of hardcore, which seeks to extend personal politics into a broader struggle for progressivepolitical change,and the politics of nihilistic punk rock with its approach to resistancecouchedin the original UK punk proclamationof 'get pissed,destroy. In addition to this the straightedgeissue had not entirely faded from memory. Indeeda hardline andpro-life bandplayed one of the I in 12 hardcorefestivals in 1996. Four of the interviewees mentioned this event and stated that it raised concerns regardingthe politics of someof the bandsthat played the club. In the recollection of Ms. W: Somestraightedgeband played the club and they had somereally dubious lyrics about abortion. I think they were really naYveyoung men. I think they were about sixteenor seventeenand they had not really formed their opinions or they had not encounteredmany women. They wrote somethingcontroversial on the wall and I rememberfeeling pissedoff about it. We just blastedthem and took a photocopyof a little pro-choiceposter and put it up over it, becauseI did find it quite offensive.

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What this indicatesis that the issueof intolerancein hardcore and punk was still evident during this time. For W, the issueof abortion tappedin to related debatethat was a main theme for her and other female interviewees: the lack of women in hardcoreand punk. All of the intervieweespicked up on this issue. Indeed W noted that she perceivedwomen, alongsideminority ethnic groups, to be underrepresented in hardcore. In terms of motivation, such ethical disputeshave at times led to disillusionment with the whole punk scene and a diminution in the desire and willingness to participatewithin it. For example,somepeoplewithin the subculturecameto seethe long-term nihilism of the anarchopunk and travelling cultures as degeneratinginto a destructive form of lifestyle characterizedabove all by self-abuse. Mr. S referred to bar behind in lin12 in Working he 1995, 'jitters'. the the these some of nihilists as by incident these people as was misinterpreted anarchy where summarisedone such equivalentto nihilism: 71cre were a load of people over from Manchesterand I had just gone out to collect glassesand I noticed one Oittcr] leaningover [the bar and helping himself to free drink] and I knockedhis glassout of the way and he says: "what are you doing? What are you doing, I haven't got any money, free beer, anarchy!" So I him how to the and every pint had to be club about explained everything accountedfor, becauseit was all profit and loss and there wasn't any money behind this place. And he just went "ahh, fucking working for the system,you got a job youjust ought to walkout! " We gotridof them inthe end andthat lot but down, I died have to mean a of them, they could say all the sceneseems right things, but when it camedown to it was what they could get out of it, not what they were putting into it.

This is perhapsan extreme example of the nihilism that arose after the decline of anarchopunk and the defeatof the travellers in the late 1980Sand 1990s. It would be misleading to say that it was representativeof the anarcho punk sceneas a whole. This undoubtedly negative incident was more an aberration than a characteristic manifestationof the views and principles of anarcho,punk.

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The Jinl2 Club For K the early yearsof the club were depressing.The Leeds sceneof the late 1980s was starting to decline in popularity and the divisions in the club madefor a difficult atmosphere.He arguedthat the consequenceof this was a 'siege mentality'. For him this was brought about becausethe Club did not receive community support and was losing money. He mainly put this down to a generalhostility towards punks. K was 38 he began by Disillusioned, New fans in Model Army Bradford to attacked pub . a withdraw from the club's activities, spending more time in Leeds during the later 1980s. The issueshighlighted by K indicate a generaltheme of disillusionment and strugglethat will comemore to the fore in chaptersix: There was all thesepeople who had thesereal fucking fixed ideas about what [the club] was. I think there were horsespulling in different directions. There was a load of theseanarchists,boring old anarchistswho wanted it to be like a working men's club. And there was all us lot who had the idea of it being like a Europeansocial centre. 'Causewe had beento theseplaces in Europe and I had beento loads of squatsby this time and we were inspired by the whole fucking thing. And I am not on about some fucking crusty pisshole, we were talking about doing somethingreal good.

Despite featuring the multiple subgenresof hardcore punk, perceptionsof the Mr. G As diverged. noted, whilst a number of club's purpose and rationale differences between hardcore and DiY the the community straddled membersof punk, such divisions have had an effect on the attendanceof the lin12. The view of the club as a place of overt politics and a politically correct arenaby someof the Leedsscenewas a commonreasongiven for not attendingthe weekdayand single event concertsheld at the lin12. Not only does the frequently circulating rumour in I inhabit 12 the at of politically correct punks sectionsof participation within the Leeds scene;I also encounteredit in an interruption of an interview I held with a long-standingmember of the club (not featured here). The person speakinghere exemplified the discourseof the bitter, ex-club member,Mr. BS: 38An issueI will return to in chapternine.

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Yeah in the early days it [linl2] was set up by the old punks and stuff, yeah hippies and punks, it were alright. You got all the fucking geeksin there now, who, you know don't eat meat that have got a little bit of a line with that. But hey, practice what you preach! They don't know what they've beenpreachingso they don't even know how to practiceit. They've got ajuke box there. They have all the old punk songson it and they are like 'well, we will have to turn that down, it's too loud that stuff. Man, it was only somethinglike Wire, or something,and they are all sat arounda table, you know, talking bollocks. And I said, well I'm sorry, but this is why I camehere to do what I want without being told what to do and you are telling me that I am upsetting you [He demandeda refund but was refused]. This silly little tart I Daisy I'm Eughh! been 'Euugh, University and to called comesup and she'd don't like what you are doing whooh, me mum's a headteacher.' Oooooh fuck off, fucking arse! Do you want to buy a copy of Socialist Worker? Ohhh!

This commentdisplaysa highly contrastive'then and now' opposition in order to establish the speakeras one of the older, more authentic 'hippies and punks' who founded the linl2.

The use of vehementlanguageand strong figurative expressions

he denigrates falling from demarcating those the as way speaker operatesas a way of in little both being than their conduct and the poseurs other and of ethical mark short dismissed 'talking bollocks') being His latter (the as peremptorily conversation . libertarian, live-and-let-live attitude is bolstered by its opposition to 'the fucking their have the namby-pambyways and political taken with scene over geeks' who independence his In to of of mind and freedom professedstance pretensions. contrast for 'Oooooh fuck them he has fucking the contempt utmost off, of action, only arseV- which he expressesin telling, scatologicalterms that prefigure the theme of issue in further detail discuss in chaptersix. this I to subcultural.exit. will return Contemporary Hardcore Sell-outs Earlier I spoke of transnational connections as if these are an invariable source of cultural good.

This is of course not always the case, or at least is not always

is Emo. This be An this the to example of within subculture considered case. punk form of music had more in common with indie rock than punk, although the methods of cultural production were firmly in the tradition of DiY, stemming from its early inceptions with the DC band Rites of Spring among others. By taking its starting

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point from the diverse DiY punk music sceneof Washington DC (Anderson, 2001, O'Connor, 2002b), emo bands adopted a subtle, musically competent,and delicate musical aestheticthat shunnedthe initial brash forms of punk. Emo embracedthe personalpolitics of straightedgeand hardcore. Its trajectory of assimilation into the hardcorescenesof Leedsand Bradford proved a sourceof contention. The emo genre was associatedmore with the Nottingham and Leeds scenes,with bands such as Polaris and Bob Tilton becomingknown for playing this form of music. Mr. B took a cynical view of it, drawing lazily on a stock classstereotype: There's a lot of peoplesitting aroundon stools playing guitars which I'm not really into. There seemedto be a lot of indie kids masqueradingas hardcorekids with basin haircuts and glassessat a round on stools fucking posin' with rosy cheeks,that kind of thing, which I'm not into.

Hip Hop and macho attitudes in hardeorewere also raised by Mr. G. in taking issuewith the dominanceof America in the hardcoresceneand stating moral concern at what he consideredto be the importation of machoattitudes into UK hardcore. He placed the blame for this on labels such as New York's Victory Records and large independentband booking agentssuch as Madd in Germany. The lyrical content,the blatant lack of DiY principles, and the denigratingstancetowards women in hardcore, were targetedby G as symptomaticof wider ethical problems in the hardcore scene. In broad terms he describedthe popularity of this as 'chipping away at the old block'. G statedthat the American bandsdemandinglarge money guaranteesto play the UK diluted the power and value of UK DiY: They are a hardcorepunk agency,but I definitely have issueswith Madd. Their guaranteesare fucking huge! Like I rememberwhen Convergewere playing and they wanted like L400 guarantee. I mean we haggledthem down, but like they want massive guaranteesand then [there's] the riders they send out: they are taking the piss. You know it's like fresh Kellogg's cereal or something [that they demandbefore playing]. It's like you are a fucking punk rock band,you are grateful if you get fed whatever and someonegives you a floor to sleepon. You don't fucking sendout riders, you know what I mean. This is what Madd's all about. So I am like very dubious about them. Unlessthey had a bandthat I was like, oh my God I have to put them on, I wouldn't touch them with a barge-pole

G reiteratedthis view in referring to Victory records: Gordon PhD

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Victory, I mean JesusChrist, a can of worms there! It's like there's so many [incidents]. It's like they allegedly advertised in porn magazines and their attemptat a completesaturationof the market. They Victory streetteams[upset me] and just the fact that their records are expensiveand they don't really do their own distribution anymore.

Mr. R echoedthis generalhostility to major labelsand organisedpunk rock: There is so much lame hardcorethat goesaroundand passesfor hardcore,passes for punk. 'Holidays in the fucking Sun', you know. Just idiots and toleranceof Nazis and fucking goonsyou know, like dressedlike punk or whatever,it's just a fucking joke. It's not what I ever wantedto be fucking part of. I don't know, somedays I am more liberal about it. I am like fucking let people get on with their own thing and at other times I get annoyed'causeit's just, well [why] can't peoplejust [be] searchingand thinking forward?

The three viewpoints expressedhere reflect a legacy of how the same critical points of view illustrated in the earlier quotation from RudimentaryPeni and Conflict are still evident in DiY discourse,albeit in a much more genre-dependentway. Such viewpoints form a general sensibility in the Leeds and Bradford punk and hardcore scenesthat acts as a catalyst for DiY cultural production and underpins the ethical principles of DiY punk. Implicit within Mr. G's argument against Victory is the claim of a potential American dominanceover UK hardcore. What is evident overall in the above quotes is the effort to distinguish DiY authenticity from an ethical standpoint against a business ethic masqueradingas punk or using punk as a smokescreento conceal this ethic. Through their DIY practice, the Leeds and Bradford scenesattemptto achievean affordable alternativeto the mainstreamforms of punk production, and the ethical basisof this alternativestandsat least implicitly as a critique of multinational capitalism. Conclusion As the previous section and the chapteras a whole has shown, DiY ethical principles exert, in the very effort to live by and maintain them, a continuous pressureto articulate their presencethrough identification of their manifold negations,whether theseinvolve temporaryslippage,ambiguousaction, or wholesalebetrayal. The punk

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discourse of authenticity is predicatedon the relentlessnessof this pressurewithin such subculturalmilieux as those of Leeds and Bradford. Peer debatesand rivalries run from the early days of punk in the 1970sthrough to their contemporaryethical expressionin the various scenes,sub-scenes,genre groupings, factions and splinterformations (operatingunder the broaddescriptorof punk subculture)that define punk today. The conceptual issue of what punk is, or should be, has been underpinned throughout by 'real us' versus 'sham them' dichotomies that are always mutually intertwined in their very oppositions to each other. Such points of view will be discussedin detail in chapterssix and nine. However varied the different groupsand sub-groupsof the punk scenein my case study region may be on the ground,they can be identified and categorizedin relation to two major topical areas: firstly, the overarching, general debatesraised in the interviews; and secondly, the spatially defined rivalry between the Leeds and Bradford DiY scenes,an issue I will return to in chapter seven. This should not of course detract from the sub-divisionswithin each of these areas. As I have shown, conflicts and disagreementsare evident within the lin12 club between opposing issues. different During the period of my fieldwork, points of view on a number of such divides could makethe club a difficult place with which to be associated. Rivalry betweenthe Leedsand Bradford scenesand movementbetweenthem is a central themeof the thesis. As I havenoted, distinctions have beenmadebetweenthe Leeds and Bradford 'sounds'. From a Leeds perspective,Bradford punks are driven by political anger and chiefly governed by anarcho punk. Alternatively, Leeds is perceivedas a scenedominatedby emo and pop punk, eclectic versions of hardcore and more accomplishedforms of musicianship. In my interviews, Leedspeople were describedas clean-cutand youngerthan thoseassociatedwith the IinI2. Indeed,Ms.

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G used the popular term, Tadida Leeds', as a point of insult. Bradford people associatedwith the lin12 were spoken of in interviews as being dirty, crusty and overtly political. As Messrs.F and G pointed out, they were also regardedas cliquey, old and argumentative. This descriptionis obviously far too neat and simplistic, but what lies behind it will be exploredin greaterdepth in chapterseven. The overarching, general themes of ethical debate that overshadowedthe UK is Firstly hardcore into be there the three sections. relevant scenescan. split punk and long-standingissue of selling out. This has proved to be both a salient and resilient theme. When questionedabout their views on punk and hardcorethat is not DiY, the label Green Day interviewees the punk acts such as major spoke of majority of my and Blink 182. This was cementedby the views offered on Chumbawambasigning to EMI and Universal records. These'were not consistently hostile and a number of for 'selling out' were offered as explanation and reasonfor possible uses and reason For to the example,reaching a wider audience;being able to scene. recruitment punk industry the living from from the inside. their music subverting music; and earn a These views, along with the alternative accusationof betraying core values, will be discussedfin-therin the final chapter. Having set up a framework for understandingthe key lines of ethical principle and practice among the subcultural groupings and related sceneswith which this researchis concerned,it is important now to go on to examinehow in various ways they inform lived experiencewithin these groupings, and how in various ways they are realized as characteristicof the lived experienceof thesegroupings. Responsesto the ethical dilemmasthrown up by participation in anarchopunk and DiY practice are involved at every stagein people's involvement, from entry onto the scene,through

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immersion within it, to (for some) eventual disillusionment and exit. These major stagesof involvementare the subjectof the next four chapters.

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Chapter 5: Ethics in Action Introduction. VvIat do participants who have chosento become involved in DiY punk rock do? How and why do they do it, and in what ways can this practice be considered investigation is Once secondary authentic againstother constructionsof punk rock? in deeper for tandem the acquaintance a completed and subcultural participant opts in framework the previous chapter, members the outlined with ethical of punk DiY interaction the the through practices of organisational approachcore status with punk scenes. In most cases they spend an extended period of time practically illustrated I how In three DiY the to chapter the rock. punk contributing production of practice of subculturalentranceled to the subsequentconstructionof authenticity once the various aspectsof subcultural knowledge and practice had registered with the investigation through secondary and towards a primary participant as s/he moves Through this progression, the ethical detailed scene understanding. position of frameworks are produced with their associatesensibilities and these crystallise in disposition their the authentic reflected in both their what participant considers following This the two chapterswill examinehow tastes and and action. subcultural in is such practice produced the everyday activities of what I consider to be core membersof the scene. The chapter will examine my two month field work period at the 1inl2, detailing the events of beginning a studio project in -the cellar of the club. In this area of observationthe specific focus is upon daily activity carried out betweennine am to six pm. The examinationof my daily experienceof working in Leedspunk record shop, the organization of gigs and their attendanceacross both fields, in addition to the reciprocal subculturalrelationshipswithin and betweenLeedsand Bradford, I reserve Gordon PhD

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for chapter seven. In what follows I shall navigate through the daily practical activities of the Bradford DiY punk working days. Club Work 11 -6pm The inception of the lin12 club is a major example of a British anarchistsocial club. This group of collectively organised volunteers banded together in the face of Thatcheristattackson trade unions,the working classesand the unemployedto form a model and legacy that set and linked DiY punk and anarchist principles as the cornerstoneof their actions. Prior to the club obtaining a building in 1988,gigs were held twice weekly from 1981 onwards and this formed some of the bedrock of fundraising activities which the club would draw upon over the next twenty years. The twice weekly gigs held in severalcity centre pubs provided the embodimentof the lin12 "way", providing gigs that were cheap,free from sexist, racist and statist hassles, the usual promoters and rip-offs, dress restrictions and bouncer intimidation. The objective was to createa lively and participative social scene,to stimulate a culture of direction the and control of the membership for which resistance a space under entertainment,debateand solidarity. (What is the IinI2 Club? 1995)

Under the rubric of DiY the Club released books and records with its own in keeping during labels time this were which with the anarchist publishing and record link The to the participants of this study has the club. principles of mutual-aid at involved in S Mr. been was putting gigs on and Mr. 0 used to already mentioned. from Chumbawamba how Danbert these the band was mentioned attend events. involved with the OITC in the early years. The first occasionwas not intentional: They startedslightly before we [Chumbawamba]did. We had beenoffered somegig in Bradford and when we got there for somereasonit didn't happen,but this other gig was happeningwhich was aI in 12 gig and we endedup playing it. It just seemedthat what they were doing and what we were doing were totally in the sameballpark. Since then we have alwayshad somecontactwith them.

During the 1980sthe club managedto attract a number of people who had been initially involved with the anarchopunk scene. The latter scenehad attempted on numerousoccasionsto set up such a club. Mr. R noted the collectively run 'Station

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Club' in Gateshead,Sunderland's 'Bunker' collective and 'the Pad' run by the Scottish CrassinspiredbandThe Alternative. Thesewere a testimony to this desirein addition to the numerous examples of squatted autonomous projects throughout Europe from the late 1960s onwards. In 1980, Crass funded a London anarchist centre, 'The Anarchy Centre', through the proceeds from the split single benefit record with the Poison Girls, Bloody Revolutions/Person'sUnknown. After agreeing to have nothing to do with the centre following a Crassdonation of f. 12,000in order to avoid accusationsof being 'leaders' of the scene,the Anarchy Centre collapsed. Rimbaud commented: Based in London's Docklands,the centrewas open for a year or so before collapsing in disarray. From the start,conflict arosebetweenthe older generationof anarchistsand the new generationof anarchopunks. It seemedthat the only common interest,and that only tenuously, was Crass,but true to our agreementwe kept our distance. We did however play one gig there before the inter-campbitching left me wondering if the thing hadn't beena dreadful mistake(1998:124). Where the 1inl2 differs from the above venture is that it has successfully avoided

in for twenty spite of manifesting thesesimilar divisions and splits years over closure lin12 to the As the explains, these have created serious the guide years. over problems: At no stagein the Club's history has the relationship between"ideal" and "reality" ever been straightforward. Indeed conflict over whose ideals and which reality has often thrown the Club into deep intemal conflict. The diversity of interests, priorities and expectationsof the membership,empoweredby the open and active processof decision making, has often come at a price. Sometimesmembers have left, disillusioned and bitter, but is this the uncomfortable reality of taking responsibility and occasionally control. (Op.cit:3)

The field work rangedfrom daily contact and observationwith both of the scenes with the first sectionbeing chiefly concernedwith the I in 12, although I attendedDiY gigs in Leedsduring most eveningsdue to the numberof opportunitiesfor observation and thesewere certainly more frequentthan the occasionalgigs held at the I in 12. At the lin12 my activities ranged from building the recording studio in the building's cellar, to soundengineer,to caf6 worker, cleanerand generalparticipant and member.

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Below is an account of how the fieldwork was performed which will also serve to demonstratehow the DiY punk sceneoperatesdaily in general terms. I intend the latter to illuminate the daily practices of what can be describedin general terms as punk culture. Bradford: Studiosand Daily Activity On arrival at the lin12 at a matineegig on a rainy Sundayin early June, 2001,1 was be involved I informed 'core' by that the with would welcomed and one of members the constructionof a recording studio in the basementof the building in addition to helping out with other tasks. The club functions under the umbrella of a number of follows: is (food list for The the as peasants collective collectives collectives. growing), games collective, library collective, gig collective, football team, drama collective, gig collective and studio collective amongstnumerousothers. In addition to this there are a numberof committeesgearedtowards financial issues,management All latter the daily the club. of the of running and operatedunder the maintenance and Equality. Solidarity, Liberty, banner the club: of chief ethical The weekly running of the club was monitored through the membership meetings in forthcoming day-to-day issues were collectively Sunday events and which each discussedand agreedupon. It was at a Sundaymeeting that I presentedmy research to the memberswith the view to outlining the intentions of the project. During this meeting it was collectively confirmed that I would be participating in the studio be deemed This to suitable on account of my previous experienceof project. was playing in bandsand my understandingof various recording studios. I agreedto be present at the club from midday to five pm six days a week with mornings and Tbursdaysset aside for field joumal writing. My main colleague in the building of

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the studio was the caretaker,Mr. J, who would, when time allowed, assistme in the preparationsfor building the studio. UnderlyingEthos of the Studio Project The generalethic of DiY, self managementand mutual aid is set in the very heart of the lin12 club and this is why MY punk has becomea stable,though not completely dominant form of fundraising, entertainmentand identity. Indeed the practice I was involved within the club is informed by this, though I hasten to add that my involvement in the studio and music eclipsed my observation of other non-musical club activities that could have taken the outcomeof the presentwork in various nonmusical tangents. What underpinsthe progressionof projects within and beyond the club is the DiY ethic of personal and collective responsibility whilst retaining personaland group autonomy. As I pointed out in chapterthree,the ethics of DiY have personalautonomy,control and empowermentas its centrepiece.In terms of action the wider control of recording in by interests the majority of DiY musical projects results private rooms and practice paying inflated practice and studio costs, thus surrendering control and recording interests, band impoverishing to such members and labels and presenting quality added financial pressureon such projects. The chief aim of having a studio in the introduce hitherto unpractisedrecording studio skills and to enable is to club primarily bandsto record cheaply. An overarchingreasonis to provide an authenticalternative to mainstreamstudios where band membersare disconnectedfrom the processesof recordingtheir music and such skills are off limits to the 'customer'. The project had alreadybeenpartially realisedthrough the constructionof a practice room from 19982000 which resulted in a cheap-to-rent,secure, soundproofed practice space and storagearea for bandsin the basementof the club. The practice room and recording Gordon PhD

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studio extendedthe DiY ethic beyond its existing remit of concert promotion, record label distribution and bands. The walls, power supplies and the false roof of the practice room were constructedby club members volunteering for shifts, with the entire project being fundedthroughbenefit concerts,activities and donations39. The cellar room behind the practice room, earmarkedfor the studio control room, was roughly eight squaremetresin an L-shapeusedfor generalstoragewith the small end of the room used to contain the club's floor safe. The aim of my two months of field work at the club was to: *

Hang doorsto both the entranceand safeareas.

9

To install a soundproofed, sloping roof

*

To soundproof all walls, install and cut out a soundproofed control room window to enable communication between the practice room and control room.

This entailed fixing batons to the walls (drilling and rawlplugging);

cutting fibreglassinsulation to shapeand covering with plasterboard,allowing for electrical installation of power points, lighting and multicore sockets. Cutting to shape and carpeting the walls once all other tasks had been 9 completed Thesetasks beganmid- June and were completed by early August (see appendix 7). The initial practicewas much more difficult that I originally anticipated.

'9 It should be noted that, unRe Leeds6 whose houseshave considerable'luxurious' basementspace for band rehearsals,Bradford musicians had no such space. Indeed the majority of most of the Bradford musicians interviewed for the project inhabited small flats in Manningharnwhere accessto the basementwas deniedor, where it did occur,the spacewas too small.

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Doing DiY to BuildA utonomousStudios As I noted above, participation in Club activities can prove to be a very frustrating business:'At no stagein the Club's history has the relationship between"ideal" and "reality" ever been straightforward' the Club guide asserted. Indeed in spite of my initial enthusiasmI found this to be the casefrom day one. It is no understatementto lack daily basis. The linl2 to that the of volunteersand a assert struggles exist on a initial during I the two that stages was mostly on my own meant paid ground staff of initiative key Audiences becoming the and and autonomy allies. my with of project busy Club The the the seen outside of events. club are of rarely general punters had be during had I to events completely such evaporated witnessed atmosphere daily different by of grind, struggle and routine club DiY one ethos: a eclipsed business. Arriving at the club on my first studio fieldwork visit around midday, I expected to be told what to do. Apart from being advised that I would be involved in the down to the it to get project moving. Aware that there me completely was studio, Mr. I, J the three studio collective, of and X, I suggestedthat we other members were begin As Mr. J formulate to to a strategy work. 4o was tied up in the running of meet the Club, Mr. I with a full time job and numerous other involvements in the club including sound engineer, I found that I needed to recruit some help, though this least take a week to realise. Mr. J articulated the overall pressure of at would remaining focussedon a single club activity: J: yeah, it boggeddown a lot becauseit kept going back to the practicalities of people sort of like people doing stuff, people sort of actually building stuff a lot of people, becausethey can't, they get ffustrated, becausethey are not very good at it they don't actually bother coming down like so. It didn't follow straighton from the practiceroom. 40 MiS took place with generallong term plans discussedand set out, but the three collective members (with the obvious exceptionof Mr. J) only had input into this project at a distance.

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It just carried on with the studio, it was like it just fizzled out a bit. It was good that someonecamealong and did it.

The first days spent at the club were not involved with work on the studio project. The autonomousethic of action there means that it is almost completely down to personalresponsibility to make any activity happenin the club. I initially helpedout laminating membershipcards, cleanedthe cafd, mopped toilets, washed dishes and backbone daily form to the the tasks: that activities stairs, and assistedwith general survival and reproductionof the Club. Indeed,becauseof the lack of volunteersand staff it became impossible at times to remain focussed on a specific activity. Members', volunteers' and workers' assistancewas constantly required to allow a task to be completed. The obvious reasonsfor doing field work at the club, watching bands, sound engineering,interviewing membersbecameeclipsed by the mundane. This is an extremelysalientpoint. The reproductiona large scaleDiY activity suchas the club requires a dedication not to the immediate, visual task of promoting the building feeding bands them the studio, but instead to the or even on, event, putting daily the The tasks thankless reproduction of the club ensured its of mundane. survival and personalautonomy was central to the completion of any task and this issues the I will explore in on members and pressures volunteers: additional placed in diary Here Mr. I his frustrations exemplified a entry seven. at being drawn chapter into tasksat the club: Saturday21st Aug 2001 Drop in early at the club to take pastry out of the freezerto thaw, draw some funds from the PA collective (I'd paid for somecable and connectorsin April with my credit card) I needto pay for the truck parts I'm about to collect. As I'm leaving the brewery arrive with a beer delivery. No one else is aroundso I have to take care of it; as they finish the bar stewardarrives.They're early, or he's late. But thejob got done anyhow in a spirit of no panic solidarity. Or something.

In similarity to Mr. I, as a researcherI was drawn to other essentialtasks in the club and I had either to requestassistance,or becomemotivated enoughto begin the task Myself Mr. J was askedto show me what the initial tasksof the studio project were. Gordon PhD

My practical DiY skills were of limited capacitybut I had a determinationto makethe project happen. J. said that I should begin with hanging a door to allow the safeto be separatedfrom the main control room. Mr. J was soon called away to anothertask in the club. I wrote the following in the fieldjoumal once work had stoppedbecauseof a defectivedrill after my attemptsto fix it becamefruitless: 18/06/00Mr. J arrived back at the club and managedto get the drill going. The problem was solved by 'banging' the drill on the studio wall. This was not something I was comfortable with due to the danger of this practice, but after a few 'knocks' the drill appearedto behaveitself. An interestingpoint to note here was that such activities are made 'by all meansnecessary'and available and done with the equipmentat hand. In short a 'make do' operation.Proceedingahead,we managedto make a start on the studio and drilled the holes in the wooden door frame ready to attach to the door. The most striking thing herewas that this was MY activity to producethe facilities of DiY cultural production.

I shall return to the point of building materials and tools shortly. The following in frustration. At almost every turn of the equal was spent above quote week after building the studio I found myself either isolated and distracted or struggling to DiY lack the task though skills. I began to feel that I was practical of my achieve somehow 'missing' out on the 'real' club activity and that self-observation was did he Mr. helped the Mr. J H. I even thought I volunteer, as could where pointless. had recruited a potential volunteer out of an interestedvisitor to the club who offered his servicesone afternoon and never returned. What was becoming evident to me basement dusty feeling I to this the that I would have to confined was was whilst if happen be this to things project was of any success. This would involve the make recruitmentof new membersinto the studio collective. New Members:the Collective My longstandingrelationshipwith both the Bradford and LeedsDiY punk scenesand familiarity with the core members allowed the recruitment of two new studio collective members. During the eveningsI spenttime at gigs, pubs and clubs in Leeds where a number of the participantsof the DiY scenesocialised. From playing at the Gordon PhD

Club on numerousoccasionsI was familiar with one of the soundengineers,Mr. K, who had helped to both build the club when the building was purchasedand had a long standing involvement with music. K had moved to Leeds in 1999 and due to personal issueswith anothermember had reduced contact with the Club. However when I informed him of the studio project and askedif he wished to be involved he agreedto put aside personaldifferencesand offer his servicesto build the club. K was also a studentof soundengineeringat a local university and was thus able to use this experience during his summer break to expand his knowledge of studio lived in K Leeds lifts from to near myself able get and was me to the construction. joined day. he in He 12pm was clear about why each with the studio project: club at It will be a good fucking spaceand I meanthe practice room's good enough. I mean it will be a way, hopefully, of giving peopleskills, again. Hopefully it won'tjust becomea little fucking, so and so's little recording studio. I do hope people will be able to get in there and be able to learn the stuff. Erin, and make mistakesand fucking fuck things up you know and that we'll be able to, you know, gain another rung in the ladder of production, you know, production sort of thing you know what I mean and it will make money for the club hopefully. Use the spacethat's there, which is what the fucking building's for you know.

The secondrecruit, Mr. U, camefrom a club memberwho was involved in the Leeds had been heavily He '120Rats'. involved known in the renovation the as venue squat in Leeds from Meanwood building the that area of a run-down hovel to a fully of functioning venue with bar, PA systemand living areas. Overhearingmy frustration immediately U his the studio project, volunteered servicesas long as I was regarding able to give him a lift in my car from Leedsto Bradford. My reaction to Mr. U madein a reply to Mr. J in interview revealedmy frustration of beginning the project: Int: it was totally by fluke. I had no idea how skilled Mr. U was going to be: he wasjust sat in the cafe one day and I was moaning. I was sat there going 'fucking hell, I have got to go down that fucking room and sit there. I can't you know lift stuff and get stuff right., Ilien Mr. U said in one morning said 'I'll come and give you a hand'. And that was the first time I went 'fucking wowl' You know 'people are willing to help me. And he camedown and seemedto know what he was doing and that was great.

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The project advancedin terms of a team formation and progressedmuch faster than I anticipated. For the following seven weeks the project worked four to five afternoonsa week. In addition to this Mr. J fluctuatedbetweenvirtually no contactto dedicating full attention to the project. The other member Mr. I worked largely in isolation from us constructingthe studio window at his home. I should also mention that a number of other volunteers,including band membersand occasionalfriends of Mr. U, lent a handwhen it was required.41 Tools and Materials Suitable tools and materialsfor the job proved to be a constantsourceof disruption to the project. Indeedthe majority of the tools were gleanedfrom various club sources, were of various levels of quality and were scatteredthroughout the building. The disrepair in implements these states of various were and left a lot to be majority of desired. As I noted abovethe drill was the first stumbling point. With the addition of Mr. K, he personally supplied his own drill after the initial tool completely broke down. We had a small amountof money to purchasetools and thesewere procured at during the project. stages various The materials of the project becamevery interesting and matched the underlying Indeed the majority of the wood and other material usedduring the the club. ethos of initial stagesof the project was 'reclaimed'. This was shorthandfor searchingskips and derelict buildings for the appropriate wood of which there was a large supply. Large amountsof wood were also sourcedfrom inside the club. The original stageon the first floor of the club was originally built by Club membersin 1992 for the New York band, Sick Of It All, to play on. It was only intendedas a temporary measure but remainedin existencefor over eight years before being replacedby a larger stage. 1Both studio collective membersMr. U and X politely declinedto be interviewedfor the research.

