Public transport as a key factor of urban sustainability

BADANIA FIZJOGRAFICZNE R. II  –  SERIA D  –  GOSPODARKA PRZESTRZENNA str. 007 – 020  Public transport as a key factor of urban sustainability. A ca...
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Public transport as a key factor of urban sustainability. A case study of Freiburg Michał Beim, Martin Haag imove – Institute for Mobility & Transport, University of Technology, Paul-Ehrlich-Str. 14, 67663 Kaiserslautern [email protected], [email protected], www.imove-kl.de Abstract: Freiburg im Breisgau is shown in transport literature (e.g. Banister 2005; FritzRoy, Smith 1998; Kretschmer 2002; Nobis 2003) as one of the best examples of sustainable development. Recent decades have been a success story for this middle-sized Southern German city. Since the mid-1950s Freiburg has experienced big growth in both population (ca. 62%) and in the number of workplaces. This trend has continued in the last two decades (ca. 17%), which is not common among German cities. One of the results of growing population is a growing demand for transportation. The situation has forced the city to find a balance between the rising number of cars and the assurance of a high quality of life to attract new inhabitants and new investors, mostly in high-tech industries. The most important tool is an efficient and environmentally friendly transport system, called “ecomobility” (German: “Umweltverbund”). It consists of: walking, cycling, public transport and car sharing. A key role in ecomobility is played by public transport. The paper presents the history of transport policy in Freiburg, the development of public transport and evaluates the main keys to its success, like “flat rate” tickets, integration between public transport and urban planning and modern systems of suburban railways. Keywords: Public transport, urban sustainability, Freiburg, Germany

Introduction Freiburg is a medium-sized (ca. 220,000 inhabitants) city located in Southern Germany. The city is an important academic centre in Germany and hosts almost 30,000 students. The University of Freiburg is the most important academic institution, but there are other important research institutes like the Max-Planck Gesellschaft and Fraunhofer Institute located there. Scientific institutions are the basis for the high-tech industry in leading sectors: biotechnology, solar energy and so on. Workers in these companies, as well as academic staff, expect a higher quality of life  –  above all, a high quality of urban life both in cultural and environmental aspects. The main task of the city authorities is to maintain the environment, create an interesting cultural offer and provide attractive public spaces. What is beyond dispute is the fact that the city profits a great deal from its

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location. The city straddles the river Dreisam, but the river is not an important barrier for transport. Although the city area is mostly flat, the built-up areas are surrounded by the Black Forest Mountains. The location makes living in Freiburg very attractive to people who put stress on high quality environment and easy access to tourist areas. It all creates a unique social milieu: Freiburg’s citizens are more interested in environmental protection, active forms of mobility and urban culture than in other German cities. Additionally, the low unemployment rate and high quality of living attracts many people to move to Freiburg. The rising number of inhabitants means a higher demand on transport. As a result the city must balance the rising number of trips and quality of life. The authority skilfully uses the social ambience and natural conditions and develops the public transport network, cycle infrastructure and improves conditions for pedestrians. These activities are favoured by existing infrastructure within the city limits and also by rail tracks in the suburbs. Simultaneously, the city tries to reduce car traffic, using traffic calming measures, creating an alternative to private cars (e.g. car sharing). Integration with urban planning keeps the city compact (“the city of short ways”). The city is located on the Mannheim-Basle railway also known as the Rheintalbahn which is one of the most heavily used railways in Germany. There is a special bypass for freight trains which allows them to avoid the main station. With the upgrade of the Rheintalbahn to four tracks, there is a plan to construct new track for freight trains outside the city. The limited capacity of railways is nowadays an important barrier to the development of suburban train networks. The city is also served by the A5 Frankfurt am Main  –  Basel motorway (located in the western suburbs) and three federal roads. Federal road B31 presents the main problem for the city – it crosses the city along the Dreisam River, through the city centre. The road spoils the quality of urban spaces, increases environmental pollution and strengthens congestion. The current solution to the problem is the limitation of the number of cars within the city limits through the use of traffic lights. Traffic lights allow only so many cars to enter so that the traffic flows through the city without causing any traffic jams. In future there is a plan for a tunnel for cars, which should be paid for by the state.

From balanced development to sustainable development In general, German cites were heavily destroyed during World Word II. However, many architects (e.g. Krier 1983) think that much bigger destruction to architecture and – above all – urban structures was done by urban planners during three decades after the war than during the fighting. The main pattern of urban reconstruction in Western Germany was car-oriented development, whose

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theoretical backgrounds and justification were formulated some years later by Reichow in 1959. The main goal of modern urban planning in these times was improving the accessibility of all districts, including city centres, to cars. Subordination to these goals led to demolition of historic urban quarters, conversion of backyards to parking places and broadening of streets, and so on. Usually, it all but annihilated the unique character of German cities, making public spaces in all cities homogeneous: pedestrian unfriendly, void of greenery and full of modern architecture. Freiburg had more luck than other German cities. The old town was destroyed only partly and the reconstruction took into account the old city structure, not improvement of accessibility to traffic. It was an important legacy, which allowed a more environmentally friendly urban policy to be created in the following decades. The city centre was not scarred by the construction of innercity motorways and similar infrastructure, although whole old town used to be open to cars, and cars had right of way across