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The wood removedfrom the existing stagewas channelledinto the practice room and studio projects. The recycling of materials is in tandem with the ecological ethical stance of the club scene. I also noticed a change in myself. I could not pass a builders' rubbish skip without 'assessing' it for the 'procurement' of potential building materials. IndeedMr. I, through this sensibility, managedto acquire a large local in hardware back the the the colleges out of a skip of at of one studio amount of his lending/donating to of own studio substantial amounts personally addition equipment. Not all of the materials and tools were acquired in this manner. The project had funds for the essentialbuilding materials. This camefrom four chief sources. Firstly, Chumbawambadonated E500 for the studio project gleaned from their royalties by be for 'Tubthumping' to the used a car advert. Secondly, a popular song allowing by 'cocktail nights' were organised club memberswhich brought in over number of flOO; thirdly, a number of benefit hardcore punk gigs produces equal amounts of for Finally, the funding the central self-generating of one project. money methods bands hourly to the using the practiceroom. charged rate was The majority of the plasterboard,nails, rawlplugs, screws,fibreglass insulation were bought at various intersectionsof the project. For larger items, such as plasterboard for example,this was transportedwith Mr. I's van. The majority of trips were made in my old VW Beetle. Cashwas taken from the project money stored in the safe and receiptswere put back so a running total of building costscould be maintained. Work The work on the project continued in line with the ethics of the club scene. The collective organisation of the latter resulted in no single member assumingcontrol.

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Occasionally, tasks required only two members so inevitably, one of the members would have to occupythemselveswith generaltasks such as sweepingand tidying up. I noticed definite changesin my senseof control of the project which tended to fluctuate where appropriateproblemswere encountered.At the outsetof the project I was plagued with doubt that the project could be realised, although as the project progressedmy feelings of confidencegrew and I becameskilled in the use of the tools it drilling to the and cutting wood and attaching measuring effectively, and accurately in degree The teamwork of accuracy. equal strength and sense grew of wall with a during delicate All few tensions occurred. occurred particularly arguments very installing Overall initiative the my sense of ceiling. grew and operations such as I how being task told to than went ahead and did it: regardlessof a perform rather I If I struggled with a given task I would ask for successful or not. whether was became then a collective activity. advice and problem-solving

Occasionally we

help from be drawn tasks to the studio with other activities, such as away would deliveries of food which required being carried up to the third floor of the building, due to the building's lift systembeing damagedbeyondrepair. The sound proofing progressedthrough three main stages. The measurementand batons drilling to the walls so they could be screwed to of wooden prior cutting shape and securedto the walls took around two weeks. One person would be measuring, one drilling and one screwing the batonsto the wall. Fibreglasssheetswere utilised as soundproofing, cut to shape and placed in the spacesbetween the batons. The plasterboardswere then measured,sawn to shapeand nailed over the batons. This was all achieved by carefully taking into account the electrical and light socket fixings. As Mr. J was a trained electrician, he assumedresponsibility for the overall wiring of the project, although other membersassistedhim with thesetasks. We had

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to also cut a rectangleof bricks out of the studio wall in order that the control room window could be installed to allow visual communicationbetweenthe practice room and recording studio. This involved fitting a lintel and laying bricks to ensure a soundproofed'fit'. Secondly,the ceiling had spacescut for the lights and an accesshatch for the fusebox. This proved to be an extremely difficult and demandingtask as I shall discuss below. Finally the carpetwas procured,measuredand nailed to the walls and ceiling taking account of the power socketsand light switches. The door was also correctly hung to bracketoff the Club's safe. Tea and dinner breaks were collectively voted on and usually occurred when we deemedthem appropriate. Almost everydaywe were visited by various club members in friends to check the progress of the project, Occasionally long who came and discussionswould occur over how the studio could be most effectively utilised as a club resource; on other occasions, scene and club gossip was the subject of distractions At times the would occur. Indeed studio project all usual conversation. be often not able to attend to commitments outside of the project. would members There.were two memorableeventsthat led to a tenseatmospherein the studio project. The first was related to the eviction court casefor the squat. This was a sourceof for Mr. U issue in I to and stress an will chapter seven. He was return considerable under pressure to attend the relevant solicitors' meetings, court appearancesand general squat meetingsto discussstrategies. This had the added pressureof U not being presentfor someof the studio sessionsand when K had to be elsewhereI was occasionallyworking on my own on the project.

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Secondly,the Bradford riots of July 7th 2001, when the BNP attemptedto march through Bradford became a memorable piece, in the progression of work on the studio. Indeedthe club's building on the Saturdayof the riots was a stagingpost for the Leeds Anti-Fascist action group and the caf6 was open and very busy. Club security was doubled with members looking out of the top floor before permitting anyone entrance. We, as a studio collective, had all agreed to be present in the becauseof threats from the BNP on the club and its membersthrough a race hate day, it On that arrival was discoveredthat there had been an attempt the website. fire by to to the set club pouring engine oil on one of the walls and previous evening igniting it. Mr. I was explicit here: in a way the peoplethat are targetingus, causethey have got a long-standinggrudge,that in a way, helps us, becausethe damagethat was actually done the other day in the riots was done by people in a momentaryheat, nutters, or rioters, crazinesswhich gave them enough energy to actually resist and also they were in a mob so they had that mob mentality, that they gave eachother permission,whereasthe peoplethat camedown here, like when you are in a mob you don't think anything bad's going to happen to you whereaspeople aren't afraid they are gonnaget caught. T'hey're not gonna get done for arson cos that's a heavy rap and they have had time to think about it so they have it hard, by fucked too thinking themselves about yeah so. You know if they up probably had driven a blazing car into the fire escapethat would have done the job.

The atmospherein the club that day was tense in light of both the failed arson There the were various memberspopping in and out of the building, riots. attack, and happening during the run-up to the occasional reports of with what was returning happening, Whilst this was work on the studio proceededas usual, although the riots. in building instead the as of the street as a potential security measure. cut wood was The difference to the majority of the previous work on the project was the number of people who volunteeredto help on the studio for the day. At least four others helped to complete a large section of the work. However, with some of the most serious public disturbancessincethe Bristol inner-city riots of 1981progressinglessthan half a mile from the building, the atmospherewas tense. The audible backdrop to that

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day's project was the soundof police helicopters,breaking glass and police sirens. J commentedthat we were 'building a studio whilst Romeburned.' The daily regime of the club had been eclipsed by a tense atmospherethat inspirational floors building to the the penetrated all club remained of although newcomers. Here Mr. I is explicit in that people commentedon the value and worth of the Club: Here you can ask somebodywhat their favorite twenty albums are. Half of them are really recent ones becausethey are the ones they rememberthe best. I mean the most just day in. had People Cause, loads the the thing of was riots. of people came recent come from London to resist the NF, who didn't turn up, but they were coming in here and going 'Ohhh, this place is great' and stuff like that. I imagined I was in a First World War soup kitchen, you know, on this sort of wagon, a few hundred yards away from the front, causepeople kept coming in talking about what was going on and then having their burger and going out again. Mobile phoneswere ringing and stuff and I was just like serving food which is sort of like kind of mundanereally, but it was obvious that they neededto be fed and they did think that this place was great.

Overall, the riots ironically aided in the studio project's progression,though I have to admit that fear was very much evident in the general atmosphereof the work intersection day. it What the that was surnmarised out also carried of mutual aid: face banded in the together of a threat to the club and were there as much to members build the studio asto protectthe building from potential attack. Mistakes. During the courseof the studio project a number of mistakeswere made. Wood was length, holes drilled in the wrong place and tasks were attempted to the wrong cut either becausea suitable skilled memberwasn't available. It is the ethical sensethat 'by all means' necessarythe task will continue that provided at least two, key stumbling blocks. The operation of this philosophy often meant that there was no skilled personpresentto halt the task and inform you that there was a technical error in progress. Indeed,firstly, myself and K and U installedthe control room window in reverse,meaningthat there would have beena strongreflection obscuring the view to

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the practice room. Mr. I inspectedthe work in our absenceand took it upon himself to re-install it correctly. Secondly,K and I attemptedto cut, assembleand install the engineer'shatch in the ceiling. This was, in short, a disaster,althoughwe considered it satisfactorywith our 'hands on hips' in its presentstate. The following Monday we arrived to see that it had been perfectly and completely reinstalled by U, who had come in to work on the project on his own over the weekend. These two examplesclearly demonstratethat occasionally initiative in the studio its in hindrance lack DiY is The to these overall of skills progression. project a examples led to material, time and efforts being wasted. Equally, with the correct individual in tandemwith the appropriateskills the effort application of such an ethic allowed the project to rapidly proceedto the anticipatedstageof completion. Outcomesand Postscript The stagesoutlined abovefor the studio were completedby early August, 2001. With U facing eviction and K returning to focus attention on his college work, the project beyond for the work we had completed. Without the time some considerable stalled time and dedicatedvolunteers,interestwanedbefore being taken up by Mr. I, J and X later in that year. The next task was to lay the flooring, though this was not completed until Decemberof that year with the studio equipmentinstalled and fully functioning by early 2002. That the studio project ground to halt for this time is testimony to the way that the Club functions in general. It returnedbriefly to the back of the members' minds until inspiration surfacedin sufficient amountto advancethe projects' completion. With a steadylack of volunteersand paid staff, all handswere put to the pumpsjust to keep the club open. Three years later in 2004, the studio project is now fully up and

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running, replete with digital technology and full 24track ADAT facility, and with a been have bands These there. since pressedto number of successfullyrecording involved. those CD testimony to the of all efforts either vinyl or mutual and standas a The bandsto have recordedthere and releasedrecords are The Devils, Extinction of Mankind, Ruin and Boxed In. Throughout the building of the studio the feelings of frustration at the occasional lack of progresswere counterbalancedwith feelings of successand satisfaction. The achievement, through collective effort at either getting a section of the work in difficult task, a sense of a resulted completed, or accomplishing particularly fulfilment. When such an accomplishmentoccurredwe would often stand back and looked. This in how the the eye of the was particularly work good on comment beholder and on many occasionswhen visitors were gleefully shown some wood installation joists, the the of ceiling to correct we were often met screwed a wall or it's I 'oh, faces taking shape.' However, the see can and replies of, with puzzled by shared all members. Here Mr. J is candid senseof achievementwas not equally aboutthis: I haven't got the same senseof achievementbuilding the studio as I had building the because it is like having kid your second or something. It's like you have room practice done it once. Obviously it's exciting but it's not the first time it's happenedand I think when I actually heara recording out of it that is when it will hit me the most like.

Whilst J notes the lack of feeling fulfilled, he was enthusiasticthat the freedom and in deemed impossible: to things that the club achieve were previously exists potential That sensethat you can do what you want, really. Sort of freedom,within reason,to you know. It's like today we canjust go, right we are going to build a recording studio.

The linl2 provided that specific space and practical application of punk ethics where these activities can be accomplished if one is prepared to struggle and perseverewith the project at hand. Its successfulaccomplishmentallows the sharing of new skills betweenmembers. Gordon PhD

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The euphoric feelings of accomplishmentwithin the group were evident and it is these feelings that act as a spring to the motivational factors of DiY projects such as this. Such feelings were revisited and re-occasionedwhen I was informed in 2002, live in had been I had band, the Club that the recorded after played our set with my Club studio. On being shown the studio after the show, in full working order huge filled I Mr. I the technology, sense with a was operating recording completewith had Club had been DiY The members a extended: ethic practically of achievement. learn The to to senseof satisfaction cheaply, effectively and skills. new chance record in terms of DiY cultural productionhad beenextendedfrom merely releasinga record in fanzines, it distributed to the actual control of the label, and reviewed getting on a in Mr. R's accurate respectof thesesuccesses: are comments recordingprocess. R: I will just start with some of the positive things. I think the practice room and the looking forward I improved has definitely the to when our band am really club. studio has in been built by friends you is few that the to studio together record a songs gets know in a place that we can have. I mean that is everything that I am about with the band and it was like if we could just have that part of it. If we could havejust pressedthe fucker there it would have been even better. But I mean that's one amazing, inspiring in the practice room is a fucking good being Just to thing. practice able go and growth laugh aswell. So thosethings are really good.

Overall the frustrations, achievementsand successesof the studio outlined above DiY to the testimony attractiveness of projectsthat extendbeyond the usual standas a label, fanzine, band, distro doing a stall, running of gig promotions and practices touring. I'm not belittling the latter, indeedthey are central to the whole remit of DiY into DiY fresh avenuesof investigation which But the the of ethic extension punk. is in for rewarding extremely success all thoseinvolved. results The frustrations of the project also serve to illuminate the day-to-day practices and built both be be in tasks that that the and essential completed must order studio can continue to exist. The constant reproductive tasks central to the Club meant that there is an equally high level of member burnout, turnover of volunteers and a lack of

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motivation, especially the completion of essential daily tasks distract and remove members from achieving goals swiftly.

This factor of 'struggle' as the opening

quotationpointed out leadsto memberburnout and sceneexit, an issueI will examine in chaptereight. The final point is that in terms of DiY cultural production the creation and completion of resourcessuch as the studio constitutean act of triumph and resistance largely hoc, Whilst ad acts are or administered culture. such mass over and against badge 'by the anarcho syndicalist all means of mutual aid and under and operate however feelings the sporadic they occur together with of achievement, necessary', the successfulcompletion of a DiY project , are one of the chief motivational factors beyond building MY The that the the are shared skills punk scene. of the studio of Club in keeping the the of ethos and the studio project now general with project are functions as a magnetwith which to draw new membersinto the I in 12 Club.

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Chapter Six: Genre Distinction The central task of this chapteris to introduce the generalmodel of genredistinction. This is a transposableexplanatory tool that aids the study of how authenticity is intentionally/unintentionally used in both spoken discourse and visual gestures. It operatesthroughout practice, diachronically and synchronically; within and without the scene; within and without relationships between core, peripheral and semiperipheral membership; and functions as an interesting subtext to the analytical data the presentedhere. ethnographic velocity of My intention is to apply theoretical sandpaperto the glossed surface of punk The result may appear as potentially explosive criticism to those authenticity. discourse vernacular and practice genuinely subcultural. scene members whose operateswithin the ethical guidelines of whatever punk genre they inhabit. The irony be is for to this that there operating right at the heart of punk an appears reason culture, which stands for the obliteration of elitism and the adoption of cultural inclusivity. The core memberof anarcho-punk,fully trained in the politics of DiY, by default trades in the language of potentially elitist discourse: be it vernacular or for follows. I apologies no what make otherwise. GenreDistinction The combinationof primary and secondaryinvestigationproducesa subculturalscene body of knowledgeand experiencefor the actor. This is usedto presentthe subjectas authentic through regular use of appropriate discourse in the collation of what Thornton (1995) calls 'subcultural capital'. The problem with this term is that it is too wide in referenceand has little to say either about how it operatesdiscursively in the production of subcultural authenticity within the peer grouping or how it specifically

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locatesan individual in such a position. Instead,I offer the term 'genre distinction.' Not only does this concept dispensewith the financial implications of the word 4capital'; it also and equally draws upon the aspectsof Bourdieu's (1984) conceptof cultural capital which invokes how specific dispositions and comPetencesshapeand inform taste cultures. The concept of genre distinction has specific meaning with in functions to the relation to the regard punk subcultureand serves a plurality of leads distinction The to the use of genre construction of subcultural authenticity. acceptanceof the participant in wider punk peer groupingsallowing them to trade in the authenticdiscourseof punk rock. Tbornton (1995:11) argues that subcultural involvement becomes 'hipness, little how 'subcultural her to this yet she reveals capital', of as participants referring full to engagementwithin the subcultural.scene. Chapter such capital prior amassed three establishedthe point that the subculturalsceneentrant is chiefly concernedwith the appropriationof the necessaryskills that allow a participant to contribute to punk subculture and equally to present themselvesto their peers as an authentic scene investigation. The amassing of such through primary and secondary member into transposes authenticconduct: the subsequentsubcultural memberhas experience knowledge disposal their of previoussubculturalexperienceswhich permits them to at conduct reciprocal authentic subcultural activities and to simultaneouslydistinguish themselvesfrom inauthenticconduct. Authenticity, or the presentationof oneself as such within the subcultural scene,is therefore central to the subsequentactions and conduct within subcultural groupings if one is to be acceptedinto them. It is my contention that there is a potential subtext to DiY punk that on the one hand views inauthentic action both with suspicion, scom, jealousy and fear, whilst on the other hails authenticaction with awe, respectand subculturalhonour. However, the reverse

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of the previous statementis also applicable here in that overly authentic subcultural. practice may produce scom and inauthentic action, praise and sympathy. Through a detailed application of genre distinction such processesare renderedvisible on four clear fronts discussedbelow. Primary and secondary investigation provides, through heuristic activity, the subcultural tools of what is relatively deemedto be the approachto authentic scene conduct. Authentic practice, those activities that reciprocally operatein tandemwith the ethical frameworks of punk (see chapter three), can be used at a number of reciprocal levels- discursiveand extra-discursive- to simultaneouslyinterpellateand hail the subcultural practitioner as a bona fide, authentic member and reciprocal members as either inauthentic impostors, 'poseurs' or outsider group members inhabiting a peripheral,insignificant or uninterestedsubculturalstate. What I am suggestingthus far relatesto the idea of amassingwhat can be considered levels. different The evocationof bands,places, distinction within a plurality of genre distros fanzines, facet almost and any venues, of subcultural punk people, records, knowledge (the list is both contextually endlessand historically relative), activity and investigation, has through primary and secondary a potential rhetorical collected in it. When the service of an actor's subcultural credibility, such to used purpose knowledge can be used as both markers of the subject's authentic and inauthentic status. As most of the interviews retrospectively examined participants' subcultural involvement, most of the genresinvolved in punk and hardcorecould be easily quoted from a 'knowing subject' subculturalposition within a given scene. Such usageis not innocent in all casesand in many respectsservesa clear rhetorical purpose. Genre usageand the demonstrationof this knowledge are central in the construction of that Gordon PhD

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subjectas an authenticmemberand participantof the subculture. Suchdevicescan be used to perform simultaneouslypejorative put-downs in the defence,production and bolstering of one's own authentic subcultural practice or, instead, to defend the subject's own version of authenticsubculturalpractice. So this presentsthe question: how is genre distinction used in the construction, defence and identity of the practitionerpunk culture? The central aim of this is to assert how the fine-tuned examination of genre distinction demonstratesthe long-standingcontinuity of the punk genre(s)as a whole historically locating to thwarts endpoints upon while also place punk attempts and some of the claims and counterclaimsabout competing genresand their contribution to authentic punk practice. I wish to note that this section is by no means a comprehensiveoverview of all punk genres over the past twenty-five years (thus ironically placing myself as the authenticauthorof a fully informed and 'all-knowing' historical document!). I focus only on the claims madein the interviews regardingthe initial influence that certain musical genreshad on the interviewees in their specific forms of subculturalpractice. What follows is an account of how these interrelated sections of discourse are interviewees' in the statementsof entranceinto punk culture. I take careto played out here gcommon (Billig these that are not mutually exclusive, partitioned places' et note al, 1992: 17) of discourse and instead mutually inhabit each other. Within this conceptionof genredistinction I presentfour non-mutually exclusive tools and their subsequentethnographicexamplesto identify how authenticity is constructedwithin the discourse and practice of punk. These are: the authentic original; membership badges;genrelocation indicators;and the relatedyet hated.

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TheAuthentic Original 'Back in the day' was/is a common everyday term used by subcultural membersto refer back to a 'golden age' of subculture/sceneactivity. One of the most common examples of this in punk discourse is for participants to refer to a subjectively considered 'classic' period of punk rock in the 1970s and the associatedebates betweenUS and UK versions of punk rock or some important subcultural 'heyday', specific to the participant's experience,involvement and historical, geographical,and cultural location. Specifically, the authentic original relates to musical genres that are used by the informants to rhetorically define what is and what is not deemedto be punk rock. This operatesalong both a geographical,ethical and historical timeline. As when Mr. I below talks of the 'pointless wanking' of progressiverock, he sets up punk as an authentic alternative musical discourse, simultaneously offsetting other, previous in inferior, as elitist or substandard contrast to the 'honesty' of the punk genres aesthetic. This method of rhetorically 'putting down' past, presentand future musical genresof punk (and other musical genres)is a method of constructing the speaker's authentic version of punk. The most common form of such discourseis related to either the origins of punk rock or to the 'classic' period of punk that is said to have existedfrom 1977-79. One of the ways in which authenticityin music is defined is by rhetorically marking out a particular genre in contrastto others,which are deemedsuperficial, pretentious or sham. This strategy is strongly in evidencein the contradistinction of punk and progressiverock. It is clearly illustrated by Mr. I: During the seventieswhen I was kind of a young, middle teenagermy peer group were all into this kind of Genesisand Yes [music] and I kind of knew it was wrong but I couldn't put my finger on what it was. Er it seemedlike you had to pretendyou liked it

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even though you didn't. And I didn't really Re it, I meanboth of thosebandshave the odd good tune but thereis really an enormousamountof pointlesswanking.

Here, the first claim of knowing there was something wrong with the music is invoked against the tastes of Mr. I's Peers. 'Pointless wanking' is a pejorative, descriptively inflated put-down which both articulates Mr. I's unease with the exclusivity of leading music genresin the mid- I 970s,and preparesthe ground for his in identification is inclusivity the then up opposition to set own with of punk, which what is commonly regardedas a self-indulgent, even shameful activity. No one, exceptpossibly the most abjectmasochist,wants to be defined as, or associatedwith, 4pointlesswankers'. Paradoxically,though, this is a sharpboundary demarcationthat runs againstthe it inclusive requires that 'authentic' music be since notion of punk culture as is 'inauthentic' dissociated from (pop, progressive construed as what performatively first Peel I Mr. that when played the Ramonesin 1976 stated rock, or whatever). he backdrop the time, the thought it was a joke, yet the of rock of progressive against influential hugely one:a I thought it was a joke and then I realisedthat it wasn't. I worked out that it was full of energy. You can namethis record to your mate and say "here, listen to this it's exciting straightforward and direct." Previously my friends would lend me records and they would be saying "listen to this" if you don't like it meansthat I am cleverer than you which wasn't a deal that I wantedto be in. So [I heard] the Damned,TIe Ramoneslike millions of other people the music they heard on John Peel got me involved in punk (emphasismine)

Here the specific tool for identifying the construction of authenticity is I's oppositional self/other depiction of early punk music as initially 'a joke' before recognition of its authenticity (againstthe implied alienating and exclusive properties of progressiverock). Suchrecognition is implied within the claims that suchmusic is 'straight-forward and direct', exemplifying how primary investigation is carried out and interpreted. The referencehere is not so much to the 'pointless wanking' of progressive rock (though he does refer to status-seeking)as to the rhetorical Gordon PhD

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constructionof early punk's musical simplicity, yet the result is the same. What is set up is an authentic, original marker of distinction against progressiverock and the perceivedaestheticelitism Mr. I identified with it. Early divisions were evident over peer interpretations of American and English punk genresand this reflecteddivisions betweenthe UK and US in the late 1970s. As Mr. R madeclear, suchdivisions could havealarming consequences: My local like Sid Vicious characterkind of guy modeledhimself on Sid or whatever. I used to think of myself as a bit of a Johnny Ramoneyou know I had kind of like long hair. This guy came up to me and he's like wiggling going "the hippy, hippy shake!" This was on Armstrong Bridge in Newcastleand it's a hundredfoot drop and he cornered me with his mates 'cause my matesgot away, and he's like giving me shit for being a hippie, which is ridiculous as I had a Ramonesshirt on. The guy didn't get it you know. My Chopper [bike] was thrown over and they had basically picked me up and were threateningto throw me off this bridge. They could have fiicking killed me and I was terrified.

The above division is made clear from Mr. R's testimony through his discrimination between'punks at the time who got it and punks who didn't. ' Here the identified be 'authentic being into Ramones the as can of claims original' statements in 'look-alike' distinction. Sid Vicious The this example, in constructed of genre through both his identification with the 'second hand' look of UK punk and is also capturedin his misrecognition of what R refers as the authentic original punk look band he the and consideredcentral in the formation of the punk genre. with what Those who didn't 'get this' were performatively hailed by R as inauthentic and indexical to their subcultural ignorance was the potential for misconstruedpractice. However, what this quotation equally offers is an example of the extra-discursive businessthat visual subcultural symbols play. Here, R highlights that an authentic memberof the subculture- one who appliesgenredistinction correctly - would avoid inauthenticaction such as misreadinghaircuts and t-shirts and 'hippyness' when they are allegoriesof an authenticreading of US punk. However terrifying, R's assailants

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were punk parochials. Their transatlantic illiteracy substantially diminished their subculturalstatusas genuincparticipantsin punk. What is clear from the above examplesis how the category of 'authentic original' operatesthrough the award of authentic subcultural credentialsto the speakerwhilst simultaneously 'othering'

inauthentic genres/participants, whose reciprocal

understandingof 'early genres of punk' (Ramones)were initially understood and presentedas misguided. Through such devices the subcultural past is constructed along a plurality of potential strategies. The authenticoriginal can be used to either authenticatethe speaker through their association/first hand experience and longinform it; it knowledge can educate and of an potentially subculturally standing inexperiencedlistener; produce envy, admiration and a plethora of mixed emotional finally from listener; the and serve as a marker of the length of responses/reactions is has that gained not specifically restrictedto the subculturalexperiencea participant boundariesof the subculture. MembershipBadges These are the historically and culturally relevant, visible and spoken categoriesand discourses that interviewees used in order to place themselves, or demonstrate knowledge of, key historical subcultural intersections, thus potentially asserting themselvesas authentic subjects. Where the 'authentic original' category involved mentioning salient and important band names, records, concerts, places, and most importantly, rhetorical discoursesassociatedwith genres,the intervieweeswere able simultaneouslyto identify a specifically located punk practice couched in cultural, social and historical spaceand also demonstratethe extent of their knowledge of the sub-genresand scenes of punk.

Membership badges are both synchronic and

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the 1977-79period. Later bandswere associatedwith different genresof punk that derive from the international interpretations of either the American, English (as demonstratedby R in the previous example) or European/USpunk styles such as hardcoreand straight edge. In addition to this, the use of membershipbadgesactsas a demonstrationof 'insider' knowledge of both past and presentsubcultural.activities. By mentioning specific genreswithin the interview setting and through monitoring field, the confirmation of one's the talk action within ethnographic general and knowledgeof the culture and statusas a scenememberis either confirmed or at stake. I have chosenone specific examplewherethe wider argumentsof authenticity in punk investigation for for Mr. J. The adept secondary act as a catalyst are rehearsedand badge discussion this of genredistinction. as a membership acts articulation of Mr. J was involved with the heavy rock subcultureuntil the early eighties when he beganto feel that the separationbetweenperformer and audiencewas still apparentat the concertshe attended. The secondaryinvestigation of punk presenteditself as a for J, Thus, to this underground punk genre provided what he problem. solution consideredto be the authenticsolution to this problem. It wasn't until the eighties'till I startedrealising that that all the gigs I was going to were sort of. us band, you audiencesort of thing. Everything was sort of bleak. As soon as you got through the door at the venuethey just try to bleedyou dry. After going to a few feeling just like completecattle. I sort of bumped into a few matesfrom NEC, the gigs at the heavy rock days and sort of my mate John, who had pink spiky hair and was hanging out with GBH. We got nattering and I started hanging around and went to see Big Country. That was sort of a semi punk gig and it had loadsof energyin a little venueand that was good. I meanthat was it. You know when you get into somethingand go this is where I want to be, this is like what I have beenafter.

Whilst this sectionof the interview neatly demonstrateshow affiliations with more suitable peers and peer group scenesare secondarily investigated,sought after and formed, it also illustrateshow authenticknowledge of the subcultureas a membership badgeis usedto portray the speakerasthe same. Here J's criticisms of corporaterock concerts demonstratesand repeats some of the well-rehearsedearlier critiques of

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popular music that punk dependedupon. The separationof band from audience'you band, us audience'- is noted alongsidethe high cost of attendingsuch events'bleed you dry' - togetherwith the facelessnessof the events-'feeling like complete J less is inferior the This than, to, status of what authentic cattle'. and presentedas in 'small loads 'semi 'there venue. to a energy' more was refers as a punk gig' where Here is where the authenticity is located for J while repeatingthe wider argumentof badge. The 'semi adept as a membership punk' gig acts corporate versus small fully debate J's awareof member confirms status as a subcultural navigation of sucha the contentiousdebatesthat underpinthe authenticity of punk rock. The use of 'semi he has J knowledge belies that the considersan authentic punk of what punk gig' GBH his terms The such as as of such additional peer group also use concert. T'his interview J through the the was achieved punk. genre of street within establishes discourse of his recognition of myself as a fellow subcultural member during the interview. GenreLocation Indicators In similar ways to membership badges,these locate the interviewee's authenticity historical juncture in Such cultural and geographical, punk culture. specific a within indicators include visible and spoken referencesto bands/members,records, labels, key figures The fanzines events, social and within a specific scene. concerts, venues, it innocent is terms since can an recollection complicated either represent use of such bands, discovered the time records, potential and sharing a scene of of a and newly labels, websites,concert dates etc., or an elitist signal of cultural knowledge that is usedto demonstrateevidenceof authenticparticipation of the punk genre,rhetorically setting asideor displacingthe speakerfrom those who are deemed'inauthentic'or illinformed membersof the culture. Mr. C mentionedthe 1987 Radio One John Peel

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sessionsas influenceson his subculturaldevelopment. This surfacesrepeatedlyas a mainline media supportof DiY punk culture. C notedthat at that time you had John Peel doing the Radio One Show and he was putting out Peel sessionswith like Heresy,The Stupidsand Napalm Deathand so you know it was like an early building block sort of state.

Here the specific knowledgeof John Peel's sessionsare invoked in addition to some of the key bands mentioned during that time. The dual purpose of this statement firstly locatesthe speakeras having the specific subcultural knowledge of the period 42

by in hardcore John Peel Secondly,use of 1987 as 'britcore' popularised of punk . the phrase'early building block sort of state' (my emphasis)locatesthe speakerin the demonstrating the appropriationof sufficient subcultural historical subculturalpresent knowledge to show they understandprevious genre's roles in the construction of the present. However the previous quote fails to demonstratethe use of spatial and geographical indicators In location scene. a what follows the speakerusesa within specific genre number of subcultural colloquialisms as geographicalmarkers in the Leeds/Bradford hardcoreand punk scenes. 0: basically with a questionabout the I in 12 is like facing me with like a question about Leeds 6 basically, cause it's been there for years, it's like I was going to I in 12 gigs before the Club building existed for fucks sake! Erin, I guess I'm a circumstanceof geographyreally becauseI was born and brought up within [a] close proximity of Leeds and Bradford.

Here the speakernavigates between innocent location indicators specific to the Leeds subcultural sceneby using Leeds 6 as a point of geographicallocation and pejorative 'authentic original' statementsthrough the claim that he attendedthe lin12 club gigs before they obtained a grant for their own building. The innocent term Leeds6 could be readas a straightforwardgeographicalreference,but the interviewee is using the term as a mutual scene location point with the interviewer. In this 42SeePeel's introduction Mudrian (2004) to

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instanceLeeds 6 has an invested subcultural knowledge and value in that if offers predominantly (but not totally) the potentially informative location of the majority of participantsin the DiY sceneof that area. Repletewith such knowledge,the speaker is able to demonstratesufficient knowledge as to render them as an authentic scene for is This the sharing of to value member other participants. point also of equal subcultural scene knowledge. As I noted in the previous chapter with regard to investigation, knowledge is subculturally shared though secondary primary and heuristic investigation. Here genrelocation indicators can equally function to point a subcultural.peer to a specific subculturallocation of activity, band, label, venue,time is in DiY Not the aspect shared element and of mutual only aid punk place genreetc. it illustrates but in how subcultural also equally explicit such examples rock made knowledgebecomesa sharedscenephenomenon. Hated YetRelated This term refers in discourseand practice to what is deemedby the interviewee as acceptableand unacceptablesubculturalgenresand scenes,some of which were cited (hated) Unacceptable influences key their entrance. on genresare legion within the as discourseof musical authenticity. Within this discourse,progressiverock has already been mentioned. Pop, ska punk and mainstreamversions of punk (Blink 182 and Green Day are key examples) have been spoken of in my interviews in terms of vitriolic animosity and were largely judged, with the exception of Mr. V who has a predilection for ska punk, to be inauthenticgenresof punk rock. Such acceptanceand hostility in the discourse of punk serve to locate authenticity within the accepted frames of genre distinction. The 'hated and related' is of key importance to those bands decried for having 'sold out' (see chapter nine). Those subcultural practices that have shifted attention from the core ethical values of DiY punk attract vitriol,

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scorn, and stereotypical othering and are generally treated as distasteful and unattractive practices from those members who view them as counter to their subculturalsceneaims. Mr. R presentsa rather telling and lengthy exampleof this in his discussionof what he considersto be the practicesthat contravenehis version of DiY ethics: R: You know I can't claim to have a monopoly on punk you know what I mean it is all over the shop. I find that the history is reinventing things which is, and I'll conclude it is history but that this, as get older really notice you reinventing stuff and you with things get misrepresentedand you realise no it wasn't like that: what are you on about you know? You realiseit and I dunno,that whole strain of stuff that I have beena part of with Flat Earth [records] and that whole anarcho stuff through the nineties and the British, northern hardcore scene and the label and the stuff that you are involved in yourself and that whole part of it, I would say it is not really getting its dues, it is not have like kind of overtaken it. It's things these all other really getting recognised. Becausewe haven't got the big marketing tools and we are not marketing our shit you know like PhD [distribution] or someone'sjust like swamping. You know somewankers like that: Victory Records you know these are people that I particularly despiseyou know. These are peoplewho arejust cynical businesspeople you know. They are just cunts,you know, I haven't got a betterword for them I'm afraid. I hatethem. And I hate what they stand for and they standfor bullshit and capitalism and nothing else. And the fact that people like me, who are trying to make a change,trying to fight against this bullshit they arejust being swampedby this and I find that that is the case. ButIthinkas long as I have got a breathin us we will still exist and we will just do our own thing. But my perspectivehasdeflinitelychangedfrom a big, world changingthing. A big explosive thing like the Crassand the whole anarchopunk thing was big enoughto ensnarea lot of localised, into it have this then very very small undergroundthing and you got people that you are part of causethat is just how it is at the minute. Err, I don't know, DiY does it. I is Errm for it have be but to worth consider what small me and it's just that there not is so much bullshit out there.I fucking hateeveryone[laughter]. I think I'll just quit.

What R is castigatinghere is what he considersto be the biased rewriting of punk history, with the activities of northernDiY hardcoreand punk rock being ignored. He is specifically pointing to what he seesas a rewriting and abandonmentof someof the core ethical practicesaroundwhich he has run his record label for the best part of two decades:his present subcultural scenereality has been eclipsed and ignored by the practices he stands counter to.

That corporate marketing strategies of the PhD

distribution company or the larger independentrecord labels such as New York's Victory recordshaveobscuredthe core reasonsfor being involved in punk rock, for R meant that the political and ethical dimensionshave been equally excised. R feels animosity towards this - 'I hate what they stand for and they stand for bullshit and

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capitalism and nothing else' - and this in turn increasesthe pressurefor him to continue running his small DiY record label 'as long as I have a breath in us then we will still exist'. A central point here is that through the hated and related [other] the energy is generatedfor the DIY punk to carry on regardlessof the strugglesinvolved in the maintenanceand reproductionof the DiY project. There is an unwelcome,yet essentialreciprocal relationship betweenthosepractices deemed 'un' DiY and the practices described below. Authentic DiY production requiresthe other wider non DiY scenesof punk rock as a benchmarkin order to both itself. is identify This not applicable in all cases,yet the catalyst for construct and action, in this caseDiY, has to be activities that are deemedoppressive,part of the system,major music industry, racist, homophobic,sexist etc. Without such, the DiY scene loses the anchor of its identity. Yet the reverse can equally be the case: animosity is aimed at what are often deemedpolitically correct club members,from those participants of the non-DiY punk scenewho have equal claims on their punk reality. Here this position is articulatedby Mr. BS, a punk in a pub in Bradford who interrupted one of my interviews when he found out I was associatedwith the One in Twelve. B: the early days,yeah it was set up by the old punks and stuff, yeah, hippies and punks, yeah it were alright. You got all the fucking geeksin there now who you know, don't eat meat, that you know, got a little bit of a line with that now. But, hey, practice what you preach! If that comesinto it, practicewhat you preachfor Christ's sake. And they don't know what they've beenpreachingso they don't evenknow how to practiceit. Apart from the obvious and interesting evocation of the authentic original category

of 'the early days' those who run the club 'now' are castigatedas 'fucking geeks'. What is interestinghere is that there is scorn placedupon the I in 12 from thosepunks who see their version of punk rock tainted by perceived newcomersto the scene. Equally I surmiseClub memberswould respondwith equal vitriol. It would be easy here to replace 'hated yet related' with the term counterculture,but the transferability Gordon PhD

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of the present model allows the negation political impositions in order that the rhetorical strategiesbe unveiled. The hated yet related is an exceptionally poignant issue that drives the practice of DiY punk: the needto remain autonomousand independentfrom what is deemedun DiY, the needto retain control over the cultural production in order that political and artistic statementscan be authentically producedwithout the appropriation of capital for personal gain. The MY punk sceneis chiefly constituted though its reciprocal Other. It strives to be what the other is not, yet at times they become difficult to distinguish from each other. To the untrained observer,whose interests lie beyond those things punk, such issues may appear trivial or insignificant, yet to those involved the maintenanceand reproductionof the MY culture becomesan extremely rewarding,taxing and equally frustrating pursuit. Together these four analytical categories allow the investigation and analysis of the

symbolic production of subculturalauthenticityand the struggle for independencethat are the subtextsof the following ethnographicaccounts. Conclusion This chapterhas sought to illuminate and establishthe transposablemodel of genre distinction and its four non-mutually exclusive sub-sections that illustrate how authenticity is conveyedin subcultural discourse,gestureand cultural action. I shall exemplify the practical value of this model in the following chapter in relation to the

reciprocal activities within and between the two subcultural scenesof Leeds and Bradford. This model will also prove its analytical worth when the subsequent dilemmasof 'selling out' are discussedin chapternine.

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Chapter Seven: Authenticity

in Action

Cops and Robbersis a publication that attemptsto encouragethe MY ethic. This is a term that hasno fixed definition and meansdifferent things to different people. The gigs advertisedin Cops and Robbersare all DiY to some degree. That is all door takings go to cover the costs involved in promoting the event. The promotersdon't take a cut for themselves. Not all the bands are necessarilyDiY, some may have managers,have major label involvement or music pressconnections,but at least by playing a DiY gig they are forced to prescribe to this idea for one evening at least and your money isn't going to support an industry basedupon competition and back-stabbing. MY is about taking control of your own life and shunningbig business,corporateattitudesand all the bollocks that you have to put up with from people who think that money meanssuccess (Cops and Robbers# 9, October 1998).

Introduction This is the second chapter dedicatedto the practical activities in the ethnographic into is in Leeds Bradford. It three sections. organised work and Firstly, participant observationfrom l0am-6prn at the Out of Step record shop in Leeds will be outlined, paying specific attentionto how the previous model of genre distinction is evident in subculturalscenediscourseand gesturewithin the record shop setting. I shall also expand one the issuesof punk ethical dilemmas as they relate to the commercialactivities of the DiY punk record shop. The second section is concernedwith evening 'concerts', bands, and promotion large A DiY the scene organisation. proportion of the organisational under rubric of activities prior to the successfulcompletionof the gig occursright acrossthe temporal spectrumof DiY punk practice. The majority of the gigs I attended/playedduring the four month fieldwork period took place from approximately: 6pm - 2am and beyond. The exception to this was the matinee festival and the 'early start' gig; such events generally began around 12pm with matinees finishing around 6pin whilst festival endingswere relative to the venue'slicence curfew. Thirdly, the ethical similarities and differences between multi-sited Leeds and single-siteBradford sceneswill be examinedpaying specific attention to the points of

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departure where the identity of DiY punk becomes diffuse.

This final section

between the adjacent cities and will present an the represents reciprocal relationship examination of the similarities, and occasionally contentious differences, between members of the two scenes along the lines of the differences previously outlined in chapter four. Indeed the two groupings occasionally negotiated and constructed their between their relationship to through the and own authentic position within subculture the opposite CitY43.

Leeds: 'Out ofStep' With the World The secondplacementI was involved in was at the Leedsrecord shop Out of SteP44. Establishedin 1999by two friends Mr. V and Mr. Z (not interviewed), the shop was had (both the gained experienceworking both inside of pair of whom realised after the music businessand in chain record stores)bought the remains of a distribution longer in friend Manchester wished to sell records at gigs. Mr. V who no stall of a began: how the shop recalled I worked for Polygram for a bit and stuff Re that. And I just startedtalking to people in knew Leedsand he said Mr. Z is working in a friends I I to one of my really and spoke he in in Virgin, he's to used still working work record shops up north and record shop, him I him I give a ring. phoned should was like well do you fancy you maybe stuff, openinga shop and it was like, yeah. And erm, I spoketo him in Manchestera few times idea. like Then a mate of mine in Manchesterdid a big distro I it a good and seemed doing buy the distro. He just said right well my to off gave up records always used house I've moving and got to get rid of it all causethere's no we're said girlfriend's room for it, it takes up too much time, here's a list of stuff you can buy. He was just giving them out to everybodyin Manchestersaying, and I was like oh right, I was going through it and going, oh that's a good record and that's a good record. I was like 'how much for the lot?' And he like gave us a really cheapprice and I bought all his distro off hirn. Then becauseMr. Z knew peopleat Revelationand different record labels like that and they had stuff over here at different distros and we just started getting stuff a bit cheaper.I think they were just helping us out really. In the end we got quite a lot of stock really cheapand we searchedround for a shop. We got in touch with the Wisdom [skateboard shop] who had this shop in Bradford that wasn't doing too well, but they 43seeappendices4,5,6,7 in relation to this chapter. 44Out of Step (With the World) is a 1983 song by the Washington D.C hardcoreband, Minor 11ireat, whose lyrical intention was to detail the struggle of living a straight edge lifestyle in a culture wholly colonized by hedonistic practices. The singer, Ian Mackaye, is often popularized as being one of the originators of the anti-hedoniststraight-edgehardcore. See,for Example Lahickey (1998) for a robust accountof the first fifteen yearsof this culture. Seealso Blush (2001)

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were up for moving over here (Leeds]so we were like we'll do the shop together. Half the rent, half the electric, half the everything. So we just did it like that. (Emphasis authors)45

I was a participant observerat the collectively run shop for just over six weeks. Entrance was securedthough my familiarity with both V and Z on account of my band playing Leedsand Bradford DiY showsand through my customat the shop over the previous years. Unlike the studio project there was no real goal other than to sell On through though this observation. many points countered records, view was soon this was an entirely different mode of operationto the Iinl2 club. The businesswas by privately not collectively owned two people although decisionswere made on an in I footing. The skills procuredwere terms of stock control, ordering and retail equal how learned I to take credit card paymentsand operatea till. In also organization. short this was a retail placement. However there were salient points of departure. The LeedsDiY scenein 2001 was a vibrant and well-populatedsubculturalscenewith in hardcore broad DiY genres clear evidence. This was a spectrum of punk and a in Bradford faceted comparisonhad the Club as its subcultural.arena. multi-sited and had Leeds DiY numerous examples of this activity. I will of activity: centrepiece final during issues the to these sectionof this chapter. return Unlike the feelings of initiative and integrity evidently observedin the Club, I was do to told and also capitalized on my previous experienceas a retail what mostly assistantin Nottingham in 1998. Long term goalshad beeneclipsedwith quiet times, from Wisdom, hung out in the street, smoked or the talked to people where one ordered cups of tea and coffee from the Turkish deli two shops down the street. Situatedat the back of the Corn Exchange- the Leedsintersectionof once bohemian stalls which also formed the weekend 'hangout' for primary and secondary 45RevelationRecordsis one of the original New York straightedgerecord labelscurrently operating out Los Angeles. SeeLahickey (1996).

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investigation teenage subcultures- Out of Step merged with a number of small second hand retro clothing businesses,tattooists, body-piercing emporiums, head shops, cafes and general bric-a-brac boutiques.

However, together with the

skateboardretailer in the shop at the time, the shop presenteda social arenaripe for primary and secondarysubculturalsceneinvestigation. The shop usually turned aroundE250 a day and more at weekends. I worked there from 10 -5pm four days a week and worked to a rota system with both V and Z held The in the the stages of placement. early shop shadowing me well over three thousanddifferent punk and hardcorerecordsand CDs in addition to fanzines,t-shirts, stickers, band videos and various subcultural 'trinkets'46. DiY music was held there from all over the world and sold as cheaply as possible. My role was to serve,play keep hear, the music aisles in alphabeticalorder and the to customerswanted records return sold record sleevesand CD casesback to the aisles if they were still in stock, box. in the the to reorder storagecards otherwise place The backboneof this shop under the bannerof the MY ethic of independenceand distinction. I would have struggledto the genre of production self-managementwas have worked in this shop had I not had a working knowledge of punk and hardeore is I discuss in This salient point which extremely will an music. more detail below. The shop appearedvoid of such ethical concerns,though I will assertbelow that this was not the case.It took the form of three observeddilemmas. 1) TheEthical ConsumerDilemma47

46 The shop also sold badges, patches, plastic figures of famous band members, such as Ozzy Osbourne,Kiss AC/DC etc. 47Horton, D (2004).

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As I noted the shop could be read as any other business. With both Z and V 'activities', both in DiY, their the to the shop extra at shop and of committed practice this was certainly not the case, though it dramatically shifted between these two is distro Step Out junctures. the The to stall, a selfof precursor planes at various in DiY DiY found tandem the with gigs at most managedrecord stall of various sizes is latter low The chiefly concerned,with selling prices. ethic of accessibility and increase the Here to the range of to the was attempting shop subculture. records music for sale by encompassingthe multitude of genresthat not only exist within Such forms but hardcore of rock music. punk genres and select also metal punk and did not instantly appearin the shop and this only happenedthrough a gradual period issues: V upon such of negotiation. expands I didn't know what was doing first the obviously cause talked shop, about when we involved in doing the shop and neitherdid Z. I was saying right we'll have all the CDs at four quid and no major label stuff and all this. People,when we first opened,and a lot of the kids, were coming in - literally three or four a day - saying, 'got anything by Sublime?Got anything by these' and they were all on major labels. And we didn't stock it. Then after like four, five monthsor somethingone kid come in and asked[for a major label record] and he said 'have you got it?' and I was like 'no we haven't got it. Out of interestmate how much is it?' and he said loh, I'll get it in HMV it's alright I'll get it in he ' is it in 'how there And I and went 'twenty two pound'. We mate? there'. much went looked at the list and we knew we could get it cheaperand if we stocked it, causeit is bands it's just those that of some are on a major label. And the of music, still samesort it's like we can do it for five, six, seven,eight pound cheaperthan that. And it's like well, it because it's on a major label or, are to do: do stock not going say we're we we so what At loads the sametime while they are picking up it of money. save and we gonna stock that there might be somethingon the stereoin the shop where they go 'what's that? That's does Leeds it's four from band it's the thing, 'Oh same sort of quid mate if a really good', you want it'.

The latter is an exampleof the dilemma of selling-out or compromisingthe ethical concerns at the centrepiece of

the DiY

scene.

Issues touching

on the

from it profiting and competing with other record shops commercialisation of punk, here. Indeed debates hotly these the within the are contested are concerns at stake global punk and hardcore scenes and I will afford much more attention to these issues in chapter nine. That said there was a constant trade-off with these issues whilst I was a participant observer in the shop. This is not to say that there was a constant debate

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but keeping costs low was a persistent and repetitive concern in order to maintain credibility and integrity within the wider subcultural community48. Such a dilemma also representsone of the difficulties that is at the heart of what can be termed ethical consumerismand the dilemmatic balancebetweenprivate and community interests. 2) ThePC What became obvious within the shop was the occasional un-politically correct comment that came from a Wisdom shop worker through his derogatory use of the words 'gays' and 'faggots'. V had points of concern in tandem to the DiY ethical issues of tolerance and behaviour that challengedsuch engrainedcultural forms of his to on criticism of those who make such prejudice, yet was also at pains renege commentsfor fear of both strained,daily working relationshipsand being considered as part of the 'punk moral police.' The majority of thesecommentsI observedwere made outside the shopwhilst one was on a cigaretteand tea break, and were aimed in generaldiscourseto behaviourdeemedun-masculineor 'weak" in some non-specific way. In similar ways to the club, suchviews were actively challengedby V. Here he is explicit: a lot of people in the scenethink it's a cool thing is to call someonea bendera faggot or whatever and [other shop worker] used to say it loads and causeI kept sort of shouting at"[other shop worker]" telling him he was out of order and in the end he's suggesteda happy medium now wherehe now calls someonea 'bandit'. Well I can't say anything to that you see, I know what he's saying but I can't say to him "[other shop worker]," and he'll go "what? I didn't meanthat" It's like ok, well fuck it, I'm not gonnabother do you know what I mean?

Such languagewas toleratedas a compromiseon the bounds of good humour and working relations. My observationsat the time consideredthis to be a reciprocal relationship. The shopworker knew he had oversteppedthe mark with V in someof his commentsand occasionallythey were employedto 'wind' him up as he intimated 49With occasionally limited success,in a recent phone conversationwith V (01/12/04) he statedthat they were still boycottedby certain membersof the Leeds MY community over the issueof what are consideredby them to be high prices.

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when I questionedhim on the intentions of his comments. This was frequently the case in a number of settingswhere inappropriate commentswere challengedon the DiY ethical groundsof tolerance,inclusiveness,liberty and solidarity, though as Mr. BS demonstratedin the previous example this has the potential to also generate further intolerant behaviour in order to present a 'challenge' towards the perceived 'challenging in towards technique the geared control of challenger: short a resistance the challenge.' Prejudicedviews were not just confined to the occasionalskateboardshop worker's homophobic and sexist comments. Not all subculturalmemberswho visited the shop espousedDIY, indeedthis is somewhatof an understatementand a plurality of views hatred lin12 instance towards One the of and its members was witnessed. specific his in by to early thirties over the counter in the a male customer was conveyed me shop. He had come in to enquireas to whetherthere were any grindcore gigs coming up in the near future. I informed him of such an event coming up at the club. The but bunch 'there he lefty that nothing telling, was a said of was politically response inhabited feminists dirty that the place' and it wasn't 'real' anarchistsand correct, I Club. held if it the made an attempt to counter his view, stating at was grindcore that that was a particularly 'heavy' point of view to espouseand asked if he'd ever beenthere, to which he replied 'no'. I left it at that. This customer'suse of the term 'real' highlights the consistentand competingdiscourseswithin DiY punk concerning themselves with the authentic scene. My experience at the shop proved to be revealing in that; views heavily critical of the DiY ethic of both Leedsand Bradford sceneswere occasionallyencounteredalong the lines of authenticgenredistinctions. Such points of view made by this customer obviously articulate the hated and related categoryI detailed aboveand are in tandem with the commentsmade by Mr.

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BS used to illustrate this point in the previous section. I questionedV about this customer,asking whether he'd had similar encounters. V statedthat such responses are common and to make suggestionsthat might alter such points of view: for exampleby playing the grindcorebands' CDs scheduledto play the club assertingthat they are worth checking out. My attempt to share information with this person in familiar became it the shop. practice a regardlessof whether or not was accepted Overall it was evidentthat there was a constanttrade off betweenthe ethical rule with respectfor co-workersand customers. 3) Social or Retail Space? Information Points and the 'LatestRelease'.. Beyond the retail role of the shop Out of Stepproved to be an important intersection information flyers passedout information beyond the and posters gig web, of sharing leaflets flyers detailing mostly DiY full had The and two of gig at gigs. shop racks Bradford in Leeds, demos and surrounding areas. etc. gigs and political activities, Large numbersof postersfor gigs also decoratedthe entranceto the shop. Another dilemma arises in this section, again in the form ethical consumerism: is the shop primarily gearedto the production of a social spaceconducive to information sharing be balance Such issues Can business? to achieved? a are at the heart of an or retail its values with many of the ethical stancesoutlined in sharing ethical consumerism, is key four. Information to the survival of the DiY network and the sharing chapter shop took its role very seriously in this respect. Two free UK fanzines, Cardiff s Fracture Magazineand the LeedsbasedEuropeanfocusedfanzine,Reasonto Believe, amongst others, were neatly stacked up at the side of the counter and copies were offered to customersin addition to posters,gig and political demonstrationflyerS49. 49Both thesefree fanzinesare now sadly defunct because of similar lines of burnout detailed in chapter eight. See Duncombe(1998) for an excellent account of fanzine culture in the US. For a theoretical accountof fanzineproduction seeAtton (2002).

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Indeed out of the two fanzines,RTB was particularly gearedtowards a 'strict' DiY political

line. 5o

The age rangeof the shop customersrangedfrom early teensto retirementagewith the dominant agebeing teensand twenties. Genderrepresentationwas in tandemwith the subcultural dynamic of male dominance in terms of numbers with ethnic into involvement Customer the being slotted wholly underrepresented. minorities model detailed in chapter three of peripheral, semi-peripheral and core scene keen both Inquisitive to advance primary and secondary customers members. investigation used the shop as a vehicle for such investigation. Peripheralmembers in lurked that their the unsure record selectionswould shop, occasionally,nervously, be in keeping with the popular genresof their associatepeer grouping, although we, if to see that person was alright. They as shop staff, always made an attempt hesitantly held back from the counter,keento be seento make the 'correct' purchase. Some of the younger teens visited the shop with their parents who stood anxiously (correct) to for a their make purchase. All appeared nervousyoung offspring waiting eager to make a swift exit.

Semi-peripheraland core members made enquiries

detailed behind latest the on a whiteboard the counter. releases, record regarding Suchenquirieshelpedto equip and aid the newcomersand establishedmembersin the facilitating investigation, therefore their eventual assumptionof quest of secondary authenticgenredistinction. These examplesalerted me to the potentially intimidating situation for newcomers to both the shop and the subculture. Core and semi-Peripheralscenemembersused the shop as a social resource,both to catchup with the latest DIY sceneactivities and 50Indeedone the workers for Wisdom frequently of commentedto me that RTB was void of a senseof humor, stating that no one was really interestedin 'feminist physiotherapy'. He also describedmy article in issueone on the origins of Mayday, sarcasticallyas a 'laugh a minute.' He statedthat it was a pamphlet'specifically gearedto ftirthering the educationof the miserableand humorlesspunk police'.

Gordon PhD

Iss

gossip and to make purchasesof records. More specifically this was also one of the potential routes to swell one's own authenticity in terms of genre distinction. The 'in' talk and gestures made around the counter of the shop whilst 'new releases' were playing, prior to the appropriate purchase being made, were concerned with the appraisal of new bands, records, expressions of taste, band performances and past and four key is involved in Indeed the the scene. or what present previous gigs, and who frequently invoked intervals heavily distinction at repeated were of areas of genre over-the-counter subcultural discourse.

This can be summarised as inadvertent

'counter snobbery' in that thoseestablishedsubcultural scenememberswho frequent the shop counter can often involuntarily intimidate younger members engagedin displays knowledge investigation their of subcultural with primary and secondary and genredistinction. MY specific role here was to select and play such potential purchases,often being Here like like 'what's this one's own genre distinction is mateT asked questions brought into play. Not only was my own personaltaste compromisedhere; I also had to offer a critical review and appraisalof a given record often very much at odds with my own personal taste. Obviously, at the retail end of this dilemma, castigating a in to taste selling records conducive spite of how 'bad' I customer's was not personally consideredit to be. On occasionthe shop becameso crowded around the counter that it was difficult to serve customers.This presentedrole strain for myself, V and Z. On the one hand there is the role of core subculturalmember,whose chief aim is integral to the ethical reproduction of the MY scene,being friendly, informative and having much valued opinions on sceneissues;on the other, the professionalismand customercare attached

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to these duties proved to be an occasionally uneasy 'fit.

V spoke of the potential

difficulties in striking sucha balancewhich were causedby the lack of shop space: Yeah like in someways it's hard. I meanwhat I would love if we could do it. I meanwe have spokeabout all the different things that you can do. We could have sofasand stuff and you could in someways Re open it up into more of a social areaand you know. I mean I wantedto have a fridge and sell like drinks and stuff and have coffee and people come down and read the fanzines and put 'em back if they don't want them and stuff. Erm causeat the minute becausethe shop'sjust not big enough.Like you want to chat with people and it's like peopledon't always appreciatethat sometimes. Recently it's not beenthat busy, but sometimesyou got a lot to do and you can't spendan hour chatting to someone. And becausethe shop'snot that big and they can'tjust have a seatand like sit down with you sometimesit's actually quite an hindrancein someways to have loads of people hanging round in the shop. Like, especially on a Saturdayyou get people all round the countertalking to me and you and we're trying to servepeopleover the top, do you know what I mean? I meanif it was a bigger shop then maybe we could do it, but Re at the minute it's good 'causepeople do come in and it's like what are you doing and what's on tonight and erm, and you can discussstuff and peoplecan meet. I meanpeople will often come in the shop andjust standaround and you don't know who they are and it's like 'alright thereT 'Yeah it's alright I've just arrangedto meet someonein here'. And they'll [fricnd]come in and they'll be wearing a Misfits shirt or whateverand it's like whoa, so the obviously, people [meet here] whether it's to talk about somethingactive or whatever,or whether it is just as a meetingpoint, peopledo use it. And in someways it would be really nice to really encourageit but at the minute we just can't do it because the shop'sjust not big enough. But yeah, people definitely meet here and obviously we have got free fanzineslike RTB and Fracture which we have always got loads of and we always actively try and push it out to people. And obviously postersand shit like that. But surprisingly there are a lot of peoplethat you considerto be actively involved in DiY don't come in and you never ever see,and err, you think, it's not a 'big headed' thing to say we are really important causereally we are nothing. I mean it's all relative and we are not but, I still find it surprising that a lot of people haven't botheredto check us out. It's like you don't know, you don't know what it's like there and, even if you hate it, come down say it's shit and tell us and well you should do this and you should do this. They don't and a lot of peoplehaven'teven turned up and it's like, I think it's quite weird. Not making the most of the resourcesyou got know what I mean.

V clearly establishesthat Out of Step makes an active attempt to function beyond that of simply a retail outlet and more of a social and critical space. It is a key distinctive factor that they, as owners of the shop, can permit such gatherings even though they clash occasionallywith the interestsof salesrevenue. Secondly,and here V through his identification of his DiY critics invokes a genrelocation indicator. He is aware that some members of the DiY scene will view the shop as a capitalist enterprise,clashingwith their DiY ethical standpoint. To restatethe earlier point this is the recognition of a dilemma: striking the balancebetweena retail outlet and an autonomouszonefor sharinginformation.

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The periods so far discussedrevolve around my experience of a shop full of customers. This was not always the case and long periods of inactivity were also fanzines flyers, due Here to the and experiencedmidweek. sheernumber of records, heard, investigation thus took the not previously one on of genres and records Indeed, I distinction. for traded on over amassingone's capacity subcultural genre twenty years of subcultural sceneexperiencewhen I began observationof the shop, in knowledgeable far terms of subcultural music more yet on exit, consideredmyself issues, people and fanzines: in short, activity in general. Therefore periods of inactivity in the shopwere rarely redundant. What I have establishedthus far is that there is a series of dilemmas attachedto This the subculture. will be afforded detailed punk participation and practice within discussionin chapternine. Tlirough the daily reproduction of, and consistent, constant engagement and involvement with the subculture,one easily progressedto a stageof core membership. As numerouspeople involved with the various punk subcultures in Leeds used the function, its daily beyond the occasional retail senseof community shop as a resource different beyond that of the evening of through punk scenes a plurality within shone 919.

In this section I have sought to establish and illuminate the ethnographic Within Leeds latter the the shop. of account I have describeda social experiences space that is replete as a vehicle for the furtherance of primary and secondary investigation, the subcultural trade in genre distinction and the occasional 'counter snobbery' it invokes. The second key observationof this section has outlined the dilemmatic statusof authenticpractice within the MY community, whilst this wasn't so evidentat the Club discussedin chapterfour (due in part to the lack of contactwith Gordon PhD

188

either bands,recordsetc.), it was amplified in terms of the correct forms of knowledge in terms of the evocationof genredistinction aroundthe daily activity of the shopand between in the trade the terms the off of also ethical consumerism: of practice provision of a social spaceand the effective managementof a retail outlet. What was evident in the daily discourseof the shop and the numbersof flyers and Leeds festivals that around the the occurred amountof gigs and posterson walls was is focus I DiY to the Club. The the which the arena now gig punk of and at practice the ethnographiclens of the following section. Gigs, EveningsandAfternoons In chapter four and the previous section I mentionedthat the lin12 and Leeds have long-standing punk scenes,existing from the late nineteen seventies.These have a long-standing and detailed history that is beyond the scope of the present work. Suffice to say, in the broadestof brushstrokes,the I in 12 club was promoting concerts in the pubs from the early 1980s,and by 1988had managedto securea council grant to purchaseits own building, finally opening its doors in 1990: it still exists at the time of writing in 2004. Equally, Leedshas maintaineda thriving punk scene,on an has been located footing Bradford, this though to mainly within a multi-venue equal in Leeds Although the most popular venues at the time and a regular of one scenario. hardcore independent demolished for the and now and punk was venue mainstream pub, The Duchessof York, with its relatedpromotions organisation'Flame In Hand', held in a number of city pubs, squats,university the events were most of city's punk studentunions and nightclub settings. Within the window of my ethnography,the venues may have changed and the subcultural scene populations fluctuated over the years, but since the 1990s,

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B,

t, es, "Co ý,

py

Available' VariablePrint Quality

Bradford's focus for DiY has been the linl2,

while Leeds has remained centred in a

multi-venue scenario. During the fieldwork I went to and played over eighty shows in a single four month period. These gigs were unequally spread (in the order of Leeds, European tour, Bradford) across a number of venues and can be compartmentalized and detailed as follows.

The I in I 2Club. (Capacity 150)

Rio's (Capacity 1,000)

Packhorse (pub) (Capacity /u)

The Primrose (pub) (100)

The Royal Park (pub) (Capacity 100)

The Fenton (pub) (Capacity 100)

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The Cardigan Arms (pub) (Capacity 100) r, ý,

CýýXjý

I.lz ý

-. -";:,,,

I-ý"?

I-

Brudenel Social Club (Capacity: 200)

120Rats (Squat venue) (Capacity: 70)

The Bassment (Nightclub) (Capacity: 300)

Joseph's Well (Capacity: 300)

Cellar, Basement gigs (Shared houses in Leeds 6) (Capacity: 10-50 depending on available space) From the venue distribution of the above table one needn't labour the point of Leeds DiY The be gig will now enclave. scene examined, along as a multi-sited subcultural DiY cultural production. of with various aspects The Mechanics of Promotion As the epigraph at the start of this chapter dernonstrates, the central underlying four following in that the operate all of mechanics of under chapter principles outlined the DiY concert is mutual trust between promoters and performers, freedom from wider

external corporate controls, and the enjoyment

and satisfaction

frorn

successfully organising such events. This is a direct parallel to the studio prQject. Indeed, what distinguishes such events from their mainstream counterparts is that there is no legally binding contract supplied by the band, no guarantee of payment for

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the bandsor, indeed,that promotion will be carried out, and the venuewill be booked. If this soundsrather ramshackleand disorganised,the benefits greatly outweigh the rather loose natureof the organisation. All the associatedactivities are carried out by the sceneparticipants,without payment,and for the benefit of the community. This is of central importance. It is a key identification marker of the DiY concert. DiY promoters are not interestedin making a profit from the proceedsof the gig. Any bands destinations: be to the three money made will channelled across potential playing on the night; to a charity or a suitably deemed political cause; into the finance less be fund it to well attendedor less used supportand promoter's where will between future Leedsand Bradford DiY The that existed promoters popular events.si during the fieldwork were numerous. To name a small number: Sakari Empire, Punktured, Raw Nerve, Bingo Handjob, Infinite Monkey, Armed With Anger, Enslaved, Heavier Than Thou, Devil Rock, Flat Earth, Kito, Cops and Robbers, Collective AKA. Thesepromotersusually spannedfrom ten to between one or two Cops Robbers for have Some such as and years members. existed whilst others may only exist for one or two gigs. The whole event is run on a senseof trust betweenthe promoter, band, venue and audience. The central considerationof putting on the music event for its own sake, devoid of the profit motive, for the satisfactionin creating a DiY event, is the motor that drives the DiY hardcorepunk ethic and this practice operatesin tandemwith the ethical frameworksI outlined in chapterfour. It follows from the underlying principle of trust that DiY concertsare madefinancially accessibleto the audience.

51This is a rather optimistic and untainted view of DiY gig promotion, but nevertheless one that was reflected in the ethnographic data. Both from my own previous experience, and that of my counterparts, some of the DiY gigs I have been involved in have been badly promoted, bands have not been paid, and some of the more unscrupulous promoters lined have benefit the occasionally of concert their own pockets with the proceeds.

Gordon PhD

Booking In terms of booking the DiY gig is a central aspectof practice within DiY hardcore punk culture and forms a central componentof the social fabric of the scene. In spite of the plurality of differences in genres, there are a number of common features, running acrossthese events that allow the general organisationalmechanicsof DiY practice to be unveiled. Such eventsare initially organisedand arrangedwithin the national DiY network through a phone call, message,band website, and email or socially through reciprocal word of mouth arrangementto one of the promoterslisted above.52 On a numberof occasionsa band's tour will be organisedby one individual, booking friend (not behalf band a manager), on of a band making memberof usually a European DiY UK the and network. Alternatively, of existing contacts within use either from reading a favourable fanzine review and gig reviews, a band will be do by to the a show. During the majority of promotersand asked contacted one of is band instances, the contactedthrough one or more of the a representativeof such if they want to play a show on a given date. After asked contact and of abovepoints is (usually, date though not necessarily,as part of a tour) and a set up a agreement, for the estimated audience number. During the time of selected potential venue fieldwork, there were at least twenty smaller DiY promotersoperatingbetweenLeeds and Bradford. Promoters, Venuesand Gigs The lin]2

52Adverts for 'gigs wanted' are occasionallyplaced in the regular fanzine publications of the time of researchsuch as Fracture and Reason to Believe. Also, rising to popularity at this time was the Fracture Magazine website forums: a clear and, presently, well establishedway of publicising MY gigs.

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The gig, under the umbrella of DiY promotion ranges from the individual to the individuals lin12 from Events to the and collectives, members, collective. are offered private promoters. Bandsare bookedthrough the gig collective which takesall events to the Sundaymeetingsfor collective agreement. On Club agreement,the gig venue is then booked for which a hire charge is incurred for the PA while all the door the Bar bands. a and on rota-basis to the scheduled are staff proceedsare used pay be fed. is bands that can caf6 openedup so Gigs at the lin12 fluctuate in terms of attendance.During the weekdaysthere are is issue This I in Leeds for the that to travel to those an gigs. a number of problems its lin12 The PA DiY this owns gigs. own and to the on section end of will return at the alcohol licence offers later drinking opportunities than the pub. There are two bars in the club, one in the venueand one on the secondfloor. The bandsare fed in is food floor also available to those attending the gig. top where the cafd on the Attendance at the club can approach two hundred and fall to as little as single be The hardcore tend festivals to the events attended well staff. excluding numbers, days for heart 1990 UKs three have the the and attracting that running of since run Such bands to DiY act as an opportunity events socialise, watch community. northern for introduced be DiY to to the newcomers the opportunity ethic an offer and around asMr. G pointed out I can't rememberthe exact,time I first went the I in 12, it was like a festival in February, March or something. It was Bob Tilton, StampingGround. It was back in the day when emo kids went like that [gestures,laughter],exactly and that was like the first time I went to the I in 12, and I went there and I was like, HOLY FUCK! There was like all these know I was You like for 16 I like joking like CD's each and me. was stalls with you are usedto paying like whateverf. 15 in HMV and I rememberspendingmy food budget for the entire month on Chokehold CD's at the I in 12 the first time I went. And I just got more into it from there on, you know I went to more and more shows and then I started travelling out to shows as well and just got involved with more and more people, then eventually it was like, I'm gonna' put on a show and I think I was like seventeen,I was like just seventeenwhen I put on my first show.

Gordon PhD

Here this importanceof the lin12 festival is outlined in terms of how newcomers can gradually approachcore member status. Equally interesting is the way Mr. G invokes the use of the authentic original and badgesof membershipin terms of the 'back in the day' and use of band genres,'emo'. This importantly signifies how genre distinction operatesbeyond languageuse with gesturedimpressionof how the emo kids danced at the festival. The lin12 festival operatesas a focal point to the Northern DiY scene. The majority of intervieweespoke favourableof theseeventsas R points out: It's usually on a Sundayat a festival. There is a general,or there usedto be, this feeling looking I liked from lot had You that am at early everywhere. you of people a of unity. to mid-ninetiesand you'd havepeoplefrom Manchesterand peoplefrom Glasgow would know You down my girlfriend now was one of go. and come would and people come those people that used to come over from Manchester. We would have a lot of people be for house Special Brew on a then you'd going and at our coming over and staying Sunday morning with. And then getting up going to the 1in12: and going "let's get fucked up" and then getting fucked up with friends down the club again for anotherday it being day. friends loads festival a nice and of and seeing of the

This quotation summariseshow the networks of punk operatebeyond the localities festival lin12 The Bradford Leeds operatesas a meeting point: a the scenes. and of bands trading/buying, record playing and new critical space where socialising, having drinking in formed to a good time. These were addition contacts projects deemedto be the good times at the I in 12 and why all the hard work the membersand deemed building in both the the to and events are pay a success.All of promotersput the intervieweesspokeof the linl2 festivals in a favourablelight. From a promoter's in feelings DiY H Mr. terms the of once a of satisfaction was explicit perspective, festival had successfullypassed: It's the cleaningup after it that you have got to do as well. But I mean,going back to the heavy fest thing. We were tidying up afterwardsand I wasjust pushing a broom round the floor, half drunk, totally stonedout me head, collecting glasses,brushing the floor. And I am doing, oh God, filthy, mundanetasks and I am fucking on cloud nine doing it. But it is part of the whole, what's involved in doing it, but you haven't finished yet and then it's like: the room is cleaned;all the glassesare put away. You are stood at the door and the room is empty and it looks exact, it looks like nothing has happened,but again, like you say, you can't take away the things that you have done and you lock the door, turn your back on it and have a fucking grin a mile wide.

These accounts underline the feelings of satisfaction I illustrated regarding the completion of a stageof the recording studio in chapterfive or succeedingin getting the record shop up and running above. This feeling of satisfaction was a general theme of the interviews. However, whilst the festivals are well attended,there are a number of lin12 eventsthat suffer from a lack of attendance. This is an issue that I will return to at the end of this section. The overall mechanicsof gig organisation at the lin12 operatealong the lines of what I will articulate below in terms of the organisationof the Leeds shows. The building; departure the autonomouscontrol the owned self-managedand are points of in facilities, the the building. That the to the as such caf6, other spaceand access of Leeds the lin12 the the of of popularity shows and an exodus suffers as a result said is issue be The discussedin chapter to that exit subcultural of will city. of members eight Leeds: ThePub Gig There are a number of similarities betweenthe lin12 gigs and the Leeds DiY events held in the back and upstairsrooms of pubs. Such venuesare detailed above in fig I in in The degree 2004. is operation of control reduced,though all of and all continue the venues I visited desistedfrom employing door staff or intervening in the DiY has In this, the to operatethe event within the openinghours of promoter event. spite of the pub and adhereto the general rules of the venue. The pub gig itself usually beginsits activities from 5pm. The promoter arrives with the food for the bandsand the PA has beenloaded in by the promoter or, if no transportis available, it is picked up by one of the bandswith a van at their disposal. As the bandsplaying the bill arrive, their equipmentis loaded

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into the venue and a discussionon equipmentsharingand order of the bandsplaying is collectively settled. There are two avenues of possible activity depending on whether there is a full or vocal PA being used at the pub gig. In the case of the former, the sound engineer sets up and tests the PA and proceedsto set up all the microphonesfor the musical equipment. The processof soundchecking then begins. The sound check usually occurs in reverseorder with the last band playing checking first. In the caseof the vocal PA, the band uses their backline as the only form of kit drum bass The the the are put through of amplification. vocals and, on occasion, the PA. This type of PA is mostly usedin the cellar, pub and squat shows I attended in Leeds. In terms of equipmentit is not always convenientor possible for a band to bring all their equipment. It is usually the casethat in the caseof a touring band playing will have brought all their backline53 In the case of local bands one band will usually . drum kit bands to lend the to the cabinets other speaker and agree playing in order to kit the time over. changing save The order of the bandsis settledby the sequencein which they are advertisedon the is dependent but flyer bands time the also upon what arrive. On a number and poster bands immediately I before they are due to play. observed arriving of occasions There are three main reasonsfor this: band members' work commitmentspreventing them from leaving in sufficient time to arrive early for the gig; lack of clear directions to the venue; and mechanicalfailure or traffic problems. I also observedthat bands often feel uncomfortable with the headline spot due to the ideological connotations andnegativeimplications of 'rock star'.

53The collective word usedfor drum kit speakercabinetsand amplifiers.

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Occasionally,it has not beenunknown for an advertised,headlineband to play first or secondon the bill in order to disrupt the assumedhierarchy and importanceof the last band to play54 The period of sound checking also allows band members, . promoters and friends the opportunity to meet and socialise. Indeed,I observedthis ideas for future DiY be in future to the space central planning and sharing of activities. It also provides a chanceto familiarise oneself with local developments and political issuesand gossipcurrently debatedin the scene. Coupledwith this there is also the opportunity for touring bandsto explore the city with local band members for leave this purpose. the the check sound who venueafter The majority of touring bands will bring a distro stall with them. Short for distribution, this stall contains a number of the current bands' recorded output and 55 fanzines, flyers in DiY to addition releases and band merchandise record. previous (hand printed T-shirts, badges,patchesand stickers) with some of the bigger stalls CDs In keeping thousand and records. over a well carrying with the DiY gig distribution items have the the on stall their prices kept as sold all admissionprices, low as possible. Such stalls, asidefrom the sound checking and promoter activities, focus of activity throughoutthe temporal zone of the gig. They act are anothercentral for bands interest the waiting to play. Records,CDs, tapes,fanzinesand as a point of 7" vinyl are thumbed though, discussedand inspectedby band membersand those presentat the soundchecksand throughoutthe gig and on many occasionspurchases are made. In addition to this, the discussionof the latest releaseswith the stall-holder acts as an opportunity for subcultural.membersto familiarise themselves,bolstering 54 This scenario occurred in August, 2001 in Hilversum, Holland, when the well-known DiY band, Seein' Red, insistedon playing before my band and donatedtheir pay that night as they heardwe were struggling financially on that tour. They summedthis up through their actions that night for the all of my band why mutual aid in DiY deservesrespect. 55 See the Scorched Earth policy website for further details of how distros operate. http://Www.scorchedearthpolicy. de/ http://www. letbulletsrain.de/

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their genre distinction with the latest'releases or find a record they have been 56 for trades searching or to secure of recentreleases . Overall the distro stall also functions as a back-up for touring bands to accrue to lighten the costsof being on the road, or in generalfor the non-touring bandsto make some money for their respectiveband funds. The presenceof the distro stall, in both in12 (usually 1 from field I to the at over eight or none of settings observed,numbered bands day festivals in UK). Occasionally, there the a number of playing, are when all there is competition for a pitch for the stall and this can generateinter-band tension. Bands arriving late, when the venue is small, often struggle to find spacefor their in Out Step distro, terms Overall to the similar very operates of stall genre stall. distinction in similar termsto the instancesI discussedin terms of counter snobberyin the shop. The stall asthe site of potential new subculturalknowledgealso tradesupon the existing knowledgeof the sceneparticipant. From around 8pm the audiencebegins to arrive. Audience numbers are dependent issues. inter-linked Firstly, identified have I three the thoroughnessof as upon what the promotion for the event is a key factor in the latter's success. If there have been distributed handed in flyers the correct places,then there and and posters out enough in from interest be the gig a potential audience. some will Secondly,the popularity of the band is a key factor. If one of the bandson the bill has received good reports in fanzinesand record reviews and has the word of mouth reputationof being a good act, people will turn up and supportthe event. Also, if the band has built up a large, local baseof friends, this also acts as a catalyst for support. Thirdly, specific to the Leedsscene,there are, on occasion,more than one DiY gig in 56Trading is key a activity on the distro,stall. This is how a numberof new DiY recordsare distributed and sold. However, not all tradesare agreedand trade priceshave to be negotiated.

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the city. Competition will be utmost during this time. The collision of gigs was unavoidableat weekendsin Leeds. I observedon at least two occasionsthat there were up to three separateDiY events on one night. In addition to these three core factors, there are a number of other circumstancesthat affect audiencenumbers,such as lack of financial capital, other personal commitments, and the summer months home. left have to return when students Overall, the dedicationof the core membersof the sceneultimately meansthat there is always some audiencefor most of the bandsplaying. In DiY culture, I observed that gigs will be supportedspecijlcally becausethey are DiY. In terms of audience be both bands, I for this to genre-dependent. Many observed specific numbers familiarity, due to their not with a specific band but participants will attend events instead with a band's associationwith a specific musical genre and scene. It is not heard bands have for the to not playing. Attendanceis uncommon audiencemembers largely inspired through an identification both with the genresconcernedand with, DiY the to, ethic. support of and adherence Audience numbers I observed ranged from fifteen people to over three hundred at the bigger events organised by both Cops and Robbers and Collective AKA in Leeds festivals (although lower, during Bradford turnout the field period the a maximum and of 150 can be reported). The DiY pub gig usually contains anything from five to over important An hundred point to note here is that the scene in both settings is a people. male-dominated though not in the patriarchal sense of male domination: women are 57 key MY respected and play and central roles within the scene .I

observed this as a

constant feature. I estimated that female participation both in audience promotion and band membership was in the minority with an estimated 1-5 ratio of female-to-male 57SeeLeblanc(2001).

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representation.Additionally, I also observedthat people from ethnic minorities were in this culture. underrepresented The main activities of the audience,promoters and band membersbefore the gig begins, are concentratedin the bar. Whilst there is a representativenumber of straightedgepeople within this culture, soft drinks are consumedand the activity of socialising around the bar is common to both Leedsand Bradford. A number of the smaller venues in Leeds have a separatebar from the concert venue and this is a contributing factor in the amount of people who attend the gig. I observeda small number of people who would just socialisein the bar and not pay to get into the gig. Common to the majority of gigs attendedin the field setting the doors openedaround 8pm. As I noted abovethere were exceptionsto this with the late arrival of bandsand occasionalproblems with either technicalproblemswith the equipmentor last minute sectionsof backline having to be brought in. In all casesthere is a table set up at the door of the venue. On the table are variousflyers and fanzinesadvertising future DiY events. On a piece of paper, written on with magic marker is the entry price as documentedabove. The money is taken and placed in a 'cash box' and in return a hand stampor marker imprint is madeon the back of the hand. Paymentat the door is also a contentiousintersectionof discussionat the DiY gig. If the promoter sets to high a door price then accusationsof selling out and 'cashing in' can be levelled at them by those membersof the community that consider this a betrayal of core DIY values. Complaintsregardingdoor price from punterswith excusessuchas 'let me in free, I'm skint', tend to occur frequently at weekendshows;often later in the evening, when people are more likely to be drunk. When the venue is full or the time approachesfor the first band to play the event.begins and proceedsin much the same way as I described above. The pub gig encompassesthe wider, organisational

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activities of all the porters and venuesdescribedin this section. There are, however, smaller DiY eventsthat are consideredto be the most authenticversion of the DiY gig by core members.I will now focus attentionon theseevents Small, DIYPromotions and Gigs The smaller promoters were core membersof the Leeds and Bradford subcultures. Often they would have beenpersonallybooking a sectionof a bands' tour, played in a band themselves,or had previously releasedor distributed a record for the band from dayer hardcore festivals These the at the gigs all reasons. ranged amongstother lin12 that ran from the mid nineties, promoted by a multitude of different DiY Flat Earth, El Sub, Enslaved Armed Anger, Infinite to as with such promoters Monkey and Heavier Than Thou. The smallerDiY promoter usedeither the 1in12 or the pubs in Leeds,housecellars, front rooms or the squat,previously identified as the 120Rats.

Regardlessof the size of the gig, the promoter of the event is deemedresponsible for publicising the event through the use of posters, flyers and adverts. Flyers are following punk tradition utilising 'cut and paste' and xerox generally constructed internet has the word processor replete with printer and although access methods somewhat changed the aesthetic of these flyers over the last decade".

Such

advertisementswill generallyfeature:venue cost, time, descriptionsof the bandsand an information contact phone number. At any given gig there will be a number of bandsplaying and this rangesfrom one two to ten bandsdependentupon the for the concertstakes(either single gig, two-dayer,matineeor festival).

58 Turcotte tradition.

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and Miller (1999) have written an excellent historical account of the US punk flyer

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The flyers and promotion of the eventsis the responsibility of the promoter although the bandsmay make their own flyers. I observedin both the field settingsthat flyers and posterswere placed in all the key sites such as shops(Out of Step, Jumbo and Crash and the flyer racks at the linl2) in addition to the venuesa month to three weeks before the event takesplace and are placed there by the promoter. Fly posting is occasionally used in addition to the promoter attending DiY eventsprior to their own event and either handingout flyers or placing them on the table where money is paid to gain entrance. In the Leedssetting the Cops and RobbersDiY listings guide is utilised and usedas a key resourcewithin the DiY scene. Failure to placea listing or to advertisean event in this free publication can have a marked effect upon attendancerates at the show. Within the two fieldwork sitesthe band is occasionallyfed a basic meal and provided 59 with an optional sleepingplace . As I noted above, in terms of money the band and do 60. DiY for the rubric of not ask promoter operating under a guarantee The core DiY ethic of keeping events costs low and accessiblefor the low waged operates simultaneously with the practice rejecting the profit motive as the sole factor for Indeed the event. on regardlessof playing the event the bandsinvolved will putting usually have their costs covered. In the majority of instancesI observedbandshave their transport and fuel costsmet in addition with a small amount if any money after the gig. Gig entranceprices range from the Leeds pub and linl2 gigs at E2-4 to the larger Collective AKA gigs at a top rate of E-7 pounds.

59The practice of feedingbandsand providing sleepingplacesto touring and bandsthat are playing in Bradford and Leedsis a DiY tradition that seeksto producea senseof support and community to those on the road. This practice did not occur at all the gigs observedbut was occasionedat the ma ority. Vegetarianand veganfood was provided in all cases. SeeV's dilemmabelow. 60 With the exceptionof Collective AKA describedabove.

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The cost and conductof both the promoter and bandsand audienceat DiY gigs is a major intersectionof dilemmasover authenticity and with in the Leedsscenethere are a number of difficult questionsrelatedto the issueof authenticitythat I shall consider in the relevantsectionbelow Within this sectionI shall accountfor eachof the venuesand gigs I visited and what intersections fieldwork. these the events at specific at of specifically occurred Aside from the larger Cops and Robbers and Collective AKA gigs, the smaller DiY gigs held at the 120Rats and the squat can be described as a 'temporary autonomous McKay, 1996: 156,1998: Bey McKay 1985; 139). (Bey, and use this term to zone' independent for that to the activity are countercultural of official control spaces refer beyond Such the control of the established authority spaces operate surveillance. and lin12 Whilst Club held in licensed the the a venue. could once have neatly gig of fitted into such a definition, with its C&R-esque style gigs in a series of pubs and by its is its TAZ adoption of a permanent building, revoked status public spaces, independent breweries legal its to the connections and alcohol licence along with field identified, during in TAZs I Leeds, were the front The the three work provision. 120Rats the show, squat, and occasional gigs in addition to the Aspire room and cellar collective gigs and rave events (not covered in the field work or discussed in the present work).

61

Cellar showsare specific to Leeds,although in the global DiY community they are a common phenomenonand have been well documentedby O'Connor (2002a) and in 61 Whilst the Aspire collective is central to DiY political resistancein Leeds, there was no activity evident from them during the fieldwork period. They describetheir practicesas an 'occasionalvenue.' Where large buildings in Leedsare squattedfor brief time and transformedinto a multitude of different political spacesand activities. One of their most famous, previous activities was the squatting of the large church in 1999on WoodhouseLane, decoratingits steeplewith an huge anarchysign. Four days of partying and gigs took place. See,www. a-spire.oriz.uk for up to date information on their projects No Aspire eventstook place during the fieldwork period.

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visual terms by (Carroll & Holzman, 2001; Sorrondeguy, 1991; Glantz and Noe, 2003). The domesticenvironmentof the living room and the functional setting of the cellar are briefly transformedduring theseeventsinto a public and subversivespace. Occasionalpolitical messagesare spoken by the bands between songs.62The cellar it but birthday mainly show may occur on a core member's or a similar anniversary, reflects the intense competition for booking venues in Leeds. Most of these are booked up for months in advancedue to the popularity of the scene. Last minute in DiY the the unavailability of any venue solution of a cellar or resulted cancellations have large Royal Park, Burley Park Headingley The of and amounts of areas gig. terraced,rentedhousesrepletewith large front rooms and more importantly, large and for bands Not in they to and accessible are cheap only cellars. rehearse (a spacious final in I'll the to sectionof this chapter),they also provide spaceswhere return point field During I the DiY work occur. may attendedat leastfour events and parties small having Rather than a pay-on-the-doorarrangement,a bucket (in one case events. such for donations to cover the costs of the bands. around cap) was passed a mesh-back Bands often sold their merchandiseout in the street,while people brought their own ccarry-out' alcohol and often congregatedin the street waiting for the gig to begin. Around thirty to fifty people attend such gigs and more (occasionally approaching 100) during the caseof houseparties. Every precaution is taken to ensurethat neighbours are forewarned of the noise potential. For weekday gigs, a number of the neighbourswere duly alerted. There appearedto be no objections,although a police car drove past one of theseeventsat

62Specifically here I was at a Creation is Crucifixion cellar show in late September2001, where they were discussingthe dangerof a rise in surveillancetechnology. When I spoketo the guitarist outside, he informed me he was very into reading Foucault and gave me two of the bandsCDs; one containeda 200 pagebooklet on how to rewire a game-boyas a hacking device.SeeCreationas Crucifixion: Child asAudience: WhereTechnologyandAnarchy Fuck. Rtmark, AutonomediaCollective.

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least once. Cellar gigs tended to begin around 7.30 prn with four or five bands playing short sets, and end before Ilpm in conformity with licensing laws, though people did sometimeslinger the vicinity after the shows. The actual playing of the gig was a very crampedand sweatyaffair with upwardsof thirty peoplein a cellar. The intensity of loud, amplified punk music in a cellar instilled an exciting senseof Whilst the band played, core members nodded at each other in

risk.

acknowledgementof the quality of the music; descriptions and evaluations are shoutedin eachother's ears,though suchdiscussionmay not be specifically relatedto the band at all. When dancing occurred,the intensity of the music increased,though those who did so took account not to hurt other people in the crowd, while people is back take this tended to the the good humour. There was no at of room shoved for full because PA a of the confined and crowded area. This was a face-to-face need band lack between The division and audience, more often than not of event. Mr. B hierarchy. was very explicit in terms of cultural any potential evaporated describinghow suchcellar showswere indeed'proper hardcore': [John Brown's] basement, 1995. Tronsideheadlined it with a bunch of other bands. Probablyabout thirty people squashedin to this little basement. And peoplejust started passingthe mike aroundgoing nuts. Proper,proper hardcoreshow. (Pseudonymmine)

Mr. G was equally enthusiastic speaking of a front room show seven years after Mr. B's event: G: It was Pete's 25th birthday and we had a flyer on the door. He went out for a meal and I madean excusethat we couldn't go and we set it all up: we hired a PA and then he turned up and there was a band playing and 30 kids in our front room and it was fucking awesome. Int: shouldtherebe more front room shows? G: Definitely, they are brilliant! You can't beat gigs with small atmospherescausethey are just so intimate. SometimesRe when it is your friend's bands and stuff, you get stoked on seeingthem play to a lot of people at big shows and stuff, you know what I mean,but you can't beatthe intimacy of small shows,definitely. (Pseudonymmine)

As G enthusiasticallynoted, the cellar gigs are highly regardedand respectedin the Leedsscene. They are usually very well-attended,having beenmostly publicised by

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word of mouth. During my time at Out of Step,a numberof peoplewere informed of theseshowswhen they enteredthe shopand news spreadthrough text message,phone call, email, website and word of mouth. Overall, theseshowsstandas a testimony of what can be achieved when the conventional spacesfor playing music in Leeds become unavailable. The element of spontaneity and feeling of satisfaction when such an event succeedsstrengthensthe subcultural status of the cellar show, and heightensthe generalsolidarity of the sceneand its core members. The secondarea that operatedunder the TAZ banner was the120Rats squat on the MeanwoodRoad in Leeds. This was a squatthat existed for over eight yearsand was host to a large numberof DiY gigs in the Leedsarea. In many ways it was the closest venue in Leeds to the linl2.

There are a number of mutual points of association

betweenthe Club Members and the squatters(as mentioned in chapter five; further follows in final the section of this chapter). The squat was a clear elaboration DiY be the through ethic. They held gigs most of what can achieved example its (and with own, unlicensedbar establishedthere. occasional weekdays) weekends As Ratus,one of the squatters,pointed out in 1995: Bands who come to play the I in 12 can come to play here, too. Most squatsin Europe, the way they do it is, like, if you play in a band you get a drink and food and have We the spaceto do that too. Bandswho tour England have a shit accommodation. time - no food, no money. At least here all the money will go to the band and we'll makethem food. (Wakefield and GnTt, 1995)

The squat hosted both hardcoreand punk gigs during its existence.Most of these were friendly, yet chaotic and often drunken events. As with the cellar shows,there was a sharp intensity and raw integrity, although the venue only held around seventy people and there was no elevatedstage. Audiencesfacedthe bandson an equal level, while the acousticsof the low ceiling gave an excellent sound to the bands. The painted mural walls and run-down, yet somehow holding-it-together aesthetic, all gave the impression that one was not actually in the UK but based somewherein

mainland Europe. The gigs I played and attendedthere during the field work were all benefit concerts for the pending eviction.63 As with the cellar gigs, people congregatedoutsidethe squat on old setteesand also in small groups in the adjacent courtyards that serviced a number of factories and warehousesin the vicinity. Occasionally,there was a fire in a large oil drum with people standingaround it, the 64

for did fair from (also the gig those trade property) arriving off-licence a squatted . All the bandswereprovided with a basic veganmeal and somecansof beer. The gigs at the 120Ratsdirectly embodiedDiY values, and so attractedthose core members invocation in themselves their as most stringent of the DiY ethic, as who presented four. The in majority of thesegigs were very cheap,often costing as chapter outlined little as fl. 50 entranceand El a drink. These were in sharp contrast to the other Collective AKA and C&R gigs I shall describebelow. Drinking and partying often Here beyond into hours is the the at squat. and on early an account from my went Oh diary February field-work 1997. of pilot Gradually, as the evening progressed,people beganto arrive. Mat was once an empty room beganto be filled with people awaiting the night's entertainmentwith the average forties. from late Various stalls beganto be set up in which to the sixteen ranging age DiY hardcoreand punk records,CD's and fanzineswere sold well below the established price of the mainstreamrecordsshops. As the two other bandsarrived and one after the in began they to play. Even without a large PA systemthe music was plugged and other, loud and people beganto settle into the night's entertainment. Around the bar people gatheredsocially, whilst otherssat on the sofas. The room wherethe bandswere playing was beginningto get full. The entrance fee for the nights was L2, well below the established price of a mainstreameventwhich runs from L7430. This would be usedto pay the bandspresent and any remainingmonieswould be usedto pay for the promotion and upkeepof similar events. Whilst milling around,I estimatedthat there were approachingseventypeople in this small building. When we took to the stageafter I Ipm, the dancingbeganin earnest. 63This feeling wasproducedthrough the experienceof the FrenchCanadiansquatterswho were mostly responsiblefor the maintenanceof the building. They had extensiveexperienceof the EuropeanDiY punk squattingnetwork of which the 120Ratsis a reflection of. SeeWakefield and GM-t (1995) 64 The squatting tradition in Leeds is known as the Lawton Loophole, named after a landlord who disappearedin the late eightiesleaving numerouspropertiesaroundLeedsopento squat. This allowed people to live rent free. A number of these people have now legally inherited the buildings. The 120Rats,including the block of over five large houses,takeaways,off-licensesand shops,are all part of this loophole. However one member of the Lawton family sought the repossessionin 2000 of a number of thesepropertiesand the squatwas evicted in Oct 2001. It is in 2005 still presentlyboarded up.

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Playing without a stage with the audience inches from your face is an amazing experienceas the distanceis minimal. You really get a real feeling of closenessas you look into the audience'seyes. After eachsongthe audiencecheeredloudly in addition to heckling us. Our singer recountedthe tale of a recent friend who had sadly died and dedicated the song to him. After the set the audience demanded an encore, not somethingwe felt comfortable doing. "More, more! You bastards,it's still early!" the crowd shouted;some demandedBlack Sabbathsongs,others, drunken with excitement just cheered. We didn't know any more songs so decided to begin the set over. The atmospherein the building was electric and the senseof unity and achievementfor me was unbelievable. No corporatemusic heretonight. After the bandsfinished, peoplejust hung around drinking, socialising and discussingthe night's entertainment. No trouble had occurred, no police had been called and all involved were happy. We loaded the bands equipment into the van whilst others stood around outside of the squat talking. The usual commentsof "great gig mate!" were passed. I left the squatthat night with a firm senseof what could be createdwithout the use of established,mainstreamnetworks and venues. This show had been 'by the kids, for the kids' to coin a clichd. No profit was madeexceptin termsof a profit in unity and excitement.

Though not intendedat the time, this accountseemsretrospectivelyto perfectly sum DiY bands The the the that played there in the aesthetic of and gig at squat. up ethic 2001 ranged across the genres available in the Leeds and Bradford, though the traditional punk and hardcoredistinction I outlined in chapter four mostly remained intact. This division was most evident betweena benefit show comprised of eclectic hardcore bands and a series of squat benefit gigs strictly comprised of punk bands heading the bill. The punk/hardcore opposition, whilst occasionally fluctuating, remainscentral to the Leedsand Bradford scenesaswell as acrossthe UK. Overall, the above examples demonstrate the possibility of a self-policed autonomouszone wheremusic can be both sharedand madeaccessiblefinancially, in line with core MY values. Theseshowsdo not haveteamsof machismobouncers,or large PA systemsrepletewith soundengineers'roadiesand paid bar staff. They allow those in the DiY community to contribute to and control their own space. During the field work core membersrepeatedlyreferred to both 'Rats gigs' and cellar shows as truly authentic DiY punk, yet there other interpretations of DiY worthy of consideration. Copsand Robbers

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In Leeds,due to the plurality of venues,promotion operatesat a number of levels and the size of the promotion groups is broadly reflective of club bookings. There are, however,at least two, larger DiY collectives in Leedsgearedto booking showswhich I will discussin turn: Copsand Robbers(hereafterC&R) and Collective AKA. C&R is run by a collective of ten people: eight men and two females. They have in for the time seven years at numerous venues and promote gigs of writing existedat Leeds. To namea select few, the Royal Park, Brudenell Social Club, The Packhorse, The Fenton,Joseph'sWell and their gigs mainly operatewithin the pub gig remit I describedabove.Their point of departurefrom DiY punk per se, however, is that they bands larger from both agencies promotion and with non-DiY outside the also work ) (indie, avante electronica, garde country, etc. emo, and also with larger genre punk independentand major labels althoughthey insist that the band operatesunder a DiY framework for the duration of the show. This ethosis illustrated frequently repeatedly in their monthly, free LeedsDiY gig listing guide: The gigs advertisedin Cops and Robbersare all DiY to some degree. That is all door takings go to cover the costsinvolved in promoting the event. The promotersdon't take a Not bands for the themselves. are necessarilyDiY, some may have managers, all cut have major label involvement or music pressconnections,but at least by playing a DiY forced to prescribeto this idea for one evening at least and your money isn't they are gig industry basedupon competition and back-stabbingsuccess(Cops to an support going # 9, October 1998). Robbers and

Here legal contractsadvancedto bandsare ignored. They usually get the payment required (within reason)while those insisting on large guaranteesare not booked by the collective unless they can reasonablypredict that the gig will generateenough money for such large coststo be covered. In the event that costscannotbe met these are made up from either the kitty drawn from the more successfulgigs or from potentially well attendedfuture events: We always try to cover bands costs as much as we can. Unless of course there's no money at the gig and even then we give them money as much as we can and we get it back from the later gigs.

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C&R have also distancedthemselvesfrom the direct sloganeering of punk and hardcore,extendingtheir remit describedabove. Indeed,this is also an intersectionof criticism both within the punk and hardcore and Bradford sceneswith members levelling the sell-out criticism, an issue I shall discuss below. C&R advance DiY ethics beyond punk and hardeore in terms of transgressingtraditional forms of resistanceand direct political sloganeering. They consider this ineffective. Instead they choose to build the DiY ethic into the fabric and practice of the event. In contrast to the linl2, political sloganeeringis not a regular feature of a C&R gig. This goes to the heart of some of the reciprocal perceptionsbetweenthe Leeds and Bradford DiY scenes. During a focus group interview with the collective one of the following the commentwith regardto the organisationof a DiY event. made members As one memberpointed out: You have radical, protest groups or whatever pushing the boundaries and changing society in one way and well you know making you know just pushing the boundaries basically. Then they seemto isolatethemselvesa lot from the rest of society becauseand there is like a massivekind of gap that needsto be bridged. I'd like to think of C&R maybe as kind of making and bridging that gap aptly and working from the bottom up maybe. I don't know whetherit will ever get us anywhere.

Such distinctions penneatethe discourseof the Leeds and Bradford scenesand this is an issue to which I will return in the last section of this chapter. For now their different approachesneed to be noted as a significant difference between the two, Beyond the aesthetic and political differences of the bands respective scenes. is C&R promoted, organisation similar to that of the lin12. For example,promotion tasksare allocatedon a volunteerbasis: when it comes down to putting on a gig erm, like err, like someonewithin Cops and Robberswill be askedto do a gig or the C&R will be emailedand someonelike me, Bert or John will take up the role of like organising that gig and this just involves asking people to do various stuff. I meanI am usually askedto do the PA. Maybe Rebeccaor Walter or someonewill be askedto drive. I dunno the person that's kind of given or taken it upon themselvesto organisethe gig and organisethe postersand makesthe food and gets all the peopleto help out and ask people to you know do their bits and pieces. But they are generallythe personin chargeof doing that.

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At the time of fieldwork, C&R were organising three to five eventsa week. They but booklet their the to any gigs only same not of name advertise produced a small is high in Leeds Their influence in DiY the the scene popularity and area. other event and their eventsare well attended. Though they promote and stagea number of the larger DiY eventsin Leeds,they are not the only large DiY promotions collective in Leeds. Out ofSpite to CollectiveAY,4. Five peoplewere involved in Collective AKA: four malesand one female. This is the in in Formed 1995 Out Leeds. DiY as of agency collective promotions other main Spite, before amalgamatingwith Mr. V and a friend moving over from Manchester three years later, they changedtheir nameto Collective AKA. At the time of the field Joseph's Well Leeds Club the the they venues and gigs at night organised work, known as the Bassment. Mr. V from Out of Step, at the time of interview in 2001, hadjust resignedfrom this punk promotionscollective due to his commitmentsto the issues feelings distance DiY. through core ethical over of control of a and and shop Unlike Cops and Robbers,the collective agreedto use legal band contracts and pay bouncers higher that employ venues and charge admissionprices than use guarantees; C&R. Whilst not overtly DiY, a numberof their ethical punk principles are enshrined in Out of Spites' promotional practices, such as feeding the bands vegan food only and not buying products such as Coca Cola, providing, instead,generic alternatives; and not chargingextortionatedoor prices. However, Collective AKA also attractedcriticism from those who consideredDiY to be an issue of completeethical control and are consideredby some core members to be removedfrom the DiY ethic in terms of the authenticityof the smaller eventsof Leeds and lin12 events. At the time of writing they were mainly promoting large Gordon PhD

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gigs (with genresloosely describedas melodic pop punk, emo, ska punk and post rock, also attractingscorn from DiY core memberswho viewed such genresand their associatescenesas 'not punk') with averageattendanceof over three to four hundred On door f. 5-8 this. the ethical position of the of around prices people and reflected this collective, V's resignationwas also over issuesof artistic control. He considered the booking agentsof the large bandsthey promotedto be determiningthe majority of the collective's output, not a practicehe felt comfortablewith: I associatethe politics and the outlook on life so much with the music and they are both intertwined and to say oh hardcore'sfucking bollocks, I'd be a fucking empty shell. But I am starting to. Like with the gigs, I meanyou get a load of bandscoming through the tour bookers. They say do you want to put this band on and you go 'no I don't' but if I don't put theseon I can't put the next band on that I do like, therefore you are kind of forced into doing it. And then when you turn up to a gig no bandsyou want to seeand people will turn up, pay in, watch the band and go home. And you think fucking that's not punk. I meanwhat's that, that's fucking, it could be Oasisor somethingelse, it's not what I enjoy. I've beendoing it for quite a while now and you get great gigs in-between but there's too much of that and you think well, my time could be so much better spent becauseI come home I don't eat any dinner, I go straight to a gig err, I often put up a band,go to bed late get up for work. Do you know what I mean,It's like well no I've got to stop doing it becausethere are so many people that are doing it, I don't make a difference really do you know what I mean, anybody can do it. And if worse case everybody stops doing it then someoneelse can say right well I'm gonna put on gigs. It's like well there's always going to be someoneto fill the gap hopefully. Well it is like do. I mean I achieved the only thing I is don't I to that need something realistically bands do in Leeds, that I know weren't gonna' to couple of a on which was put wanted play here, and I though no I'm gonna do it then. And also erm, the fact now that a lot bigger been being bands the offered are offered, previously clubs, and becausewe more are getting the bigger crowds we can afford to. I mean like it's a whole thing really. I meansomebandssay we are only going to do two datesin the country. Oh there's this band, New End Original, and they did two datesI think, London and Leeds causethey UK. because But to the they said well we can do it but we'll gonna come even weren't need E350 per gig to cover the ferry and all that. I was like yeah well we can do that causeit was two membersof Texas is The Reasonand a member of Chamberlainand a member of Arc, and I was like yeah we can come up with that do you know what I mean?

Such dilemmasare difficult for those concernedand V was visibly anxious over this decision when discussingit. As I describedthe squat show above, my contrasting field notes of the Hot Water Music Collective AKA show illustrates the stark differencesbetweenthe large and small punk gig in Leeds. 16/06/011join our drummer,Mick, and a few othersin the queuefor this sold out show. I note that this is the first time I have had to do this for a hardcoreshow in someyears. The queueis comprisedmostly of young, white people. And the majority of the 'kids' are obviously into hardcore. Ile dresscodesare baggyjeans, short, cropped hair, band

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logo T-shirts, facial piercings and rucksacks. Stereotypically,the uniform of hardcore. There is also a small contingentof punks in the queuedisplaying the standardmohican and studdedleatherjackets. On arrival at the door we were met by a bouncerdressedin hardcoreattire. I was somewhatshockedto seethis as it is not the normal situation. In his hand he had a 'clicker' to measurehow many punters were admitted. It felt strange and awkward to be under the immediateadmittancecontrol of sucha person. After being admittedthrough the door we facedanotherblock before being paid. We were right next to a sign stating that the 'management'have the right to conduct random searchesupon entry. After being charged L5 for entry (well above the door prices for a DiY concert) we were in the gig. Around the entranceway, there were various stalls selling the bands wares. I made for the first friendly face I knew. Here Mr. G at his distro stall, From here I noticed that the prices for the band merchandisewas well above the usual DiY he ES 46 level). G for CD, DIY (LIO the told that at was pricing me a usually prices hereto sell stuff on his distribution stall and commentedthat the Hot Water Music (main bandplaying) stall had alreadysold E350worth of merchandise. He also estimatedthat, due to the event being sold out, that someonewas making a lot of money, and not all of that would be going to the bandsplaying. It is this kind of analytical comment that is central to the DiY ethic that money is being made for non-DiY purposes:and this seeks to discreditand underminethe authenticityof the scene. When Hot Water Music went on stage, the main act for the night, the crowd went berserk. This band were obviously the main reasonfor the large audience. It is worth stating that the popularity of American hardcorebandsdoesbring in the crowds and the issue of why British hardcore bands largely fail to attract such audience's demands further scrutiny. The music this bandplay works under the rubric of what is called 'postAmerican in has its tradition the of and Europeanhardcore. emocore roots which rock' By mobilising a strong and powerful soundcombinedwith catchy chorus's HWM, drew the audiencein. The band had the audiencecaptivatedand the dancing was largely good naturedand lively. The ring of the audiencesinging along with the songsrang out above the PA and addedto the bandspower. At the end of the set,the bandleft the stagebut the audiencewanted more and the band returned with membersof support band, Leatherface,to perform three more songs. It during lights house interesting this time, spelling out that to the on remained note was that the ownershipof the club did not completelyapproveof the band running over time. The last song the band played was obviously popular one and drinks were thrown into the audience,adding to the atmosphere... My eyes focusedat this point not on the band but on the lager dripping onto the crowd from the ceiling. No one seemedthat bothered having they as wet were generally a good time. After the gig the audience getting about filed into heavy disco. In the spaceof about the turned out and club a metal generally twenty minutes the band's equipmenthad been cleared away by roadies and the show was now over. The venue'sbouncerspatrol the venue in an intimidating manner. It was interestingto note how the changein people and age rangesdramatically changedfrom the attire describedaboveto the wardrobeof eightiesheavy metal.

This lengthy quotation illustrates the stark differences between the DiY event describedat the squatabove. The points of departureillustrate the differencebetween the two. The high door charges,inflated merchandiseprices and rip-off beer prices are illuminated in comparisonto DiY prices of less than half the amountscharged. The bouncers,through their presence,compromisedthe freedomof the venue:people were policed insteadof being self-policed. All of the bouncers,venues,DJs, bar staff and venue overheadshave to be paid for and this results in higher ticket prices. The Gordon PhD

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stage times were set, so there was no chancefor the band to play for as long as it chose. The band was paid a guaranteeand employed staff such as, road crew, driver merchandisepeople,and rode on a tour bus. The performancewas separatedfrom the audiencewith a pit of intimidating bouncersand, in view of the number of people at the gig (estimatedat 350), the intimacy and familiarity of core memberswas swept away.

The audience was chiefly made up of semi-peripheral and peripheral

subculturememberswith core DiY membersin the minority, most of them choosing to boycott the gig and attendother DiY events. In summary,the progressionof pub to cellar to squatto nightclub has beenoutlined and the contrastsnoted togetherwith the organisationalminutiae. In whatevervenue, in drawn setting up a DiY musical event, the most upon or whatever means are damagingdepartureoccurs when the ethic and aestheticardently representedby core members becomes dispersed, sidelined, or removed through core members' selfinauthentic. fake from The further and abiding they and as gigs regard exclusion definitions by is the then of authenticity that reside at the created absolutist problem back key brings to the thematic of the whole thesis us core- which The 'Noneat Gig'Issue. From its inception in the early 1980s,the lin12 experienceda constant struggle to recruit and retain core members. From the late-1990sthe popularity of the Leeds scenedramatically expanded. With the exceptionof the 120Rats,who maintain close affinities with lin12 members,the number of Leeds gigs has created a knock-on effect for the club. Aside from the club hardcorefestivals,the club facednear closure

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in 199965. Members were leaving in droves. Having become tired of the badly attendedgigs in the midst of the wider, perceived contextof what they often described as a depressing,industrial Northern city, they were attractedto the cosmopolitanand multi-sited Leeds scene.Bradford gigs, more specifically the weekday club events, and those where the sameband had a duplicate show in Leeds,sufferedbadly. Mr. I felt aggrievedwhen he saw those I in 12 membersforegoing a club event and instead attendingthe 120Ratsgig: sometimesyou try to arrangean event here, I'm not like that causeI never arrangean event here 'cos I hate doing it and I am not that good at doing it. SometimesI'm involved in an event here and you need some of the familiar facesto help out and you kind of go "can you do something?" and they go "oh no, you know there's a cider party burned And 120Rats tonighf', think that to the everyone's going some you out old at building to get pissedwhen they could do that in a town wherethey live. So, you know, if I am honestthat pissesme off a little bit, But you know there must be enoughpeople in Leeds already to have a cider party of their own without sucking all of our people away.

In short, multi-sited Leedssappedthe energiesof both the organisersand audience Lceds lin12. the memberswho attemptedto show solidarity and attend club events at due found to the relatively early times of the last trains and themselves stranded, often busesback to Leeds. They often had to forego the last band in favour of a bus or train journey. This proved frustrating. Those who remainedoften had to find lifts back to Leeds from thosewho had driven to the club. Car use was a relatively limited luxury for a lot of Leedsscenemembers. It was statedby a large number of Leeds people during interview that it would be beneficial to move the lin12 over to Leeds: all of its problemswould be solved. Mr. G makesthis clear: G: I always walk past derelict factories in the centreof town and I just look at it and go. If only: you know, so the I in 12: a fucking brilliant club, but the problem it suffers from is that it is in Bradford. If it was in Leeds, causethere's so many more kids in Leeds, than In Bradford, it would do so much better, but people, a lot of the time, people don't 6-1Such issues are afforded closeattentionin chaptereight. It cannotbe understatedthat this is just one issue that brought about the crisis at the Iinl2. Wider issues of costs and maintenanceof an increasinglyageingbuilding addedadditional pressuresamongmany others.

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want to travel to Bradford, causeit adds on so much time and then you've got trouble getting back and then you get back into Leedscity center at like 12.30am,lam and then you gotta' get back from Leedsccntre to whereveryou live. And it's like, if you have a show at the I in 12, like this show on Thursday,if it was at the I in 12, and erm, not at the Packhorseit would hardy turn out. I mean it is a crime becauseLeeds is only ten miles away, but like a lot of peopledon't travel and won't travel that far. And so while I would love to be able to put the shows on at the I in 12, to support the Club and causeit's a cooler venuethan a pub, a lot of the time I can't becausethey just won't get the turnout.

He them ruminates on the causesof why the Iinl2 suffered from a low turnouts during this period.66 G: I think to be honestit probably stemsfrom going to too many gigs there wherethere's no one, with a really low turnout and as a result the gigs tend to be boring, and probably too much time spentnot doing anything. I meanwhen you have beento a lot of festivals or, 'causeI mean shows at the I in 12 always seemto start really late as well and if you get there on time Spmand the show doesn't start 'till I Opmyou end up hanging around for a couple of hours and the amount of time I spent hanging around. I mean you can think of a lot of worse places to spendhanging around, but when you go to somewhere for a show and you are looking forward to seeingthe band you know what I mean, it's like any time you have to wait once you get there is kind of like an agonisingwait time. It's not like WOW I'm in a cool club I could go use the library like you might do normally, it's just a bit like there's this band on I wanna seeplaying in two hours and it puts you in a different mindset I think to an extent. Erin, and I think just the amount of time I spentthere, sometimesit just feels like the I in 12 is boring. And I feel bad saying that becausethe I in12 has so many good things going for it and I love the club, it's just becauseit is in Bradford I think becauseI havebeento that many deadshowsthere.

I will develop the issue of why lin12 members exit the club in the following illustrate larger issue from G Mr. I The that loomed large in a and quotes chapter. DiY punk discourseand action during two yearsleading up to the fieldwork period of 2001. The identities and perceptionsof the Leeds and Bradford scenesbeganto take issues interesting informed by both inter-and intra-perceptions that were on somevery is It issues both those that I now focus attention. the on scenes. of of Ladida Leedsvs. the Bradford Scum. The Leeds and Bradford scenesrepresenttwo related yet distinctive approachesto DiY punk ethics. The history of the lin12 is connectedto the anarcho,punk ethical tradition. The Leedssceneis bound up with the American hardcoretradition although there are significant areasof similarity such as the 120Rats,Punktured promotions 66The

club has recoveredsomewhatsince this period of crisis. There have been a large number of successfulshowsthere during the last three years,althoughthe occasional'dead-show' does,inevitably occur.

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67

and the punks picnic gigs in Leeds and the hardcore festivals at the lin12 . Neverthelessthere is a significant reciprocal polarisation betweenthe two scenes. I four during in broad in detail both these terms and also chapter outlined positions of illustrated the wider differencesbetween straightedge,emo, punk and hardcoreand how identification with such genresservesto provide both membershipstatus and between Migration its thesescenescan and members. within respective authenticate hardcore from To to be a punk a subculturally shift often viewed as problematic. by from both is core viewed members of the respectivesidesas a scene occasionally sign of lack of authenticity,of a sell-out. What follows illustratesmy model of genredistinction in significant ways. Relying left Bradford those the on who of placing responsibility criticisms scenefor mostly on Leeds they those the cast scorn the upon equally club, of members strength weakening who never attendthe club's weekdayevents,or who visit the club and misinterpretthe interviews, During beliefs the the six core members of the Bradford of place. core Scum', Bradford 'The Leeds the to themselves whilst as scenewas referred scene describedas 'posh', full of 'poseurs,' 'posy', 'expensive' and 'beautiful'. The catch'Ladida Leeds. ' These badges, for 'Ladida the two term was scene membership all Leeds' and 'Bradford Scum', are relative to the wider economic contexts of the two, respective cities.

Bradford was conceived as 'run-down',

'a bowlful of shit', a

decrepit city in permanent recession by the Bradford interviewees, whereas Leeds was observed as cosmopolitan, trendy, nice and clean. 'Me scope of the research and insufficient space restrict full discussion of the wider economic and cultural status of the two cities, yet it is obvious that such status is of central importance in shaping how subcultural members construct their identities.

Perhaps most significantly, this is

67There notedhere were was significantoverlapbetweenthe specificscenes. The observations betweenthecoremembersof the I in12,andtheir counterparts in Leeds. Gordon PhD

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embodiedin the self-ironic reclamationof the word 'scum' by Bradford membersin contrastto the way they refer to people on the Leeds scene. By using this term as a badge of membership, a deliberately paradoxical elevation of Bradford 'scum' is achieved over Tadida' Leeds pretensionsand self-deceit, so that punk credentials becomeonce again fully burnishedand bright: you can't be a properpunk if you listen to jazz and wear cleanclothes. The differences between anarcho punk and hardcore were outlined in detail in chapterfour. As a reminder,anarchopunk was chiefly concernedwith the anarchist politics of liberation, solidarity and challenging social oppression. In short, its chief statusis countercultural:vegetarianism,animal rights, anti-war and anti-globalisation achievedthrough the DIY politics of the club. Leedswas perceivedas I noted above as posh: its well-populated, multi-sited and multi-genre subcultural scene offered a huge array of potential activities. The hardcorescene(as I noted above, specifically C&R) distanceditself from the overt sloganeeringpolitics of anarchopunk, instead choosing subtle methods that avoid direct political preaching. The difference was it keep it 'keep fluffy best as: summarised or spiky' (McKay, 1996:174). perhaps Such divisions are clearly reflected in musical genre differences. Bradford was basic thrash, crust and grind music that was fast, noisy and 'pissed with associated off' in approach(seeMudrian, 2004). Leeds,on the other hand, was associatedwith technical proficiency, subtlety, and complicated arrangementsthat transcendedthe traditional boundariesof punk and hardcore. Equally important is the Leedshardcore umbrella with its multi-genre and quirky approachthat has proved to be very popular there.

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The reciprocally reductive descriptions of the Leeds and Bradford scenesclearly 68. lines Such hard-and-fast distinctions can operate along the of the stereotype potentially harm the diversity betweenand within the Leedsand Bradford scenesand obstructrecognitionof their numerouspoints of similarity. There are too many points of similarity to warrant employingthesestereotypesto full effect. The stereotypesare not in any casejustified, whateverthe circumstances,yet they were frequently drawn by both Bradford Leeds We and subcultural shall now members. on and reproduced how in detail this occurs. see more TheBradford Scum As I noted above,thereare important differencesin musical terms betweenboth of the his location C Mr. indicators and these through use of genre surnmarised scenes. Leeds badges as a subcultural boomtown and echoing whilst also membership Bradford as a scenein decline: becauseLeeds is quite metropolitan, you know a sort of beautiful place like you know where the beautiful people congregate,but ugly people congregatein Bradford and like err, all the ugly people lived in Bradford like so the other people were punks, I suppose, Re you know, erm crusties,whatever like you know and all the clean-cut kids lived in Leeds,but, apart from a few exceptionslike, and anyway like so it sort of clips Bradford. Bradford'sgone down the pan, erm which is fairly contentiousbut I know some people Leeds has me, and with got a really good, vibrant sceneRe you know. agree would

The stereotypicaldescriptionhere is abundantlyclear, and goesconsiderablybeyond blason Bradford is definitively populaire. presentedas a place any conventional where the 'ugly' people congregateand Leeds where the 'clean cut kids' live. The opposition itself, however, is not clean-cut. C recognisesthe difficulty of invoking the stereotypeto maximum effect by stating, as a form of repair work, that 'a few exceptions'have left Bradford for the subculturalscenedestinationof Leeds. He also indicatesthat Bradford containsthe 'punks' andthe 'crusties' by his use of descriptive 68SeePickering, M (2001) Stereotypes:ThePolitics ofRepresentationLondon: Berg, for an excellent, detailedand critical accountof the stereotype.

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membershipbadges.The practical application of such opinions often made linl2ers' feel discomfort when visiting Leeds. C often experiencedfeelings of difference and uneasewhen he attendedLeedsshow: Bradford peoplehave said that they feel excludedin Leeds. They felt that it's very kind of maybesnobby,but I counterthat kind of view with the fact that you can go anywhere, fact iVs feel I the think town, the about gig any and you'll same. any any pub, any place that if you know someonethen you're comfortable if you go somewhereand you don't know someonethen youll feel slightly uncomfortable. Uhh and there's inroads, get to know someone,get to know someoneelse. Get to know them ... you get to know their friends, get to know you and whateverand that'show it works you know it's interaction I know, know have felt it but I I be I times thing. the that at one might could supposeand like, have involved in Leeds been lot that the scene and the older people people, old of a you know form the out set, the DiY element like. So therefore I've never felt really back don't feel I I I've because go way so got to prove myself any of the new excluded kids like and if they don't know me I really don't care It's not I really don't care it doesn't bother me like. I'm not, I do my thing and I'm not, not really. It's a bit difficult fast bands know be I I do. don't I there suppose,you could more what with sometimes know, I dunno, it's expensiveLeeds,posy. Uhhm, it's not Bradford erm, it's big it's too far to walk (laughter) erm, beer prices are fucking extortionateerr, the record shopsthat down. down, have Duchess closed all closed were good

Here C argues that familiarity with the Leeds scene reduces such feelings of Leeds is 'posy', beer the evoked: are resiliently stereotypes yet prices unbelonging, fast bands there. Such views are 'fucking there enough aren't extortionate' and are is, by default, lin12 backdrop the the which set up as notposy of presentedagainst fast, honest full bands. beer its bliss its of cheap and gig of remit with During the field work period, the linl2ers' that attendedgigs and parties stuck togetherboth at the gigs and the partiesthat occurredat the weekends. Here C, again, distinctions between his direct to the the through two scenes reference makes discussionof a Leedssceneparty he attended: It was like Bradford scum on the stairs (laughter), Leedskids in the houseand stuff and like you know on the seatsand stuff and us lot outside, fucking, oer, argh oer like this (gestures)and we werejust throwing each other off the stairs like andjust hanging each other off the top of the stairs and throwing eachother aroundand that and falling all over the place and singing Black Flag songsand fucking being idiots really.

Here the sharp distinction of 'clean-cut' Leeds and Bradford Scum presents the civilised Leeds scene as adopting the correct position of using seats whilst the Bradford scum were banishedto the stairs. They distinguishedthemselvesfrom the

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Leeds scene through a display of drunken and unruly behaviour. Through these distinctions, lin12 members establish their authentic status as rebels within the confonnist Leedssubculture. Throwing eachother off the stairsis in direct contrastto the bourgeoisconventionof 'using the seats'. However, there were spaceswithin the Leedsscenewhere lin12 membersdid feel at home: at the 120Rats. With the exceptionof Mr. I who explicitly raised concerns over club members neglecting the lin12 for the 120Rats, the majority of the interviewees stated that the squat was the most comfortable Leeds destination for them as it directly reflected the core DiY valuesof the lin12. Ms. G was clear on this matter: The squat. I just love the squat,becauseyou can go there and everyonegoes heeyyyy! You know. It's similar to Bradford people and you'll walk in and it's just great. And doing. It's a really cheapnight out in just for I 12 is they the are at what so up everyone and it's always a good night out. You know it's really: the squatbasically With the rest of the LeedssceneI don't like going to strangepubs and getting kicked out at stupid times and having to pay loads for drinks. I really don't like that and I don't think there's any needfor it and that's part of the reasonpeople like us set up and run the Club. Not wanting to harp on aboutthat too much. I just hate going. I don't like going and trying to be quiet and not putting my feet upon chairs and. I just really hatethat sort I do Ijustwantto want. whatever goto agig and ofthing.

The scene beyond the 120Rats is described in similar terms to Cls: 'strange', drinks. The 120Rats chimes with the by and expensively priced rules governed sensibilities of the club members' sensibilities:the TAZ statusof the building allows licensing laws, bouncers,high beerprices and generalexternal laws and controls to be effectively banished. For the lin12 memberand the squat,the rejection of such rules is interpretedas a wider freedom and autonomy unavailable within the wider Leeds scene. There are lin12 memberswho do not visit Leeds and create an equal measureof unease among the 'posh' Leeds people as the Bradford scum experiencedwhen visiting gigs and parties other than the 120Rats. H statedthat he rarely, if ever, visits

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the Leeds scenealthough he can 'spot' 'Leeds people' when they attend gigs at the linl2: You know what I was saying earlier about image and about how people look? Err, it's quite funny. It's like who's more hardcorethan you, you know. He must be hardcore,or he's far more hardcorethanhim. But then when you see,if there's a gig here [I in 12] and loads of people come over from Leedsright. It's a bit cynical probably, but you could probably pick 'em out. You know, and what the fuck do they carry around in their rucksacksall the time! [laughter]. They have got their walkman on. They are wearing a coat, and big fucking rucksack.

Leeds people are distinguishedand recognisedat the lin12 through their style of be dirty Such to They than tidy and crusty. neat and rather considered are clothing. image by described is Mr. J, This illustrated each of other. who mirror a views create the Leeds kids who visited the lin12 as 'rather yuppie and younger', whilst Ms. M in Leeds the those scene: that and gigs people stated tendedto be more emo, I think. I'm not really sure what emo is but. It seemsto be more into musical things rather than the more punky stuff. I think they get a lot more peopleto their gigs 'cause it's like a massivecity with a big studentpopulation. And they have for because it's So to it's not this different in town. people easier go pubs around gigs drink in in dingy down It's people anyway. I think one of what pubs a alleyway. club the best things aboutLeedsis the 120Ratswhich unfortunately is getting evicted isn't it?

LadidaLeeds As I noted earlier, a selectionof Leedsscenemembersviewed Bradford as a decrepit For decent the them the city. northern majority of only subcultural and rundown had lin12. Bradford the the scene was attribute

There were, however similar

Leeds linl2: in those the they terms of reception when visited members problems 'emo' 'clean-cut' but 'posh', three of the stereotypical to and as name were perceived descriptors. In return, the lin12 was viewed by the younger Leeds sceneas 'crusty" 'punk, ' 'aging', 'dirty' and 'cliquey'. As Mr. G points out Ile vibe I always got at the lin12, and even still do to an extent is not that it is not a young personsatmosphere,but I don't feel as comfortable there maybeas I do, because the age rangethere is a lot higher then it is in Leeds. And a lot of other showsand for a long time I always felt that it didn't feel comfortable dancing 'causeeveryonewas like old and stood there and you didn't dare dance. It's not so much like something that anyone'ssaid or I think peoplereally feel, causeI obviously it's blatantly whateverage it doesn't really matter, but you know how you get vibes about places and the I in 12 just

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has a vibe that show-wise doesn't always fill me like with anticipation. Just because there's been that many shows with no-one there or virtually no one there becauseit's locatedin Bradford.

linl2ers were perceivedas 'old' and 'punk' by the younger membersof the Leeds hardcoresceneand the 1in12 was viewed as a place where one couldn't danceor feel comfortable at the shows. Mr. C statesthat a lot of the Leeds people think that the club is politically correctand they can't relax as a result of this: You know a load of people think that the club is really politically correct and I really have a lot of problemswith this PC type of mentality and tag that people attachto other being, know they as you perceive someonewho will get all high and mighty who people aboutparticular usesof languagelike you know, erm.

What is at stake here are two contrary impulses within punk: on the one hand breaking down barriers and challenging conventions, while on the other adopting behaviour that is ethical, non-exploitativeand considerateto others. Thesetwo punk impulses often clash, leading to argumentand dissensionabout what are taken to be the core ethics of anarchopunk ethics and the traditional 'get pissed, destroy' punk in One C&R this the up simple terms: of summed members mentality. I think a lot of it boils down to the divisions betweenLeedsand Bradford of what is and have I hardcore. isn't That's always seen,well not always seenbut why or punk what recently seenthat the Leedsscenecelebratesmore about a way of producing things than of sticking to rigid punk genres.

Here I can return to one of the earlier points I made above in relation to the I in 12 experiencinga lack of turnout at their gigs. One of the reasonsthat someof the Leeds is feel intimidated don't to that they such shows go with the cliquey people They in Leeds unless there is a really popular to there. choose remain atmosphere event occurring at the lin12. This is similar to the way that the linl2ers chooseto frequent the squat rather than the Leeds scene as a whole. A related yet separate reasonfor this is down to the single site of the lin12 and its lack of variety. Mr. G pointed out: There's a lot of the old 'timers' should I say within Bradford, you know a lot more of the establishedpeople. When I think of the younger kids that go to shows,like there's Mr. F from Bradford and there's like a couple of others, but there really aren't that many kids

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from aroundBradford area,and when you compareit to Leedswhere there's an awM lot uhm I think Bradford struggles. I mean,you know it's really good that the I in 12 is there, I love the I in 12 but I think it would do so much better if it was in Leeds. If you could uproot the I in 12 and move it acrossand out it in LeedsI think it would go from strength to strengthto strength,'causethere'sthat many more shows in Leeds. If you could put it in a similar city [the problem would be solved.] (emphasisauthors).

This is a solution that is often aimed at the irresolvable situation of Leeds versus Bradford yet only concentrateson the musical activities of the club. As I noted in chapter five, music is only one of the activities that the Club participatesin. Those in involved are non-musical activities and provide a valued members who be left strandedby such a move. They would be to the club would contribution deprivedof a valuablecommunity resource. The proposalis typical of misunderstandingsbetweenthe respectivescenes,though it is not shared across the board, nor are the activities of the Leeds scene badly Club, introduced they to the as one of the of C&R members are received when articulated: I have never really understoodthesedivisions. I got kind of got disillusioned with it. I key Bradford I it to thought people that were involved and I certain and was cool, went felt encouragedand supportedwith my bands.

Suchquotesrevealthat there is also a wide amountof mutual respectbetweenLeeds divisions Bradford although such scenes are recognised. Such acceptanceis an and between that the the two scenesalongside the mutual politics exist of equal part interestof DiY. However,the advantagesof the Leedsscenefor one memberof C&R are obvious: I think basically there's more of us and it's not just that there's more scope for things becausethere's more venuesthere's more there's different gigs going on, there's a bigger social circle. It's like causethe thing that I think the thing that got to me about Bradford was becauseit were basically incestuousit was kind of everybody knew everybody's business.

Thesepotentially gossip-freeattractionsproved too tempting for many in the Bradford scene,and from the mid-to-late ninetiesthere was a steadystreamof ex-club members moving across. During the fieldwork period, the move to Leeds by core members placed additional stresseson the remaining members of the lin12.

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amongstthe plurality of other punk venuesoffered a wider social circle, a senseof distanceand a comfortablecontext in which to exist. But in gaining this, it raisedthe question- do they retain their authenticanarchopunk-status,or as Mr. R put it in an email to me in 1999,inherit the label of 'another rat leaving the stinking shit'? Conclusion In this chapter I have covered the contradictions between the Leeds and Bradford Step Out in the terms of shop, where genre capital is invoked in order to of scenes bolster authenticity,and the gig settingsand experiencesthat operatefrom the Leeds6 front room and cellar to the city-centre nightclub.

The latter raises important

questionsabout where the boundariesof the core DiY ethic lie and how far practice can move from them without becoming seriously compromised. Finally I have discussedthe mutually oppositional depictionsof the Leeds and Bradford scenesand how this ultimately places additional stresson the core linl2 club members. For them, the continual pressuresof running the building on a diminishing basepresents depletion lead Membership burnout. is just one factor to unbearablestressand can that can lead to aI in I 2er leaving the scene.

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Chapter Eight: Exit Don't worry you'll get over it You'll grow up, you'll calm down Another youth, anotherfashion You'll get over it you'll calm down. (Dick Lucas, Subhumans,1982)

Introduction I demonstratedin the last chapterthat the pressuresgeneratedfrom the blossoming Leeds DiY scenepresentedproblems for the lin12 member. For a large number of in Leeds. This the to up with one of assumed connects this a move resulted members, later its the DiY that sooner or exit scene. participants tendencies music of central That there is a large age spectrumwithin this culture (intervieweesrangedfrom 20 to 42) standsas testimony that the scenemanagesto both retain the majority of its core interpretation The common of sceneexit membershipand recruit younger members. can be broadly outlined in terms of the member ceasing active participation and instead adopting new interests,concernsand general life activities that arrest future involvement and participation in the DiY scene. This assumptionis prevalent in the interview transcripts from core subcultural members, yet they demonstratedlittle intention of leaving the sceneby using generalrather than specific examplesof exit strategies. That the words sceneand subcultureare readily and repeatedlyused as descriptors throughoutthis chapterrequiressomeclarification. The lexical term sceneis usedby the author, participants and interviewees in tandem with O'Connor's (2002b) by in is It driven the sameway as the punks the used author empirically methodology. in is how it. To the the term this operates of reader applied and study use remind punk culture, O'Connor notes:

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When punks usethe term 'scene' they meanthe active creation of infrastructure to support punk bandsand other forms of creative activity. This meansfinding places to play, building a supportive audiencedeveloping strategiesfor living cheaply,sharedpunk houses,and such like (2002: 226).

Tberefore the term scenein the present work describesthe local corpus of both the Leeds and Bradford DiY practices the participants are engagedin and equally the overarching,similar, yet different practicesof relatedDiY punk scenesacrossthe UK and beyond. The term subcultureis both a general and specific term of referencefor a plurality of related and non-related musical/non-musical arenas or networks in which find DiY For it themselves. scenes may example, may relate to participants of corporatepunk rock, rave parties,new age travellers, goths etc. that do not have DiY Thus hardcore their subculture operatesas both a and as ethical centrepiece. punk general and specific term that can relate to a whole cluster of scenes,practices and It these. to of also aspects can equally be used to more situation-specific genresand describepunk culture in generalterms. It should also be reassertedthat this term is ideological baggage in being tandem the and with used rhetorical of its label mate, not counterculture:it is simply usedas a descriptivetool. The central aims of this chapter are twofold. Firstly, I want to establish the claim that most core membersof DiY culture do not leave the sceneper se in terms of ceasing involvement. Indeed this is clearly evident from close scrutiny of the evidenceof the numberof linl2 membersnow presentlyactive within the Leedsand associate UK and European scenes. In short core member exit runs along geographicallines: membersexit a scenethrough such lines, they do not necessarily alter the learnt practicesof DiY culture, they merely perform and adapt to new DiY tasksin different geographicallocationsand subcultures.Secondly,I wish to examine the discourseof sceneexit for evidenceof how authenticityis constructedfrom a core

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membership perspective.

I shall argue that members' claims to subcultural

authenticity are bound up with, and constructedthrough, the general and specific descriptions of scene exit. I will discuss how such claims to authenticity have a dilemmatic quality in that any form of sceneexit can be read as an index of either disillusionment with the scene or the dilution of authenticity expressedthrough statementsof guilt. The presentchapterwill be split into four sections. Firstly, I will considerthe broad themesof sceneexit. The majority of the interviewees,when askedthe reasonswhy interesting left the of commonplaces that scene, presented a number people for devices linguistic function why people exit the scenes as explanatory specifically but at the same time act as devices that both 'other' those who are not core scene the devices to participant's authentic scene constitute and also serve as members be by Secondly, the reduced the specifically examining scopeof argumentwill status. issue in introducing burnout I 12 from the of subcultural the to establish club and exit lin12 from in Bradford than from is the that the claim scene exit more prevalent Leeds. Thirdly, I will briefly examinethe Leedsscene,accountingfor how the rise in framework DiY for its lin12 members. acted as multi-sited a magnet numbersand Additional attentionwill be paid to the low levels of sceneexit from the Leedsscene. Finally, I concludethis chapterby restatingits central claim that the core membership of hardcore punk constitute a group for whom scene exit means: either remaining by the utilising their geographicalcontacts within the or within given environment wider punk subculture to move onto fresh DiY punk and hardcore related scenes. Here I will also restatethat the issueof authenticity is central to both hardcorepunk culture and scene exit. From the original UK inception of punk rock the level of participation and its flipside, the lack of understandingand 'true' involvement, have

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beendescribedin terms of 'real' punks and 'posers'. I shall first turn attention to the general, reasonsfor exit referred to in the interviews and the specific issuesof this issuewithin the DiY scene. A number of common responsesto the question 'why might a person leave the scene'becameevident from analysis of the interview transcripts, although exit was became in to terms a gap and evident betweenhypotheticaland actual referred general description. Reasonsfor exit can be situated within a exit exit patterns of member common typology of scene exit: vanishing people; careers and education; age, issues fmally death; and regarding the local scene and site of children and participation.

It should be noted that virtually none of the core intervieweeshad exited the scene by totally removing themselvesfrom wider subculturalactivity. They were all active in DiY practice at the time of the fieldwork. What underpinsthe typological themes associatedwith subcultural exit is a stake in the core of authenticity. Through their statusas core members,exit by other scenemembersis 'othered'and describedas the actions of peripheral and semi-peripheral members not core activists.

Exit is

interpretedas the oppositeof authenticinvolvement. The VanishingPeople Core membersmade mention of those participants who 'disappear'from the scene, thosepeoplethat are seenat gigs, are socialisedand engagedwith duly at a superficial level. In short, such participants are marginal, yet centrally linked to the general populaceof the DiY social arena. Mr. R noted that there are 'hundredsof examples' of such people he has experiencedover the years and statedthat he 'largely did not have a clue where they went, they simply disappeared! Indeed Mr. D described

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himself in theseterms, statinghe was part of the 'vanishing people'after he found the lin12 club's attractionsbecame,for him, stale: he left Bradford to join a band in the south of the UK. Within the interview data, similar terms usedto describeexit were that people 'vanished', 'disappeared'or 'left' the scene, that they were no longer 'visible' or 'active' as members,yet the exit of the vanishing people has a knock-on For 'vanishing DiY the the core members, people' will continue scene. effect within to arrive and leave and perhapsbecomemarginally involved before they exit. This DiY the and supporting music events. As an observerand attending reduces numbers for be described DiY the the years, scene numerous can scene, myself, participant of as one trading on a high turnover of semi-peripheraland peripheral membership:in short the sceneexperiencesebbsand flows. As attendancefluctuatesat concerts,this first For the this reason, categoryof generalexit affects core membershipmotivation. is established as a device that is reflexively linked to, and constitutive of, the commitment,dedicationand, most importantly, authenticity of the core membership. Core authenticity is reinforced when contrastedwith semi and peripheral members briefly Mr. D leave that the who stated engagewith the scenemay people scene. who not find it to their taste:they marginally experimentwith the scene'sactivities before fully find less-authentic decision to the participate and another not coursefor making their lives. This assumptionwas also madeby Mr. C when he claimed that a general reasonfor exit is that people'go normal', they 'get into football and start reading The Sun'.

Or, as another interviewee suggested, they become involved in wider

subcultural activities such as rave culture, drum and bass or DiY hip-hop or other subcultural genres more suited to their musical tastes. In defence of his own authenticity, Mr. C statedthat he had no plans to exit the scene:that he 'kept his hand in' and hadn't resortedto 'wearing Calvin Klein aftershavejust yet. Claims such as

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this invoke a stereotypeof what one might do, or is perceived to do, post-exit. Wearing of expensiveaftershaveor reading The Sun, are assumedto be sure signs of no longer identifying with, or ceasingto hold a firm commitment to, the values and practices of DiY music. From the point of view of the present ethnographicdata, leaving the scene for core members remains a preserve of semi and peripheral members of the DiY scene. This createspressureon core membersto reflexively is in DiY that the their against a section of community a commitment establish constantstateof flux through subculturalexit. Careersand Education The most likely cause of scene exit cited in the data is the adoption of a career. Described in the interviews as 'getting a job, ' 'doing the nine to five', 'starting one's implication business' 'getting the was that such activity and a career', underlying own The lack in involvement DiY take activities. of careerintentions would priority over badge from of authenticity. Dedication and a as core membersagain served exhibited commitment to DiY punk would becomea casualty to choosing a career. Such a choice is viewed as a lack of commitment to the scene, although many of the intervieweesheld full and part-time jobs of mixed statusand responsibility, ranging from postal to bank workers. The reasoningimplicit in the interviews is that such both for individual living in to the work a wage and participate employment allows the DiY punk scene,while the generalview of a careerper se is couchedin the idea of leaving little time to set aside for DiY activity. Waged total work as commitment, work is seeneither as a meansto continueparticipation in the scene,or as devotion to a career,propelling the personon to a new life course,shifting and eclipsing previous DiY concerns,leadingone to abandontheir previous life activities. This distinction is identified as dilemmatic. To adopt the later courseof action is bound up with the

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potential to surrenderone's claims of authenticity as a sceneactor. That all of the core membershad no careerat the time of writing, and were insteadeither involved with part and full-time work and education or receiving benefits, enabled them to continue authentic participation within the punk sceneeven if this meant that such participation stretchedthe memberstime resourcesto the limit and sentthem towards a possiblestateof bumout. As a related point, education was cited by the interviewees as a possible avenue leading to sceneexit. Education was used in one instanceto state how inauthentic in were using their student-statusas a means peripheraland semi-peripheralmembers of involvement in the sceneprior to leaving and adopting careeristlife choices. Here Mr. Q is explicit when discussingpeoplewho left the Leeds scenein the late 1980sin that he views suchtransgressionsas inauthenticand shallow: As far as I can tell they fucked off 'causethey had finished their university coursesand got jobs got suits, and I know one who got into record managementand I think worked for a big label. A lot of them I met finished their university courses,took their piercings out, got a nice fucking suit and went and got ajob.

There are two points that can be raisedin relation to this quote. Firstly authenticity and commitmentremain central. Suchexamplesof sceneexit activities were usedto illustrate how semi-peripheral members in higher education were in fact masqueradingas core members. Thus education both allowed the resourcesfor but in the also provided the potential resourcesfor scene exit. scene participation Secondly,and a point I shall discussin further detail below, the discourseof 'selling out' is implicit here. That one memberof the said grouping 'worked for a big label' can be read as implying that core principles of the scene,previously adheredto, have beenabandoned,leadsto assertionsof selling out, of abandoningsuchprinciples. The uncompromisingly harsh tone of Tucked off and 'nice fucking suit' illustrates the hostility aimed at those who abandonthe core DiY values. Taken together, both

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points demonstratehow claims of authenticity are made in contradistinctionto use of DiY sceneas an identity vehicle before eventualexit. The contradistinctionbecomesa benchmarkto establishone'sown claims to sceneauthenticity: one re-establishesfirm views against selling out and having a career. That a number of intervieweeswere involved with education (both further and higher) and remained active within the involved do fall be those that to who core are as members not scenecan used show foul of inauthenticity. Exit in generalterms is used as referencefor reinforcing the virtues of sceneauthenticity. Age, Children and Death. Aging, children and deathwere all cited by the intervieweesas reasonsfor sceneexit. I shall take discusseachof thesein turn. Age was discussedat three different levels. Firstly, advancedage propelled some of the interviewees towards rethinking their E Mr. dedication towards noted that as he agedthe priorities the scene. position and He began in importance. hardcore decline to expressedthe fear of 'being left of punk important is This five thirty the an point as it suggeststhe years of age'. shelf at on dichotomous relationship betweenage, participation and goals. In a scenewhere I in be located to the early twenties, not teens,such concerns the age observed average feeling in fears to the pressureto leave a scenethat had relation and were expressed large numbers of younger people participating in the scene. Mr. K pointed to this felt like he he was 'an overgrown kid in the extended by that often unease stating ' As the scenebecameyounger he felt old and alienated, playground of adolescence. but still determinedto be involved. He statedthat he was often questionedby nonpunk peers on his continuing subcultural involvement: for K, his involvement is his life:

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It's all "what are you gonnabe like when you are fucking sixty with all your tattoos?" and I say I don't fucking care you know. Did I still think I would still be into punk when I was thirty-five? No! You don't know. Things happen. I mean you never know what's going to happenin your life. I might be deadtomorrow, you know what I mean? Far from suggesting scene exit will

occur, K advances the point that he merely

continues with his life in the traditions learnt through lengthy involvement. This serves to establish that, whilst he is advancing in years, lengthy participation and dedication to the scene operatesboth as a badge of authenticity and a symbol of in However, to age a subcultural groupings. on an advanced personalstruggle achieve the other hand, it also raisesthe dilemma of feeling old in what could, ostensibly, be describedas a youth scene. To be young in such a sceneis one of the central sources both between levels My and through the of acceptance observationsof of solidarity. DiY sceneson age lines suggeststhat the case of DiY hardcore working under the descriptionof a youth subculturerestson questionablefoundations. SecondlyE was also keen to point out that his concernsand subcultural dedications felt his father he for died to his aging mother: a obligated care ground after and shifted He his keen in had to age. was taken to point out equally relative place shift priorities that, in careerterms, working low paid jobs that enabledparticipation in DiY, proved to be more stressfulashe got older. He expresseddisdain at sometimesnot being able to feed himself properly due to his low pay and as this stateof affairs progressedhe found himself questioninghis involvement in DiY punk, though he still found it so immediate had he that no plansto exit. enjoyableand stimulating Thirdly, age provided the elder membersof the scenewith the choice of exit from I (aged Indeed, Mr. 42 at the time of interview) noted that certain sceneactivities. DiY bandsand gigs no longer held his attention, yet he still wished to be involved in the production of sucheventsin the role of either a soundengineeror van driver. Part

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of the reasonfor this partial exit from the immediacy of the proceedingswas down to his physical condition and length of time spentin the scene: I've reachedthe agenow and the circumstanceswhere I don't particularly enjoy gigs very much. I'm going a bit deaf and I can't be arsedwith people shoving into me and all that. I want to sit down and pay attention,not be deafenedand pushedarounda lot. I'm short, I can't see what's going on at the front. If there'sa crush, I meanto me a gig is a place where you can't seeproperly, you cant hearproperly, so why would you want to go there, so I tend not to.

For 1, the concert is a place that no longer holds appeal, yet he managesto be involved in the practical end of the organisationand the mechanicsof the event. This his in be both terms of relatively advancedage as a scenememberand can explained deafness. his, However, what Mr. I health issues in to terms perceived related also of in DiY This dedication is his to turn upholds the culture. all continuing assertsabove in issue direct is terms that of scene clear-cut exit not a and total argument disconnectionfrom the scene. The issueof children was mentionedby all intervieweesas a possible generalreason for sceneexit. In spite of this only one out of the twenty-five interviewees was a interview. his from time he the The generalview of child at parent and was estranged espousedby the intervieweeswas one of abstinenceand viewed the world as 'too fucked up' to have kids. Bringing more children into the world to contribute to what they consideredto be the pending economicand ecological disasterwas consideredto be unfair on the child. That said the relatively small number of intervieweeswith children was not overly reflective of the membershipof the IinI2.

Lots of lin12

members do have kids. During my observation there were a number of children belonged during these to membersof the other collectives yet present club activities, in the lin12 not studied for this project.

Children also involve a shift of

responsibilities arrest participation but it was made clear in interview that having

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children did not ultimately mean exit from the scenemerely evoked a brief hiatus from the scene. The final areaof generalsceneexit discourserelatesto relationshipsand involuntary exit. A number of the intervieweesmentioned subcultural exit as a consequenceof failed personal relationships. Mr. G stated that his ex-partner lost interest in the hardcore scene in Leeds and no longer wished to participate. He was explicit in being broke her this that the up shortly with not seen at after stating relationship be found in interview Many break. this the this can similar examples of eventsafter intimate details issues finer the though and of such were mechanics responses, is irrevocable death interviewees. Secondly, by the an causeof sceneexit withheld that was not gained from the interview data but from my own personalexperienceof the DiY scene. During the period this study was carried out, eight core membersof the UK DiY scenemet with tragic, early deaths. This is the ultimate form of scene lives in their and continue to be celebrated activities exit, although many respects 69 badge DiY traded on as a through the activities of the of true authenticity . sceneand SceneIssues Within this subsectionthe broadissuesof potential exit arising from issueswithin the DiY hardcorepunk scenewill be considered. Again the issue of authenticity looms large as the intervieweesraise issuewith activities which force them to considerexit strategies. It should be stressedthat these are only suggestedstrategiesas to why a person might leave the scene,not actual accountsof this practice. I shall split this sectioninto threemajor themes.

69 Indeed, there have been eight tragic deathsof membersclosely associatedwith the UK punk and hardcorescenesduring the four yearsof this research:seemy openingacknowledgements.

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The first general theme related to scenepolitics was an abiding concern with the lack of rewardsfrom input into DiY punk. In a sense,this precludeswhat will be said in relation to burnout in the linl2 club. The commonplacesof why a participant might leave the scenewere generally articulated though statementssuch as 'when it stopsbeing fim and you feel you are wasting your time'; 'when the pros outweigh the cons' and 'when it becomesmore negativethan positive.' In spite of thesestatements being used to constitute how exit might occur, there was very little evidence in support of such disillusionmentbeing translatedinto full exit from the subculture. As I will articulate below, when participants' expectations are no longer met by the scene,they move on, althoughthis doesnot act as a rule that they will exit the wider subcultureto adopt a new life plan. As I noted above, Mr. E beganto prioritise his activities but this did not lead to his exit, only a reconsiderationof it. In similar terms, Mr. D found that the Bradford scenehad become'stale',though this merely led him to in South DiY the wider subcultural pursue sceneactivities of England. He noted that those who exit or vanish from the sceneoften reappearwith a new band, label distro, fanzine or promotion activity. Exit from the scenein thesecasesis usedas a spaceto reassessand take stock of one'sactivities before embarkingupon fresh projects and/or returning to the original sceneor moving to/starting a new scene. Mr. R noted that after running a DiY record label, promoting bandsand being involved in the I in 12 for sixteen years,he eventually moved out of Bradford. In spite of this he continued to play in a band and remain involved in promoting gigs. He statedthat the reasonfor him winding down his concernswith the label was becauseof money being owed to him and he was constantlytrying to recoup money owed to the label. R statesthat UY doesnot work' for him and the lack of honestyof thosethat owe him money has led him to consider exit as an option. He wound down his label as a result of this.

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The issueof burnout is suggestedhere in that the aims and intentionsof R!s label have been usurpedthrough unforeseenand difficult obstacles,forcing him to evaluatehis commitment to the label project. R stated that he was much more comfortable pursuing work in his band than being constantly frustrated with the intricacies of running a DiY recordlabel. Taken together,what this collection of commonplacesassertsis that sceneexit does not occur per se, it merely shifts to other activities within the DiY sceneor wider subculturealong the lines of either shifting location or the choice of activities one is involved in. A further illustration of this is related to the scale and pace of genre progression within the hardcore DiY punk scenes. As a participant observer of the Leeds and Bradford scenesI attendedand played nearly eighty concerts within the field work period. Indeed, certain weeks in Leeds there were eight hardcore related shows available to attend and up to three at the linl2.

In tandem with this the amount of

monthly record releases from bands was bewildering.

Within MRR, Fracture and

RTB, I counted for one month on the global DiY hardcore and punk subculture 580 fanzine 99 reviews across the three DiY publicationS70 Mr. K record reviews and just keep in touch with the minimum of to the required effort made explicit mention of this output.

He noted that if one does not attend concerts or buy records for a

relatively short period on time, one may find 'oneself outside' of the current debates and musical styles of hardcore. Genre distinction has to be constantly maintained. One interviewee was keen to point out that as hardcore punk genres change and releases multiply, there is a possibility of alienation: that 'one day you will wake up and find yourself outside of the scene.' What underpins this particular point is an 70Takinginto accounttheevidenceof duplicatereviewsof recordsbetweenthethreefanzines Gordon PhD

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adherenceto the idea of authenticity: it requires constanteffort to maintain levels of knowledge about developmentswithin this particular music scene,yet remaining upto-date with such developmentschimes in with claims of subcultural authenticity. This leadsto counterclaims and criticism from within the scene. K noted that one of the faults he found in the Leeds DiY scenewas that it had a predilection towards becomingcolonisedby 'recordcollecting nerds'.This practice had usurpedwhat punk ,71

be 'raw be to to and spontaneous. about, was originally supposed

Finally, I wish to deal briefly with the issueof selling out and also to argumentsand disagreementswithin the punk scenes. In selling out, the band in question leavesthe fold of DiY punk rock and embracesthe world of corporate music subculturesas a label. This involves relinquishing through career engagementwith a major record control of certain aspects of their artistic practice.

In many respects this

discourse is the to of 'career and education as commonplaceof selling out similar dilemmas discourse I the and of selling out in the selling out'. shall saymuch more on following chapter, presently I wish to note here a band like Chumbawamba,who signed to EMI in 1997, used their new position to advance the cause of their DiY At the time of the fieldwork of activities. support and subterraneanconnections funding in I 12, they had band the had the the this of recording studio at aided not only also funded a number of political organisationswith money gained from deals with multinational corporations.

Whilst Chumbawamba had exited the DiY and

independent music scenes' in favour of more lucrative practices, they remained involved at the level of funding practicescentral to the politics of DiY scenes'. This did not prevent the band from being chastisedand criticised for 'selling out' and turning their backson the 'authentic'or 'real' scene. As in other cases,such criticisms 71Seethe record sleevefor PoisonIdea (1984) Record Collectorsare PretentiousAssholes.Bitzcore.

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is This bolster the a rhetorical to credentials of core scene members. of exit serve discourse DiY broad have I the occurs across and general shown strategy which is bound It is integrally also up claims of self-authenticity. with criticism of others immediate band have left the that cultural whilst a may supportsmy counter claim from it future MY, their proceed a and simply actions support of may practices of fresh and wider subculturallocation. 'Make it StopP The lin]2 and MemberBurnoutlExit The ethnographicdata provides strong supportive evidence for exit from the lin12 is by it 1996-2001 during though counterbalanced a number of the period, club scene building DiY dedicated the the to and general core membersremaining completely project it houses. Within the fieldwork period evidenceof sceneexit aroseout of the linl2 club with little suggestionand evidenceof exit from the Leeds scene. Through interviews, observation notes and general conversationswith past club members during the field work period, and my long-standingassociationwith both the Leeds (I fourty) had large Bradford at estimate around people ceased of number scene, a and daily involvement with the lin12 and had moved away from the city, either around the country or to the adjacentcity of Leeds. Indeed, over half of the intervieweesof the study had left Bradford prior to or during 2001. The lin 12 club faced a crisis meeting in November of 1999 in which the issue of from its the subcultural map was seriously debated. What thus own exit closureand becameevident from this meeting was the issue that member exit, and a lack of (as I in the the previous chapter)presented club, pointed out participation and use of strains on the decreasingpool of core memberswho found themselvesfaced with an increasingnumber of tasks. This proved to be a difficult set of circumstances. The commonplaceaccountsgiven in interview to describethe approachto club activities Gordon PhD

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of the time were that there was simply 'too much to do', the feeling of 'fighting a losing battle' and of 'bangingone'shead against the wall'. As the morale of the club fell during this period, so did attendanceat concertsand other 1inl2 events. The club managedto argue with itself againstclosure and the crisis meeting helped to sustain the will to continue by formulating strategiesto increaseinvolvement. By the time of the fieldwork in 2001, the morale of the club had lifted and it had managedto tum itself around, chiefly through the recruitment of volunteers and new members72 . However, although the crisis meeting stavedoff the motion to close and sell off the building and return the linl2 to a free floating organisation, operating as a multiis the the venue concern,one of aims of presentsection to explore and establishwhy exit occurred and why membersmigrated away from Bradford to the most popular destinationof Leeds. It is to theseissuesthat I now turn. Exit

The primary reasonfor sceneexit given in interview, and also in generalconversation There burnout. during the this exists a large body of work with author period, was related to this phenomenon,chiefly revolving around the work of Maslach (1983, in Schaufeli, 1993). The majority of this and related work concentrateson professional employee burnout in the caring professions and also utilises a quantitative methodological strategy with the 'Maslach Burnout Scale' (Maslach and Jackson, 1981). However Pines (1993) has conversely argued, through qualitative research, that burnout 'tends to afflict people with high goals and expectations'(1993:34). Broadly speaking, Pines's thesis holds that people burnout when they enter an organisation with high expectations and are met with constant and frustrating

72This was achievedby allowing well-attendedraves to be held in the building. Those who attended theseeventshad to be becomeaI in 12 memberin advanceor entrancewould be denied.

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blockadesof varying impact: through constanttask frustration the person bums out. Although the club is by majority a voluntary organisation,it holds many similarities to the burnout factors of professionaldomains yet also establishesnew examplesof how bumout may occur. Within this section I will outline and explore an empirical five-point typology of factors that are central to memberburnout and exit from Bradford and the lin12 club broadly levels I the the as of meeting reflective of crisis above scene. consider burnout experiencedby club membersduring the ethnographicperiod. The key issues following in factors for burnout typology: the outlined as are outlined 1) Theadoption oftasks and multi-tasking andfrustration 2) 'Core'member exit, isolation and the declineofa senseofcommunity 3) Maintenanceofpolitically correct, single issuepolitics 4 Fallouts and disagreements 5) Accessto time and resources I shall selectively debate each of these sections before moving on to the consequencesof exit both from the club member'sperspective and the politics of maintaining a single building. In tandem with Pines' claims above, the majority of membersinterviewed stated that on initial involvement they had high expectationsof what could be achieved in the spaceof the I in 12 club. Mr. J stated:'when I got here I was like trying to change everything, I was totally enthusiasticabout doing everything.' He went on to describe his future plans, but stated that he became de-motivated when the plans were criticised by members. Referencesto attempts to change the lin12 club were common in the interviews and are similar to Pines' suggestionof repeatedlyfrustrated Gordon PhD

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high expectationsbecominga catalystfor burnout. As I noted in the previouschapter, involvement in the 1in12 club allows the potential freedom and scopefor membersto in their their own and activities mutually support other members club make choice of their activities. However, exit is hastenedwhen such activities become frustrated. Thesefrustrationsoccur along threeinterrelatedlines. Firstly, on the adoption of a task, the membermanagesto make the task their own. Ms. G spoke of how she re-organisedthe office and took over the membershipcard discovered difficulty frustration She that when she and encountered administration. for be by this task and to responsible solely she was now expected other members ideal in Once duties. distracted her from tasks This the club. chosen, other associated difficult have been I to relinquish: they that tasks are such adopted observed frustration builds asun-negotiatedexpectationsgrow. Secondly,within this period, the numberof membersleaving the club meant that the became difficult increased more tasks and as the of steadily relative number by by built the the over practiced and up years organisationaland practical skills, 'lag' loss lost. Skill a where members had to presented migrated members,were frustration by faced to the tasks, thus members with new tasks. adding assimilatenew Core membersof the club beganto find themselvesunder pressureas daily taskswere ftmctorily leave Rather than them, there carried out. even per: neglectedor reluctantly is a tendencyto adopt such activities on the back of an already full schedule. This is done out of necessityrather than through a genuine wish to accomplish such tasks. As a consequence,the aims of the building as a spacewhere projects can be carried in illustrated became I diluted chapterfive. The central DiY principle of 'if you out as don't like somethingchangeit', becomeshostageto the increaseddaily, organisational how frustrated he becameworking in the caf6 when I Mr. tasks. related pressuresof

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he would much rather have devotedhis time to more interesting club activities that suitedhis skills: The sort of work I would rather be doing is physical things 'causewe are talking about the best things I am good at and I can do [them] and be useful, and also get a senseof satisfactionwhen you look at it. But you can flip burgersall day long and people come in while they go shoppingand go out again and that's good becausethat's a useful thing for them. Obviously they are going to forget aboutit.

This quote illustratesand introducesa third line of frustration: that membersbecome diverted from, or are unable to give full attention to, the tasks and activities that inspired them originally to becomeinvolved in the I in 12. Mr. I statedthat there were countless examples of projects that had been started in the club that remained distraction lack due the to the away abandonedor unfinished of core membersand from the tasks at hand. Mr. S noted how frustratedhe felt when membersof the bar collective cancelledtheir shifts or failed to turn up. This meant that occasionallyhe had to work double shifts or was left with the difficult task of trying to cover the shift from for burnout. Apart late Multi-tasking the at such notice. was a major, reason two paid workers at the club (bar stewardand caretaker),the rest of the core members families, balancing involvement part-time work, or music were club with either projects. Their frustration lead to periods of crisis as those who work at the club Within the crisis period memberssaw the take the cannot always addedpressure. from to themselves Leeds the opportunity as an release scene attraction of multi-sited continuing frustration of the Club. The secondlevel of the lin12 exit typology directly leads on from my previous 73 loss feelings of community . The exit of core membershad point and points to of a for thoseleft at the club. For the purposesof brevity I shall restrict this consequences discussionto three of them. Firstly, Ms. G and Mr. S referred to a previous club caretakerwho burnedout by taking too much on in the club and becoming angry with 73Here the term community is usedinterchangeablywith scene.

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other members for failing to support him.

Both interviewees noted how this

individual becameisolated and shoutedat other membersin meetings.They viewed his exit as a good thing both for himself and the club, even though they would struggle to replacehim. This suggeststhat not all core membersceneexit is viewed negatively; there is the potential to recognise the levels of distress burnout may during in Secondly, this period the produce a member. general core member exit reducedand arrestedthe potential levels of enjoyment within the social dimensionsof the club. Mr. R recalled how the creative input of the French Canadiansworking at 74 'fun Leeds, the club, on their exit to reducedthe value' of participating at the club . Here R produces a central point in relation to exit. As the social groupings are gradually reduced in the lin12 through member exit, the capacity for meaning, solidarity and enjoymentare reduced. Against a backdropof a decline in fresh input during this period, thosemembersleft behind endeavouredto maintain and reproduce club activities with smaller numbers. Thus the third consequenceof exit, isolation, becomesa factor that impactedupon club activities and memberexit. R. noted that as club members left Bradford, the housing communities in Manningham.began to dwindle and the senseof community was lost. R, K and W mentionedthat the street they lived on in Bradford once contained12 flats with over fifteen individuals living in the immediate vicinity in housing association flats, As the majority of these members left, the increasedisolation within club activities, and externally in the community housing, intensified feelings of the urge to also leave Bradford. R. noted that his mental healthbeganto suffer through the isolation of living in Bradford on his ovvn: I have got respectfor anyonethat is still there man, becauseit is hard work man. it was a poor time for my mental healthand I had to leave. I endedup in this flat on my own and 74The FrenchCanadians went on to provide creative input at the Leeds 120Rats.

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I had my friend Petedownstairs,fair play but the walls were thin as fuck. I had people stomping about aboveme and I was on my own. My girlfriend was like living away for a year. I mean I was depressed,I was seriously depressed.I had to fucking get out of there.

In conjunction with this, R made explicit that such isolation was reflected in the daily interaction of the club. He ran a record label out of the basementof the lin12 and he stated that the daily repetition of being isolated and stuck in a 'cold cellar' packaging up records for mail order, collating records (folding sleevesand covers) and performing administrativelabel tasks,merely amplified his feelings of wishing to exit. Years of cold winters in the cellar and freezing nights spentat the computer in the club, organising DiY music distribution and band activities, eventually took their toll. Early in 2000, R left Bradford scenefor Leeds citing burnout as a specific reason. This leads into the third point of the typology: the dilemma of exit guilt. Those who reduced involvement in Bradford were occasionally viewed as 'leaving the sinking ship'especially thosewho left following the crisis meeting. Both R and W mentioned that there was some scepticismfrom existing club membersand he felt that he had distanced himself from some of them when he stated he felt a 'bit of the cold shoulder.' As he had formed new networks of friends in Leeds, such contactswere occasionally referred to by existing club membersas 'your new mates'. In similar circumstances,W madethe sameobservationsand expressedthe feelings of isolation, depressionand anxiousnessoncethe numberof familiar people she knew at the I in 12 had begun to dwindle. The feelings of guilt at leaving were also oriented to the insularity of the I in 12 club. She describedher guilt in terms of 'leaving her family'. Shealso felt someresentmentfrom thosewho remainedat the club: There was a bit of resentment.I just felt that you were getting resentedbecauseyou were leaving a sinking ship and they were kind of like "ahh, Bradford is not good enough for you then?" Nothing was actually said but [I felt this to be the case].

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Overall, the consequences friends leaving in I 12 sceneled to feelings the of a group of of increasedisolation both inside of the I in 12 and also in the wider housing and social communities. Taken in tandem with what I described in the first section on multitasking and burnout, the fragmentationof social groupingsthrough memberexit and the consequences of increasedisolation enhancedthe likelihood of memberexit. The lin12 can be describedas a residue of 1980sand 1990ssingle-issuepolitics. Single-issuepolitics and the pressuresto remain politically correct were describedin at least three of the interviews as a potential factor of burnout.

Indeed, the

in maintenanceof strong views and politically correct positions, conjunction with the factors outlined above had proved to be a contentiousissue inside of the linl2.

Mr.

C, a member who exited the club in 1999, spoke of the difficulties of maintaining such views. Underpinning these views under the banner of the club's guiding principles of 'Liberty Equality and Solidarity', should help to provide an atmosphere in the club gearedto such concerns. However, what clasheswith this is the punk ethos of 'get pissed destroy' and its anti-conservativeideas of rejecting rules and barriers. C describedhis time at the club as being constitutedby 'calling people over their shit.'

Any language use that was deemed offensive or oppressive was

challenged. C stated that this position of 'constant fights' proved to be one of the factors leading to sceneexit. He statedthat he had becometired of constantly falling out with people over what he consideredtrivial issuesand this in turn depletedhis energiesto remain involved in club activities. What the interview with C highlights is the inherent senseof irony that weavesits way through the club's existence. The clash of the politically correct with the rebelliousnessof the punk sceneat the heart of club affairs tends to lead to occasionalinfighting and membersbeing bannedthrough a transgressionof such languageuse. IndeedI have previously discussedthis issuein

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chapter four and six in relation to genre distinction although its incorporation into issuesof burnout and exit securesits place in terms of member exit. A clear example of the challengesof suchlanguageusebecameexplicit in Mr. S's interview transcript: The quiz team were down hereon Tuesdayand a couple of people came in, a man and a woman and were playing pool. This lad who doesphotographyhad beentaking photos for his college courseand therewas one of this woman and someonegoes "have you got a bird?" Nothing happenedand then as the man and woman were leaving, this woman laid in about the foul and abusivefascist languagethat had been used [by us]. And we went What?!", and we'd forgottenwhat we'd said, OK iVsnot a nice thing to call women, and it endedup with this bloke [with us] saying "fuck off you languagefascists!"

What this quotation servesto do is outline that the lin12 is both an arenawhere politically correct and un-politically correct language use are both used and digressions trades The the of challenging challenged. maintenanceof suchviews and on a dense intersection of views that connectsup politically correct practice with frequent language there Through the are club, at vernacular usage. observation betrayalsof un-politically correct language,although blatant transgressionsare either dealt with through a direct challenge or more serious examples of transgression through the Sunday meeting where the member faces being banned from the club. The reproductionof the Club's value systemalong theselines, as Mr. C points out, has a tendencyto draw energiesandthis often resultsin membersfalling out. Transgressionof the core valuesis a further reasonfor exit from the linl2.

It can

lead to a personbeing bannedfrom the club for a prolonged period of time. During the field work period one memberwas bannedfrom the building for ignoring repeated warnings over smoking cannabisin the building and compromising the club's policy on this issue. Also in both K and Q's interviews, they made mention of a friend with mental health problems banned for making fascist statementsand salutes in the building in a vane attempt to attract attention. Such decisions are often not popular and in the latter instance,K and Q both felt that it was an unfair decision to ban the personconcerned. Whilst full exploration of this example is beyond the scopeof the

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presentwork, it servesto show that there are tensions over club decisionsthat often lead to fall-outs and frustrationswhilst also demonstratinghow involuntary exit from the club may occur through collective decision. It should be added that in all instancesof a member being bannedfrom the club, they are invited to the Sunday meeting to arguetheir caseto fellow members. The issue of memberfrustration has been illustrated at a related, yet separatelevel of club activity. However,in sevenof the interviews carriedout with lin12 members, the issue of preciousness over the club building became explicit.

The word

'preciousness'in the interviews was usedinvariably to illustrate the lack of separation club membersfelt betweenthe club as a work and social arena. Linked to the issueof multi-tasking, core membersdescribedhow they found it difficult to relax in the club. For examplewhen the presentcaretakerattendedeventsand saw peopledropping ash on the floor, or visited the toilets only to find a water leak, he found that it was almost impossible to relax. He experiencedfeelings of both hostility and frustration whilst still caring intensely about the club. Core club membersspokeof taking the rubbish out and finding themselves asked to work on their nights off if the club was particularly busy.

Taken against the backdrop of external responsibilities, the

potential for relaxation can be drastically reducedthrough and the lack of established boundaries between the club's working and social life.

With such a heavy self-

investment in the club feelings of preciousnesscan be very difficult to avoid. Mr. I outlines this neatly as he noted in his diary the urge to visit the club on his way home from work, only to be facedwith a large amount of unfinishedtasks: (13/07/01)1finished work in Halifax at 8.00 and dropped into the club on the way home to seehow the punk'spicnic was going on. Passingthe gig floor it was clear that soundchecking wasjust starting. In the cafd, band food was ostensiblybeing prepared. What was actually happeningwas that a massof peoplehad occupiedthe seatingareaand were in the process of variously spilling and/or drinking a range of low-grade alcoholic productswhich they'd bought elsewhere.A lone representativeof the putative organisers

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was dishing up dodgy looking grub. A sensationalamount of washing up was piled on the draining board.

To visit the club only to be facedwith a multiplicity of tasksproved frustrating for the above diarist. He explicitly noted in his account of club activities how such selfishness,irresponsibility and lack of respect for other club members drove him towards burnout. Here is his accountof the taskshe performedat the club before he retumed home: Before putting the room back in order, a place had to be clearedfor the cups and plates scatteredall aroundthe place.I rolled up my sleevesand got stuck into the kitchen chaos. After a while somekind of equilibrium was achievedin the kitchen and I gatheredup the dishes from the room and startedon those, and then set to scoopingup the empty cider cansand Buckfastbottles(ibid).

This diary entry clearly demonstrateswhere frustrations can build whilst also serving to demonstrate how the space in the I in 12 for core workers can be sidetracked from its original purpose. Mr. I finds it increasingly difficult to pursue the club tasks he really wanted to be involved with such as working on the studio project.

The

collision of the work and social arena is always a potential catalyst for member burnout.

As most of the core club membersduring the field work period either held down full and part-timejobs, had children, attendedcollegecourses,or were involved with other MY projects (recordslabels, playing in bands,running distros and promoting gigs), anotherreasonfor lin12 exit is an overarchingconsequenceof theseissues. It is no coincidence that the loss of unemploymentbenefit and Income Support under the Conservative government in 1996 had a marked impact on the participation of membersin club activities. The introduction of Employment Training, Job Seeker's Allowance and the Labour Government's New Deal' as a replacementof the earlier benefits, invaded and restrictedthe free time available for membersto participate in DiY and club activities. They were forced into 'training' schemesforjobs. In spite of

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this Mr. I notes that the uncompromisingsensibilities of many club membersmeans that they often find themselvesback at the club after short spells of employment: (10/07/01) Over the years the lin12 demographichas shifted from unemployed-andpissed-off-about-itto employed-andpissed off about it. Those linl2ers who present themselvesat employmentagenciesor job interviews don't, on the whole, seemto stay employedfor too long. We'reall a bunchof misfits and that'swhat gluesus together.

On the face of it, it might be consideredthat the changesin the benefit system would have madethe lin12 unworkable. However, in spite of this, core membersstill volunteer and still remain involved and this is a salient point: there are thosemembers who continue to remain in Bradford and strive to be actively committed to the club in spite of the significant numbers of member migration. Against the backdrop of member frustrations migration, and member exit (at the time of writing) the lin12 continuesto exist on the strengthof its dedicatedcore members. As an overarching point, the changes to the benefit system were not a recurrent interview theme mentionedas a possiblecatalyst for memberburnout. The lack of resourcesand the constantstrugglefor money presenteditself an equally important issue. At the time of the fieldwork, the reports that came through the meeting in conjunction with my participant observationssignalledthat the club was breaking even,althoughthe above crisis meetingwas called as the club had found itself in deeperfinancial trouble than it from Apart faces deficit (the the certain of year). usually over periods club runs at a the initial grant to buy the building, describedin chapter five, the club is dependent upon beer salesand the revenueit derives from these,donations,the activities of the collectives, renting out the club's space,and the caf6 and bar income. The constant strugglefor money impactsupon core membermorale and addsto the frustration and burnout documentedabove. However as I noted in chapter five and as a final point, the physical fabric and resourcesof the club act as a constant source of anxiety and frustration. Such

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resourcescan be split into two separatesections:macro and micro. At the macro spectrum, Mr. I noted in diary form that the roof of the building required urgent attention as did the lift motor. As a consequenceof the latter, all loading of heavy equipmenthasto be carried in throughthe winding staircaseat the left of the building. At the micro (as I noted in chapter five) I observed,whilst working on the studio project, that the majority of the wood usedwas either recycled from other areasof the building or taken from skips aroundthe city. The tools used were brought in by the membersas thosethe club ownedwere in various statesof disrepair. On a numberof breaking down. halt tools the the to of occasions on account studio work ground a Taken as a whole these four factors, lack of benefits and time, financial problems, macro and micro resourceproblems,amplify the frustrations of the club membersand in somecasescontributeto exit. Overall, what has been broadly documentedabove provides a catalogueof reasons for member burnout and sceneexit from the 1in12. From the multi-tasking and peer expectations,the consequencesof peers leaving Bradford and the sheerenormity of the task of running the building in the face of constantfinancial pressure,to the lack of resourcesand fresh volunteer input, all ultimately place pressuyeson the core of dedicated members left to maintain and enhancethe building. The fact that the building remainsin existencestandsas a testimony to those who remain dedicatedto the core ethics of the Iinl2.

The slogan from the twenty years anniversaryof the

lin12 was 'twenty years of constantstruggle'. This illuminates and supportswhat I have arguedabove. Indeed,I haveoutlined both in chapterfive and abovea selection of some of the possible reasonsthat might contribute to member burnout, although such pressuresdid not prove to be a uniform catalyst for exit. As an adjunct point, those members who did leave Bradford and cease daily input in the Iinl2,

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neverthelessremainedactive in DiY punk culture within other UK sceneswith Leeds being the most populardestination. It is to this city that I now turn. LeedsHardcore: TheAttractive Iinl2 Burnout-Receptacle. In the previous chapter I articulated the, occasionally venomous, views and perceptionsreciprocally exchangedwithin and betweenthe Bradford and Leedspunk subculture communities. Leedsbecamethe receptaclefor thosein Bradford who had either burned out or wantedto becomeinvolved with the thriving and diverse Leeds scene. 'Bradford's a bowlful of shit', a 'shithole', and a 'depressingNorthern town'. These were some of the hostile descriptionsusedby ex-club memberswho presentlyinhabit the Leeds scene,yet all of them appearto still support the club at a distancethrough occasional attendanceand voluntary work. As I have noted in the previous chapter, the Leeds scene is constituted by its plurality of genresand a healthier context in which to live. Nearly all of the ex-lin12 club memberswho presentlyresidein Leeds spokeof Bradford in the detrimentalterms describedabove,citing Leedsas a far more favourable and less depressingplace to live. Whilst there were examplesof residual guilt over leaving the linl2, all of the intervieweesstatedthat they were better off in Leedsand this contentmentis duly reflectedin the lack of evidenceof sceneexit from Leeds. The four examplesI wish to briefly discusspresentsupport for the argument that the Leedsscenemanagesto retain its subculturalmembership. Firstly the promoter of one of the gigs I played with my band at the 120Ratssquat, was an active memberof the LeedsDiY community during the field work period. He left the sceneto return home in the south of the UK becausehe was unable to gain funding for his degreecourse. He left the city reluctantly. Secondly, Mr. G, one of

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the younger interviewees,left Leedsin June2001 to travel to Russiato do voluntary work. He statedthat he usedmany of the skills he had learnt within the Leeds DiY community as a tool to achievethis, and notedthat he was determinedto return to the UK and continue work with record label and concert promotions. Thirdly, the longstandingsquat,the 120Rats,was evicted in late September2001 after a long-standing court battle. Post-eviction,two of the squatmembersrelocatedto a social centre in Belgium, using the resourcesand contactsthey had made during their involvement with UK DiY. They informed me that they had no immediateplansto return. Finally, as discussed in chapter seven, Mr. V ceased work with the promotions group Collective AKA. V statedthat this was due to his time being totally dominatedwith other sceneactivities such as being in a band, running a DiY record shop and record label. It is to be noted that his exit from this organisationdid not meanthat he made firm Plans to totally exit the scene.

Against the backdropof the large numbersof ex-lin12 memberson the Leeds scene the relatively small numbersof exit from Leeds presentsa picture of a vibrant and healthy music scene. Conclusion Implicit within the typology of sceneexit I have offered is the assertionthat in spite of fluctuations betweenall three of the scenemembershiplevels, the latter reproduces itself along the lines of continuity that I havepreviously arguedin chapterone. There are three important points of interest that can be drawn from this typology. Firstly, there is little doubt that an exodus occurred from the lin12 from 1996 onwards and this contributed to rise of activity in the associateLeeds scene. This migration supportsmy argumentthat sceneexit, does not necessarilymean that the

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wider subculture is abandoned,merely that similar activities are continued and connectionswithin the DiY sceneare utilised elsewhere. Those that left the scene transposedtheir skills to fresh projectselsewhere. Secondly,I wish to assertthat the input of core membershipacts as a driving force for both the cultural matrices in question, but is, at the same time subject to and dependent upon the input of peripheraland semi-peripheralscenemembershipand participation. In the caseof the linl2, the gradual decline of core memberswas exacerbatedthrough the relative led financial in input from This turn to reduction of semi and peripheralmembers. stress, burnout and fallout among some of the core membersleading to their exit, leaving an increasingly smaller core membershipto continue running the club. In Leeds, the lack of evidence for subcultural exit suggeststhat the multi-cited and breathing DiY the space the multi-genre variety of sceneallows subculturesufficient burnout building, In linl2's the of the the problems and reducesstress. caseof single frustration for the there of and concentrationof activity a more acute sense make when the scene loses membership. To put it in simple terms, the turnover of peripheral and semi-peripheralmembersand the decline in the core has a greater effect in Bradford than Leeds. Finally, there is the perennial question of authenticity. There are two levels of authenticity attached to exit practices: othering for the constitution of selfauthenticity, and exit dilemmasand the compromiseof authenticity. For the former I have shown how generalinterview descriptionshave used exit as a category for the establishmentof authentic membership. Examples are used of both factual and hypothetical instancesof sceneexit that serveas a device to constitute the memberas authentic. I have shown how this occurredin the generalrealms of career,education, the reproductionof subculturalknowledgeand selling out. In the caseof the latter, I

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have shown how geographicalsceneexit provides a dilemma for the member: that leaving the sceneto travel to a 'new`or different one rendersone opento criticisms of inauthenticity and selling-out from those remaining. This was graphically described in the example of the 'your new mates'criticism levelled at Mr. R from a remaining club member. Not only doesthis provide a level of guilt for the leaving member,it also reflexively invokes the former category,that those remaining are authentic and hold a valid position from which to criticise thosewho exit. The dilemma of guilt is thereforeinvoked as a consequence of a decisionof subculturalexit. This showsonce again that issuesof authenticityare of central concernto any explanationof the DiY hardcorepunk subculture. Such issuesare both constituted by claims towards what elementsof DiY practice are deemedas part of authentic scenemembershipagainst what are not. This considerationproducesthe concomitantdilemmasof surrendering from how be is criticism this to such authenticity and ascertaining reconciled against those who wish to assertthemselvesas authentic. It is to theseissuesthat I now turn my attention.

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Chapter Nine: Dilemmas HMV, in their moral righteousness,refuseto sell recordswhich contain four letter words as they are regardedas obsceneand in bad taste. Yet Thorn-EMI, their parent company, manufactureand export weaponsof war and instrumentsof torture worldwide. Doesthat causea public outcry? Doesit fuck! (Chumbawamba,Revolution, 1985)

Disaffection and disapproval is the weapon of the authentic punk. This createsa number of dilemmas. Chief amongthese is the drive to remain 'authentic' and not succumbto the temptationsto 'sell out'. While thesepredatedpunk, they are central to its practice. Since the 1970swell-trodden debateshave raged around the Sex Pistols, Clash and other first-wave punk groups'selling out' and so losing the cardinal value of authenticity. Suchdebatesrepresenta complicatedintersectionof views and remain a constantsourceof subcultural tension. By dropping the Sex Pistols from their label in 1977, EMI inadvertently established a suspicious link between themselvesand punk culture. This has now becomea long-standingissue, with a 75 last twenty years . This multinational spate of perceived sell-outs to EMI over the companyhasa bad ethical track record. Zero (1996) points out:Thom EMI was, and is, a major defensecontractor;they manufacturedcomponentsfor such missile systemsas the Pershing,Cruise and Trident; they supportedthe nuclear industry; and they would not divest from SouthAfrica when therewas a public outcry for companiesto do so. One of the industriesthat EMI has connectionsto is the record industry - they own EMI Music, Virgin Records,Capitol, Chrysalisetc. Recently,Virgin RecordspurchasedCaroline, a record production and distribution company,effectively making this once independentcompanya part of a sprawling multinational (1996:2).

Similarly, Profane Existencecriticized EMI in 1992: EMI is typical of major labelswith its links to the most evil parts of the capitalist system. T'horn EMI the parentcompanyis a major investor and constructorof weaponssystems, nuclear weapons,guidancesystems,vivisection and security control equipmentfavoured by countries like Chile and South Africa. They are also major contributors to the ConservativeParty (ProfaneExistence,23,1992). As the thesis so far has clearly established, critical

opposition

to capitalist

values

and institutions is centralto DiY punk, but as we have seenfrom the outset,there is a continual tension between political activism in punk, which involves directly

75See appendix8 for examplesof the documentsof selling-out in punk.

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challenging such values and institutions, and cultural production in punk, which involves expressingopposition to such values through music and/or organisational practice. This can lead to a dilemma betweenon the one hand, utilising capitalist products (guitars, drums, shops, studios) or becoming annexed to capitalist institutions (signing a recording contract, doing promotion) for the sake of a wider audience, and on the other, rejecting these strategiesin favour of localist cultural autonomyand a more purist senseof identity, practice and solidarity. Both sharethe same end-result,however. They leave the actual political and economic institutions in intact. does This that as of capitalism represented the not mean neither path dilemma should be followed, and many honest, well-intentioned people have done both. But it doesperhapsguard againstinflated subculturalself-regardand what we might call punk hubris. Many of the interviews and observationsin the fieldwork have raisedexactly this or other relateddilemmas,and they seemcentrally contingent on what it is that DiY punk genuinelytries to achieve. DiY punk is a cry for a return to making music for its own sake,for its intrinsic pleasureand satisfaction,rather than for the sakeof profit aboveand beyond any other value. It is equally about creating a senseof trust and concordbetweenpeople,rather than reducingthe social relations of music to what is allowed or not allowed in the small print of the recording contract. Since the whole issue of 'sell out' is central to DiY punk and what it opposes, attaining the quality of dilemma for so many of its practitioners, and affecting passagesof entranceand exit as well as practice, it is appropriateto explore it in greaterdetail. This is what I shall do in this short, concludingchapter. DiY punk is the production of music by the artist and label with no links to a major label organisation. Under the DiY rubric, the writing, recording, promotion and

distribution is done by the bands and labels themselves76 .

At the level of

performance, shows, tours and promotions are also done in this manner though networks of likeminded people. In terms of the literature (reviews in fanzines)there are safeguardsin place to ensurecorporatemusic finds no mouthpiece there. For example,MaximumRock and Roll statesin its review submissionguidelines:We will not accept major label or related ads, or ads for comps and eps that include major label bands(MRR, 174,1997).

And at the start of the reviews section: Don't send wimpy arty metal corporaterock shit here. Don't have your label give us follow up calls as to whether we received and are reviewing your record. Specific for deserve independent it be that credit criticisms aside, should understood releases any all the work and moneythat goesinto it (ibid)

Likewise HeartattaCk [sic] state:We will not review any record with a UPC or bar codeor UPC bar codesticker on it, and we will not review any record that is financedby one of the so called independentgiants as in Dutch East India, Caroline, Cargo [ ......] We are only interestedin supporting the undergrounddo-it-yourself scene,and it is our opinion that UPC codesalong with 'press and distribute' (P&D) are not fitting with the do-it-yourself ethic of hardcore (HearlattaCk, 7,1995).

Such asseverationsare not confined to MY zines. Labels, distributors, distros and promoterscan all experiencea reactionshouldthey walk towardsthe corporateworld. But the price of apparentauthenticity may simply be anonymity, while so-called selling out may have the benefit of bringing punk valuesto a much greaternumberof is is like dilemma What's involved in the straightforward as nothing as people. sometimesassumed.Let us turn to someexamples. In 1985, Bradford band, New Model Army, signedto EMI after four years of DiY and independentrecordreleases:

76 Distribution is further area of dilemma for the DiY label. Since a number of independent a distribution companiescollapsed in the early 1990s(Red Rhino, The Cartel, Revolver) major labels have soughtto control distribution in the UK. Alternatives arosewith PhD, and Shellshock. However thosededicatedto MY in a strict senseview distribution of recordswith the latter a sell-out. One of the most respectedMY distributors in the UK is Active. Seewww.activedistribution.org

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We were approachedby all the majors. The reasonwe went with EMI was becausewe decided that we had the best record deal. Erm we were offered total control of the producers,total control the productin invertedcommas. It's a hard word to say. Erm we were basically, we were basically signedby a guy called Hugh-Stanley-Clarkewho was less than sort of compos-mentisreally at the time. And all record companieswere looking for U2 the next U2. 'Mis wasthe thing, they wantedto get their band, we didn't know. They hatedus. We madea horrible row, which we did up until we split, err, 'till I left. We madea horrible noisebut; 'causewe were selling out gigs they wantedto sign us. So the EMI thing camealong, we were offered the greatestamountof freedomerm, after researchinto all the other major labels,where the money came from all the rest of it, we decidedthat everybodywasasbad as eachother.

NMA's signing prompted the London anarchistband Conflict to releasea record hypocrisy 'Only EMIV Stupid Bastards the of perceived as a commenton entitled use the signing. This was a play on NMA's 1984 anti-drug statement'Only Stupid Bastardsuse Heroin!' It resultedin NMA shows being picketed and boycotted. A leaflet handed to me at a NMA concert in Guildford in 1987 cited the band as 'supposedly an anti-establishmentband' and accused them of having 'sold their drummer) NMA (late Heaton EMP. Yet Robert they to credibility when as signed said to me in a 2001 interview: You weren't even aware that you were affiliated with a band anyway from a point of fuck know don't I freedom. know You all about that's artistic your only connection. Conflict, I mean,I have never met any of them so I don't know what to fucking say: but from the aspectof what we were talking about earlier, the punk thing as long as you are doing what you want to do then that's, you know, then that's the essenceinnit. You know Conflict. I presumeConflict's view would be that if you are signed to a global conglomerate,you know corporatenightmare,then you are helping to destroythe world which is a fair point. But how do you remain separatefrom that? In any aspectof your life? You know there's one well known band from Leeds [Chumbawamba]cameto see leaflets know boycott they outside they giving out to were you us and used our gigs and And I fuck's know for they, know, in to sake! us, you chat and you we said come and hold my hats off to them becausethey were doing their damndestto not be part of the know link but You know 'I the I'd totally', we was you weak system. go admire you don't make recordswe don't we make our own clothes,we don't do such and such. We releasetapes. So who makesthe tapes? Now there are like four companiesin the world that maketapes. Similar targets of abuse have been the US, Orange County punk bands Rancid, Social Distortion,

The Offspring

in Religion, Day Bad Green to addition and

L7, All, DRI,

Blaggers ITA

and Back to the Planet77 . These

bands all signed to the majors in the early-to-mid

nineties and felt the wrath of the

Jello Biafra, NOFX,

and the UK's

77SeeArnold (1997) for an accountof GreenDay, Rancid and the Sexpistols selling-out punk.

DiY scene. Perhapsthe most notoriouscaseof a band chargedwith selling-out is the Leedsband, Chumbawamba. After a significant period of DiY production very much in a similar vein to Crass with their DiY label Agit Prop records,Chumawambasigneda distribution deal firstly with Southern Recordsbefore moving to former Flux of Pink Indians bassplayer's label, 'One Little Indian Records', from 1991-7. All of Chumbawamba'srecords had DiY they the theme although continued with anarchistresistance, of refusal and considerably shifted position from their original DiY intentions with the 1985 record Revolution (as cited in the epigraphto this chapter). After over 15 yearsas DiY and independentanarchists,they signed to EMI Europe and Universal Entertainmentin America. Most of the respondentsin the interviews commentedon this when asked about what they consideredas sell out. Chumbawambahavebeenresponsible,alongsideCrass,for producingmusic framed in anarchistpolitics. After becomingnotorious for throwing red paint over late Clash front man, Joe Strummer,and for their critiques of Live Aid with the record Pictures did damaged Starving Children Sell they the Records, their. when of credibility was unthinkable: sign to EMI in 1997. Since then they have used their position to rally hit Tubthumper. A through their to things the people anarchistcause,among other series of stunts ensuedincluding the changing of the latter's song lyrics to 'Free Mumia Abu Jamal' at the 1998 Brit Award ceremoniesand throwing a bucket of water over the Deputy Prime Minister, John ('Two Jags') Prescott.

Anne

Widdicombe also receiveda creampie in the face. They have donatedlarge sections of their earningsto political causes,including the studio I helped to build during the field work at the I in 12. In spite of these stunts, they have come in for some serious criticism from those who claim they have sold out. Maximum Rock and Roll simply

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reran an old interview wherethey were quotedas saying: "The time has come to take a choice, stop taking orders from his master'svoice!" Churnbawambaput their first record under DiY principles, financing, recording,producing and screenprinting the covers themselves.Their record Revolution concentratedon the theme of EMI and their retail outlets HMV.

A Chumbawarnbaflyer distributed at the time of the

record's releasein 1985 made the point that 'every time you buy from Thorn-EMI you put your cross in their money box, you support the death-lines'. They believed that 'we have to start delving deeperthan the glossy high streetpacket- start reading the small print'. When I interviewed DanbertNobaconon I OthOctober2001, he took up the issueof signing to EMI: Ideologically, it was a massiveleap to go onto a major label, cos' for yearswe'd said we just had but do it to we where would never,ever come a point we and we neverwould.... thought you know we havedoneour own label, we've beenwith indies,small indies,big indies, why not give it a chanceand wejust thought. I mean,we, we talked about it for like a month, going backwardsand forwards and in the end we thought we shouldjust do it have a really good year where they throw loadsof money at us and we'll probably ... and we'll just have a great time and you know we'll get our recordsout and then they'll probably dump us. So it actually lasteda bit longer than that to our surpriseand er that didn't happentill' after the next record. But I think becausethey knew, and peoplein the businessknew, that that song [Tubthumper]was going to be a hit, then it was a really safe bet for 'em. It meantthat we could finance stuff like that and finance projects by other people again ... so for a time there was anotherideological thing. We got offered be let And had on an our we would never music an advert and we always said: no way! advert, but we'd neverever beenoffered one and suddenlyRenault in Italy said ohh, you know, we'll give you twenty thousandquid or whatever. If you let us use Tubthumping and in the end we said yes and gave the money to two pirate radio stations, which for a while, while all the hype financed them for like five yearseach,you know and ... was going on we got a few offers like that ... and we were able to, you know, finance a lot of things for a coupleof yearsafterwards. You are suddenlypresentedwith all these opportunities which you never ever think'11come your way, and you just have to take eachone as it comes... Err, we got quite a few letters. Err, just saying, you know, how could you do this, we supportedyou all theseyears and you just throw it back in our faces. I know in America we got into someargumentswith somepeople in Philadelphia, and they'd beento the gig and that, but they werejust ahhyou know, thus, but ahhh. Yer appealingto ten year olds.

Chumbawarnbahas been one of the loudest voices in the anarchopunk community, raising issuewith EMI's arms manufacturingconnections,but their move to this label

Gordon PhD

was met with mixed views by membersof the lin12. For example,Ms M had this to say: I know them and I totally respectthem becauseeven though they did sign for the major label and everything,they stayedin this sceneas well But they have given money to ... this place [I in 12]. They've helpedbuild this place. Erm Alice [Nutter] having a party on Friday, everyonefrom hereis invited, no matterwho you are,you know it's the I in 12 ... You know they sing aboutEMI, slag 'em off... it is really hard, it's not black and white is it? you can't say I'm never going to do it uhh, it 'ud be good if people could get the messageacrosswithin the DiY scene,but maybethat's just too idealistic.

K and H both took this up: TheEMIthing? Yeahallthat. It's just them trying to pull a stunt isn't it and it backfired on them ... Well Danbert's thing about that was that they felt that they were somewhat being exploited by One Little Indian, so and becauseof the level and the amount of coveragethey were getting. If you aregonna' be exploited, be exploitedby someonethat can do it efficiently. What pissed me off though was their whole slagging of punk subculturejust, fair enoughbut then to turn around and do somethinglike that is sort of. You know, if you got somethingto say, I think the punk scenedoesn't stand a lot of criticism. I was their whole kind of like, you know, they did havea lot of shit off crusties and all that whole fucking sceneback in the late eighties and early nineties, you know. And they would get attacked,they got attackedand stuff a coupleof times. Alice Nutter got bit in the fucking face or something,you know and they wrote articlesto the papersslagging crusties and travelers and punks off. They basically said they are nothing and propagatedtheir messagewas more important. Our medium is the message, you know, we are gonna' go to EMI we're going to get this messageacross,whetherthey did... The whole fucking contradiction is political. You know it's like the samething with the Clash isn't it, fucking brilliant I think I agreedwith a lot of what they had to say and then they turned into a bunch of twats. Whether they signed to CBS is fucking incidental, cos' every fucking punk band aroundat the time was doing the same. Chumbawambatotally went out on a limb and signed to EMI, um. Fuck knows why EMI signedthem. I could never understandwhy it's kinda' like they were co-opted or something. Yeah it was again, I think. It's like allowing you. The whole DiY thing is that us three are in a band, we do everything DiY, we're in total, you know. IMe only executive decisionsare madeby us right? Er, you get to sign to someonelike EMI, or any of these big record companies. All of a suddenour band actually is no longer three people its twenty, it's a crew of twenty-five an the decisionswe make then becomevery difficult. Here's our record, "well I'm sorry you can't say thaV, eh what? "No, no you can't have that picture, no I'm sorry, you will have to do this." What the fuck is this? This whole commodification thing is well, which is like you know, killing the fucking band and a band is an expressionof our culture, isn't it, and then to have that expression of your culture taken by someoneelse and sold as an expressionof culture ceasesto becomean expressionof our culture. It becomesa contradiction.

These responsesreveal, in full discursive detail, many of the ins-and-outs of the dilemma facing Chumbawambaas this was taken up, debated,and turned around from every conceivableangle by DiY punk subcultural members. Each member faced the dilemma themselvesand actedit out vicariously. This was a measureof how deeply

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it struck into the heart of what DiY punk is about,ethically and politically. The final point can be madeby Mr. C: For a bandthat sells out and doesn'thave anythingto say why am I going to be bothered? I'm not. It doesn'taffect me at all. GreenDay? Who cares? Chumbawamba,different story, you know it is a different story. I am saddenedby what they did. I think the best thing I can do is pity them becausethat is a harsherhuman emotion to lay into someone with. At one time I would have beenangry. Chumbawambahad a long history with the anarcho,punk sceneand did the dirty. They went on Top ofthe Pops.

For any self-respectingpunk, going on TOTP is the ultimate sell-out, even the Clash refused this opportunity. Nothing could be calculatedas a worse way of 'doing the dirty' - that is, not acting 'cleanly' in respectof ethics and politics. This raisesthe questionwhy. The key point to be made in their defenceis that Chumbawambausedtheir postEMI-signing period to fund DiY activities acrossthe political and cultural production spectrums. They made donationsto pirate radio stations,gave E70,000to Corporate Watch, and put money into the Iinl2, so helping to fund the studio project I worked 78 . The actions of Chumbawamba in signing to a major label encapsulate the tug-of-war that pulls people in DiY punk in contrary directions.

The justifications offered by artists for signing with a major record label can reduced to two popular arguments. Firstly to gain a realistic income ('I am sick of being poor and putting all this effort in, we can't afford to do anything') though this is highly unlikely for the vast majority of musicians who sign to labels and remain unsuccessfU179. Secondly, in terms of artistic recognition and progressionthere is the desire to transcend the already converted autonomousspacesand enter new and previously unexplored spacesin order to reach (and duly inspire) a wider audience. From this 78SeeTle Observer27/01/02 I- 'Chumbawamba'sTune Turns the Tables US Car Giant.' on pl 79SeeAlbini, 1994,in MRR # 133;Frank and Weiland, 1997for a realistic account of the negativeside of the major record contract. Gordon PhD

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perspectiveDiY Punk is, by default,consideredto be inward-looking. To become(in) famous and subvertsuchnew spaceswas Chumbawamba'sstrategy:to manipulatethe music industry as noted above, to voice previously unheard or suppressedpolitical views (for example showing videos made by the striking Liverpool Dockers at the Brit Awards) and spreadtheseviews arounda much wider basethan that achievable by the DiY punk purist. However successful such attempts may be, responsesfrom the hardcore DiY DiY band inevitable that was once a adherentsoffer scorn,resentmentand angerafter band is regarded as having sold out. As Mr. C stated above: 'Green Day? Who hostile ' The different Chumbawamba, it is different know story. cares? a story, you side of the dilemma level suchaccusationsas: they 'did the dirty', are 'not punk', are 'hypocritical money grabbers'(ChumbawarnbaboycottedNMA showsthen went and signed themselves),and represent'mainstreamsell-outs that have becomepart of the system'. Selling out to a major label often meansfacing a boycott and the withdrawal by Heaton, from inside As DiY above the support outlined of previously community. the boycotts and pickets by Chumbawambaoutside their NMA shows in the late 1980s,provided bad publicity, yet he maintainedthat they had never beena part of the DiY philosophy to begin with. NMA were not dedicated to that philosophy, had never held the anarcho punk torch, and simply viewed the transition from DiY to independent to major as a natural progression that allowed them to spread their subversivemessageamonga wider audience. The justifications he offered were that the band cost the label more than they signed for and that they were a 'thorn in the side of EMI' by negotiatinga record deal that allowed them total artistic freedom: in short, they retained their integrity; at the least, an argumentbasedon the retention of their artistic integrity could certainly be mounted. This may be a legitimate argument

but the view from the DiY campcan be unforgiving and austere. A very dim view is taken of any contactwith major labels. Suchcontactis seenas diluting the power and solidarity of undergroundculture. Here Boff from Chumbawambais explicit: They [MRR] stoppedreviewing our recordsbecausethey decidedthat they weren't punk anymore. That's sucha bizarreproject - to judge punknesson the basisof style (Boff in interview, Sinker 2001:124).

However, not all of the interviewees were as militant on the matter of Chumbawambaselling out. Mr. S&H both statedthat they could totally understand in many ways why they had signed. They said that Chumbawambahad been exploited by a numberof independentrecord labels and, as a consequence,were tired of being ripped off. The only solution was to sign with a major and be exploited effectively. This offered the bonusopportunity of being able to subvertthe company from the inside. Mr. I also revealedsympatheticviews towards bandswho sign to major labels: If bands are important, if groups and music are important, which they might be, then I think it's obviously better if they do it themselves.But I meanif somemajor corporation band rang up and said you know, we're fucked on a Wednesdaynight, the gig's fallen through and we want to play at the I in 12 club. ProvidedI knew they weren't a bunch of sort of sexist, racist assholes,if I thought they were going to say somethingreasonably interesting,somepeoplewant to be here, I'd be more than willing to bring them here and go: look this is how you can do it without the major corporations. It's like doing a DiY label, but still driving around in your Mercedestruck, filling up, or risking driving past Shell. It didn't make that much difference, you're still filling at some major petro-chemicalcorporation, you're still totally up to your neck in sort of deepenvironmentaldeath,kind of ecosystem.

This is the centralkey to this dilemma. The majority of the systemis controlled and monopolisedthrough corporatecontrol, so the spacesfor potential political subversion are shrinking. They exist only in small pockets. Mr. I similarly suggeststhat DiY activity is necessaryyet there are few spaceswhere one can be completely DiY, from the oil used to produce the vinyl, through the chemicals in the plasterboard and insulation used in the lin12 studio project to the technologypatents in the recording

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equipment, there are very few spaceswhere everyday contact with multinational corporationscan be avoided. As Zero (1994)points out: A percentageof every CD madeis paid to the Phillips Corporationbecausethey have the copyright on the format. Doesthis meanthat everyonethat makesCDs is bad and part of the evil arms making empire? If I drink coke, wear Nike shoes,drive a Volvo or any foreign car shouldI be chastisedfor it? Is it worseto supportarmsbuilders or destroy ... the environment by wasting paper or driving my car? This politically correct stuff is distribute Caroline fighting dogmatic believe to use too who people with and, me, usually independentrecords is fighting with your own team. Know your enemy. Plus once again, where is the punk rock rule book and does everyonehave to play by it? (1994, MRR # 133)

Neverthelessthe MY spacesthat operatebeyond corporatecontrol and funding are free from in virtually space a extremely valuable and play a central role offering free Yet be dictum control. of raised corporate and control, wherepolitical voices can becausethis spaceis delimited, the effectivenessof thesevoices is questionable. As I noted in chapterfour, there is a distinct ironic elitism involved in the dedicated form is DiY. Claiming DiY the that authentic of only practice of cultural production becomes 'only' is just that the quickly culture, means comer: exclusivity around translated into 'elite'.

Creating a set of scene rules (not signing to majors, not

in ) these keeping to an absolute working contracts, prices cheap etc. and applying manner in the production of DiY, flies in the face of the original intentions of such boundaries. down freedoms breaking the and challenging rules core punk rock as Anti-elitism can end up, via an awful loop, in the position it so radically opposes. There is an equally absolutist reaction to those who are deemed to have sold-out above and againstthosestill practicing and involved in DiY. This presentsa fiercely unforgiving critique by thosewho cling to stringent DiY ethics. Such an unrelenting, inflexible stanceis itself condemnedby others in and around the scene. 'Cliquey', 'PC' and 'elitist' were someof the denunciationsexpressedin interview towards this stancein the DiY community. As Mr. S, BS and the customer in the Out of Step statedduring interview and observation,they (linl2ers) are a bunch of 'punk police'

and 'language fascists'. Such views were often aimed at the linl2.

Although I

observedon many occasionsbehaviourthat were far from what could be describedas PC, the club was viewed as a bastion of political correctness. Indeed, Mr. D provocatively describedthe I in 12 as often populatednot by hippies but by a crowd of 'footie hooligans'. However, the open-endedstatusof the DiY ethic maintainsthat if there is a perceived problem with being DiY, then being negative towards it will achieve nothing. The preference instead is get involved, think positive and do something about it. With DiY there is always the opportunity for anybody to get involved in activities and to changethe existing state of affairs from within. In reality, due to the lack of available funds and the relatively small numbersof people involved, the capacity for large-scaleDiY action in the UK is limited and the knockon effect is that attendance fluctuates at DiY functions. The justification for Chumbawarnbain signing to EMI was that they could increase their financial resourcesin order to properly fund DiY projects. As Boff noted: Obviously we could say "No we won't havean advert with our music on if' but when we are offered forty thousanddollars for thirty secondsof music every day for four weeks, then what we do is give that money to an anti-fascist organisation, social center or community group (ibid: 128).

Turning their money towards small-scaleDiY projects has allowed Chumbawambato retain their moral and ethical integrity even though the DlY community remains divided over their actionsgo.The positive and negativeviews of their signing to EMI remain largely irreconcilableinside of the Leedsand Bradford DiY scenes. There are those who are militant on the non-DiY front and hail DiY purists as hypocrites. Jello Biafra, onetime singer with the San Francisco band, The Dead Kennedys, and whose record label, Alternative Tentacles, has been the second so It would be unfortunate for me to present Chumbawambaas'disconnectedfrom the I inl2. They havemaintainedconstantcontactwith the club since its inception. The last event they played there was an acousticshow,November2004

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longest-running independentlabel in the US, was severely beaten up in 1990 by 'crusty punks' for allegedly selling-outpunk rock (Schalit and Sinker, 2001: 33). He chastised the American fanzine Maximum Rock n Roll as 'little ayatollahs' for creating a new set of divisive rules in the punk community and called those who criticise musicians who sign to major labels 'small-minded and righteous.'

The

interviewer and Biafra said in their exchange: Int: Mxrimum Rock n Roll seemsdeadset on this line of sectarianpurity, where anything that createsa basefor masssupportis looked upon with suspicionand ultimately rejected as a sellout Biafra: It's the same kind of fundamentalist mind-set that makes fundamentalist Christians so dangerous,and the samemind-set that has isolated the animal rights and vegan movements. You take one step out of line and they bite your head off. Young people who are curious about the politics spendten minutes with people like that and they decide that they would rather be apathetic. This is what has turned a lot of people off punk politics (ibid: 44).

Such harsh criticism reflects the often polarised views that exist in punk on selling out. The problem is at the centre of DiY politics. DiY purists have been accusedof being inward-looking, preachingto the convertedand being subculturally elitist with little chance of ever reaching to the broader body of people whose support would in DiY tool make a significant political of empowerment. -The purists turn accuse those who defect of intellectual slack-mindedness,political populism and ethical bankruptcy. The dilemmasstrike deep. This thesis has attemptedto establishthe basis for these ethical dilemmas in lived subculturalsceneexperienceby providing a closely detailedethnographicoverview of the complex world of DiY punk as it existedin and betweentwo cities in the North of England in 2001. Whilst this world was shot through with divisions and peppered with elitism both in its rhetorical use of genre distinction and its badges of counterculturalauthenticity,what it achieved,albeit unsungand unnoticed out of the mainstream,was of immensecultural value. It was a rare example of what can be createdbeyond the confines of an administeredculture. In some ways the scenesin Gordon PhD

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describedformed a virtual minefield of arbitrary rules of conduct. On the other hand, there was a felt senseof achievementand empowerment:whether it was through making a studio, startinga recordshop,settingup a record label, putting on a show at the squat or in someone'sfront room, or through sheerdeterminationin making some venture succeedagainstthe odds, the subcultureprovided certain distinct spacesof freedom. Suchspacesarerare andimpressive. The dilemmas describedin this thesis retain a sharp, at times corrosive quality which helps to shapeand inform subculturalconduct. Such conductis fraught with a collection of thorny issueswhich will not be readily resolved or made amenableto any off-the-hook remedy, not least becausethey are bound up in wider issues of global monopoly capitalism and its stranglehold over (mass) popular culture. Whether or not resistanceis bestproducedfrom inside the major labels, or from the temporary autonomousspacesof small-label records, squats,DiY gigs, and bands, describedin this thesis,remainsan openquestion,especiallyin relation to the abiding issue of cultural authenticity. The entrancerequirements,practiceethics and points of exit of a DiY scenehave been abundantlydescribedand analysedin the thesis, and these have thrown up someenduringly difficult issues. Do you chooseDiY anarcho direct action punk, or DiY cultural production? Are thesemutually exclusive or can they be madecompatible? Can effective political statementsor actions be made from within the culture industry? Perhapsthe most difficult issueof all is whetherthere has ever been,or can ever be, an authenticpunk. In the 'true spirit of DiY', the response to this issuemust finally residewith the reader.

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Willis, P. (1977) Learning To Labour., How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs, Farnborough,Hants:SaxonHouse. Willis, P, (1978)Profane Culture, London: Routledge,Kegan & Paul. Willis, S. (1993) 'Hardcore: Subculture American Style', Critical Inquiry, Vol. 1 No. 19. Chicago:University Of ChicagoPress. DVDIVideos Carrol, J. Holzman, B. (2001) BetweenResistanceand Community. The Long Island DiYPunk Scene,Traffic Violation Records,Walklor Productions Glantz, P. Noe, N. Lightning Bolt: ThePower ofSalad Providence,Load Records Letts, D. (1999) TheClash: Westwayto the World, Sony Music Video Sorrondeguy,M. (1999) Beyondthe ScreamsMas Alla de los Gritos, UK, Flat Earth Records,LenguaArmada Temple, J. (2000) TheFilth and the Fury. A SexPistols Film, Film Four.

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Heart AllaCk (sic) Hit-List MaximumRockn Roll (1992) # 184. Maximum Rock n Roll (1994) # 133 Major Labels: Some of your Friends are This Fucked. MaximumRock n Roll (1997) # 174. Punk-Planet. PunkShocker. Hughes(2001) Direct Hit: Dffhardcorepunk. Issue 1. Mclard, K, (1998), Heart Attack 23. Raisin ' Hell. ReasonTo Believe. Whatis the lin]2?: (1995)1in 12 Twelve Pamphlets.

Discography Accept (1979)Accept, BreakerRecords. All (2000) Problematic, Epitaph Records. Andy T (1982) Wearyofthe Flesh, CrassRecords. Anthrax (UK) (1982) Capitalism is Cannibalism,CrassRecords. Anthrax (NYC) (1984) Fis(ful ofMetal, Mega force Records. Antisect (1983)In DarknessThereis No Choice,SpiderlegRecords. Amebix (1983) No Sanctuary,SpiderlegRecords. Back to the Planet(1993) Mind and Soul Collaborators, Parallel: London Records. Bad Religion (1993)RecipeFor Hate, Epitaph Records. Black Flag (1983) My War, SST Records. Blaggers ITA (1991) Fuck Fascism, Fuck Capitalism, Societies' Fucked, Knockout/NightmareRecords. BlaggersITA (1993)AbandonShip, EMI ParlophoneRecords. Bob Tilton (1999) TheLeading Hotels ofthe World, SouthernRecords. Bold (1989)SpeakOut, RevelationRecords. Boxed In (2003) Diverse Totality, Crime SceneRecords. Canvas(1998) Canvas,HouseholdName Records. Canvas(1999) Lost In Rock,HouseholdName Records. CaptainSensible(1981) This is Your Captain Speaking,CrassRecords.

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ChambcrUn (1998) TheMoon My Saddle,DoghouseRecords. Chron Gen (1982) Chronic Generation,SecretRecords. Chumbawamba(1985)Revolution,Agit Prop Records. Chumbawamba (1986) Pictures of Starving Children Sell Records, Agit Prop Records. Chumbawarnba(1997) Tubthumping,Universal Records. CockneyRejects(1980) GreatestHits, Vol.1, ZonophoneRecords. ConcreteSox (1985) Your Turn Next, COR Records Conflict (1982) It's Timeto SeeJVho'sno, CorpusChristi Records. Conflict (1983) To a Nation ofAnimal Lovers, CorpusChristi Records. Conflict (1984) Increasethe Pressure,CorpusChristi Records. Conflict (1984) TheSerenadeis Dead, MortahateRecords. Conflict (1985) Only Stupid BastardsHelp EMI, MortahateRecords. Converge(2001) Jane Doe, Equal Vision Records. Crass(1978) TheFeedingof TheFive Thousand,Small WonderRecords. Crass(1979) TheFeedingofthe Five Thousand:TheSecondSitting, CrassRecords. Crass(1979) Stationsofthe Crass,CrassRecords. Crass(1993) You'll Ruin itfor Everyone,PomonaRecords. Crass/PoisonGirls (1980) Bloody Revolutions,CrassRecords. Crass(1980) Big A Little alNagasakiNightmare,CrassRecords. Crass(1982) SheepFarming in the Falklands, CrassRecords. Crass (1982) How Does it Feel to be The Mother of a ThousandDead?, Crass Records. Crass(1983) YesSir, I [Vill, CrassRecords. Crass(1984) You'reAlready Dead, CrassRecords. Crass(1984) TenNoteson a SummersDay, CrassRecords. Crass(1984) BestBefore 1984,CrassRecords. Creation as Crucifixion (2001): Child as Audience: Where Technologyand Anarchy Fuck, Rtmark, AutonornediaCollective. Crucifix (1984) Dehumanisation,CorpusChristi Records. Dead Boys (1977) Young,Loud and Snotty, Sire Records. DeadKennedys(1980) Fresh Fruit For Rotting Vegetables,Cherry Red Records. Deviated Instinct (1986) Welcometo The Orgy, PeacevilleRecords. Deviated Instinct (1988) RockAnd Roll Conformity, PeacevilleRecords. D&V (1983) TheNearestDoor, CrassRecords. D&V (1984) D& V, CrassRecords.

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Dirt (1981) Object,Refuse,Reject,Abuse, CrassRecords. Discharge(1980) Realitiesof War, Clay Records. Discharge(1982) Hear Nothing, SeeNothing, SayNothing, Clay Records. Doom (1988) War Crimes,PeacevilleRecords. DRI (1982) ViolentPacification Ep, DRI Records. Electro Hippies (1987) The Only GoodPunk is a Dead One,PeacevilleRecords. Extinction of Mankind (1995) Baptisedin Shit, Skuld Records. ExtremeNoise Terror (1988) Holocaust in Your Head, HeadEruption Records. Fear(1981) TheRecord,SlashRecords. Flux of Pink Indians(1981) Neu Smell, CrassRecords. GBH, (1981) No Survivors,Clay Records. GreenDay (1987) SweetChildren EP, Skene!Records. GreenDay (1997) Nimrod Reprise,Records. Gorilla Biscuits (1989)Start Today,RevelationRecords. Health Hazard(1994) TenInch, Flat Earth Records. Heresy(1985) Face Up To It, In Your FaceRecords. Hiatus (1993) From ResignationTo Revolt, SoundPollution Records. Hit Parade(1982) Bad News,CrassRecords. Hit Parade(1985) Knick Knack Paddywhack,CrassRecords. Hit Parade(1984) Plastic Culture, CrassRecords. Honey Bane(1979) YouCan Be You,CrassRecords. Hot Water Music (1997 Finding TheRhythm,No Idea Records. In Tlie Clear (2000) Out ofOur Past, SakariEmpire Records. Iron Maiden (1980)Iron Maiden, EMI Records. Jello Biafra (2000)Becomethe Media, Alternative TentaclesRecords. JudasPriest(1980) British Steel,Epic Records. Judge(1989) Bringin'It Down, RevelationRecords. KUKL (1984) TheEye, CrassRecords. KUKL (1985) Holidays In Europe, CrassRecords. Lack of Knowledge(1983) Grey, CrassRecords. L7 (1990) Smell TheMagic, Sub Pop Records. L7 (1992) Bricks Are Heavy, SlashRecords. Metallica (1983) Kill 'EmAll, Music For Nations Records. Minor Threat (1981) Minor Threat,Dischord Records. Minor Threat(1983) Out OfStep, Dischord Records.

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Motorhead(1977) Afotorhead,Chiswick Records. Napalm Death(1985)Scum,EaracheRecords. New End Original (2001) Thriller, JadeTree Records. New Model Army (1984) Vengeance,Abstract Records. New Model Army (1985) No RestFor The Wicked,EMI Records. NOFX (1994)Punkin Drublic, EpitaphRecords. Noothgrush/Deadbodieseverywhere (1996) Split 7", Bovine Records. Obituary (1989)Slowly WeRot, RoadracerRecords. OmegaTribe (I 982),4ngry Songs,CrassRecord. One By One (1992) World On Fire, Flat Earth Records. One By One (1993) Fight, Flat Earth Records. OnslaughtPower From Hell, COR Records. Penetration(1978)Moving Targets,Virgin Records. PoisonGirls (1980) ChappaquidickBridge, CrassRecords. PoisonGirls (1980) Statement,CrassRecords. PoisonGirls (1980)All SystemsGo, CrassRecords. PoisonGirls (1980) Hex, CrassRecords. PoisonIdea (1989)Record Collectorsare PretentiousAssholes,Bitzcore. Rancid (1995) And out Comethe Wolves,EpitaphRecords. ... Rimbaud,P (I 984)Acts ofLove, CrassRecords. Ripcord (1985) DefianceofPower, COR Records. RudimentaryPeni (1982) Farce, CrassRecords. Rites of Spring (1986)Rites ofSpring, Dischord Records. RudimentaryPeni (1983) Death Church, CorpusChristi Records. Sacrilege(1985) Behindthe RealmsofMadness,PowerageRecords. Samson(1980) Head Om Air Raid Records. SeeinRed (2003) 7his CD Kills Fascists,Peculio Discs. Sham69 (1978) Tell us The Truth, Polydor. Sick Of It All (1992)Just look Around, Relativity Records. Snapcase(1991) Comatose,Victory Records. Social Distortion (1996) "ite Light, U%iteHeat "ite

Trash, Epic Records.

Stampin' Ground (1997) DemonsRunAmok, We Bite Records. Subhumans(1982) TheDay The Count?y Died, Bluurg Records. Subhumans(1983) Evolution Ep, Bluurg Records. Suffer (1995) First EP, Flat Earth Records.

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SpecialDuties (1982) Bullshit Crass,RondoletRecords. Sublime (1996)Sublime,GasolineAlley/MCA. Suicidal Tendencies(1983) Suicidal Tendencies,Frontier Records. SSD (2000)Power, TaangRecords. Texasis the reason(1996) Do YouKnow no You.4re21RevelationRecords. Ile Adicts (1981) SongsofPraise, Dweed Records. The Alternative (1982) In NomineesPatri, CrassRecords. The Buzzcocks(1978) Love Bites, United Artists Records. The Cravats(1982) Rub Me Out, CrassRecords. The Clash(1977) The Clash, CBS Records. The Damned(1977) Damned,Damned,Damned,Stiff Records. The Devils (2003) How Learnedto Stop Worrying and Forget About TheBomb, In At The DeepEnd Records. The Dilinger EscapePlan (1997) TheDilinger EscapePlan, RelapseRecords. 1"heEx (1980) Disturbing DomesticPeace,Verrecords. The 4-Skins (1982) The Good, TheBad and The4-Skins,SecretRecords. Ile Instigators(1985) Nobody ListensAnymore,Bluurg Records. The Last Resort(1982) The- Skinhead,CaptainOi records. The Tliree Johns(I 984).4tomDrum Bop, Abstract Records. The Scorpions(1980)Animal Magnetism,EMI Records. The Sex Pistols (1977) NeverMind TheBollocks,Virgin Records. The Stranglers(1977) RattusNorvegicus,United Artist Records. The Stupids(1986) Peruvian Vacation,COR Records. The Snipers(1981) ThreePeaceSuite, CrassRecords. The Varukers(I 984).AnotherReligion Another War, Riot City Records. Tygers of PanTang (1982) TheCage,MCA Records. UFO (1970) Ufo, BeaconRecords. UK Subs(1979)Another Kind ofBlues, Gem Records. Vardis (1981) The World's Insane,Logo Records. Vegan Reich (1990) Hardline 7 ", Hardline Records. Venom, (1982) Black Metal, Neat Records. Vice Squad(1981) No CauseFor Concern,EMI/Zonophone. What HappensNext? (2000) Hollow Victory,Not A ProblemRecords. X-Ray-SpexGerm Free Adolescents,EMI Records. Youth of Today (1986) Break Down The Malls, Wishing Well Records.

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Zounds (1980) Can't CheatKarma, CrassRecords.

Vinyl, CD and Tape Compilations Various. (1980) Bullshit Defector,CrassRecords. Various. Bullshit Defector VolumeTwo, CrassRecords. Various. Bullshit Defector VolumeThree,CrassRecords. Various TheAnimals Packet,Sky and Tree Tapes.

Websites de/ htip://www. scorchedearthpolicy. http://www. letbulletsrain.de/ http://www. arancidamoeba. com/nuT/

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Appendices

Appendix 1: Interview Questions. Questionnaire Ethical statementto be provided to the interviewee Age? Sex? Education? Family?

Background 1) Do you live in Leeds? 2) Do You Live in Bradford? 3) Do you attendDiY eventsin both scenes? 4) Can you tell me how you first got into punk and hardcore? 5) How old whereyou? 6) Tell me how this haseffectedyou. Leeds 1) Tell me aboutthe punk/hardcorescenein Leeds? 2) Tell me what you do in it? 3) Have you recentlyparticipatedin the scene? 4) What is the most memorableoccasionfor you? 5) What do you Me most aboutthe scene? 6) What do you dislflceaboutthe scene? Bradford 1) Tell me about the punk/hardcorescenein Bradford? 2) What do you do in it? 3) Do you go to the I in12 club? 4) Tell me aboutwhat you do there? 5) What is the most memorableoccasionfor you?

Gordon PhD

287

6) What do you Ile most aboutthe club? 7) What do you dislike most about the club? Commitment 1) How long do you intendto remain in the scene? 2) Do you known anyonewho hasrecently left? 3) What might the reasons/issues be for leaving the scene? Authenticity 4) Tell me aboutyour view on punk and hardcorethat is not DiY.

Gordon PhD

289

Appendix2: ResearchConsentForm. Informed ConsentForrn 77zank youfor agreeingto takepart in this project My nameis Alastair Gordon and I am a postgraduatestudentat LoughboroughUniversity. I am engagedin a researchproject called DiY Cultural Production. My Supervisor, Mike Pickering, is directing the project and can be contactedat email address(aNni. com shouldyou have any questions. Alternatively, you can contact me at mePemailaddress.com or on (mobile telephonenumber) would like to emphasisethat

01 0

Your participation is entirely voluntary

0

You are free to refuseto answerany question

0

You are free to ask questions

0

You are free to withdraw from the discussionat any time

You are free to withdraw any commentsyou makewithin two week s of the interview The interview will be treatedwith the utmostconfidentiality. The tape recording I shall make of our discussionwill not be heard by anybody but myself and the researchteam. Excerpts from the results may be used in researchreports,conferencepapersand or/publications, but under no circumstanceswill your nameor any identifying characteristicsbe included in any written or verbal useof the data. Pleasesign this form to showthat you understand,and consentto what is written above.

(pleasesign)

(pleaseprint name)

(date) Thank you, Ref

Interview Number

Gordon PhD

289

4ppend& 3: The Participants. , T= pilot interview Ages presentedwere at time of interview in 2001. Mr. A: (male) Revealedhis age as mid 20s. Moved from Bradford to Leeds 1999. Participatedin various bandsin the 90s whilst running a DiY record label and distro stall. Presentlytravelling the world. T Mr. B: (male) 27. Has played in numerousUX hardcorebands. Left Bradford for Nottingham in 1995. Now employedas a body piercer. T Mr. BS: (late 30s) Rudely interrupted an interview with Mr. K and offered some rather unsavoury views on lin12 punk in addition to hailing himself as Bradford's most knowledgeableand authenticpunk. Currently undera rock somewhere. Mr. C: 28. Ran a DiY distro, and record label until 2002. Left Bradford for undiscloseddestination(1999). He returnedto Bradford 2003 to be involved in the lin12. Presentlysings in a bandand is employedas a graphicdesigner.IF Mr. D: Revealedage as late twenties. Playedbassin various straight edge bands in the early 1990s. Left Bradford for Nottingham in 1996. Now works as a tour manager. Mr. E: 33. Left Bradford in 1990for Nottingham. Sangin DiY bandsand promoted hardcoreshowsin Nottingham. Presentlylives in London, is still singing in hardcore bands. Works at a large recordshop.T Mr. F: 20. He left Bradford for Leedsin 2001. Plays in various Bradford crust bands. Runs a fanzine, MY website and is centrally involved with booking bands at the lin12. He is still active at the lin12. Ms. G: 23. Core memberof the I inl2. Involved in the cafd, gig booking and general day-to-day running of the club. Presently lives in Bradford and is still closely involved in the I in 12. Mr. G: 21. A native of Leedsuntil 2001. Ran DiY record label, was a core member of the Reasonto Believe Collective, promoted gigs acrossLeeds. Left Leeds2001 to travel world. Presentwhereaboutsunknown.

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Mr. H: revealedage as late twenties. Volunteeredat the lin12 from 1999to present and participatedin various bands. He promoted various heavy music festivals at the lin12. He still lives and works in Bradford and still volunteersat the club. Mr. 1: 42. SoundEngineerand generalhandypersonat the club. Played in a classic anarchopunk band for ten yearsbefore leaving and moving to Bradford in 1999. He still performsvariousroles at the I in 12. Mr. J: 37. Caretakerat the I in 12. J also drummedin one of the key 'britcore' bands in bands. He the on a of plays number was a memberof and of nineties eightiesand the studio collective and built the club practice room. J resigned from the club in 2003 but maintainscloseconnectionsthere. Mr. K: 35. One of the soundengineersat the club and studio collective member. K has a long standing relationship with the linl2, helping to build the place in 1988. There are few roles in the club K has not been associatedwith. Moved FROM Bradford to Leeds in 1999. He is presently involved in DiY promotion and playing guitar in a band. Currently unemployed. Mr. L: 38: Robert Heaton, drummer with Bradford band,New Model Army. Played the lin12 in the early 1980swhen it was hostedgigs in various city pubs. He coin leaving 1999. After the band before them ten wrote and released albums with focussedhis attention on recording and promoting bandsand live music in Bradford, November died 4th 2004. Robert Tragically, DiY to the of cancer external scene. Ms. M: 25: Cafd Worker and volunteer at the lin12. Promoted a DiY hardcore festival at the club in 2000. She was a part-time degree student at the time of the field-research. Currently lives in Bradford. Mr. N: Interviewedfor EuropeanMY tour research,not included herein. Ms. N: Interviewedfor EuropeanMY tour research,not included herein. Mr. O: 34. Zine writer and distributor, generalsceneparticipant.Moved from Bradford to Leedsin 2000 and back again in 2003. Mr. P: Interviewedfor Europeantour research,not includedherein. Mr. Q: 34. Drove bands on DiY tours, general scene participant. Moved from Bradford to Leeds in 1999. Currently makes guitars in the basementof his house when he is not driving bandson the road. Gordon PhD

291

Mr. R: 37. Ran a record label and distro stall for 17 years before winding it down in 2001. He moved from Bradford to Leeds in 2001 after over a decadeactive at the lin12 to which he still retains firm links. He remains active as a drummer for a touring DiY band and is currently unemployed,though this has never stoppedhim being busy. Mr. S: 39. Bar worker at the club. Alongside Mr. J, S was the only otherpaid member in daily is involved He lin12. the the running of the club bars. Moving to of staff at Bradford in 1982 for a university degree, he became involved with the lin12 promoting the early gigs and neverceasedinvolvement. Mr. T: 40. DanbertNobacon,singerwith Leedsband Chumbawamba.Togetherwith his band he was responsiblefor a seriesof statements,actions and pranks throughout their existence. Part of the early DiY Leeds squatting scene. Agent-provocateur. Campaignedagainst EMI and multinational before the band signed a contract with them in 1997:at the 1998Brit Awards he threw a bucket of water over Deputy Prime Minister, John Prescottas a protest in defenceof the (sackedfor striking) Liverpool dockers. Presentlyhe is still causingtrouble and still residesin Leeds. Mr. U. Declined to be interviewed for the research. 120Rats Squatter. Studio collective member. Mr. V: 23. Partnerat the Out of StepRecordshop. DiY gig promoter, band member and record label. Moved from Manchesterto Leedsin 1999. Currently still working at the shopandplaying in bands. Ms. W: 28. Worker at I in 12. Gig promoter, I in 12 cafe and bar worker. Left Bradford for Leedsin 1999. Whereaboutsunknown. Mr. X: Declined Interview. Studio collective member. Mr. Z: 30. Out of Step Recordspartner. Moved from Manchesterfrom Leeds in 1999. Not interviewed for this research. Runs a DiY record label, plays in two UK hardcorebandspromotesgigs. Still works at the shop. Cops and Robbers are still active promoting gigs in Leeds.

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Appendix4: fanzines ".

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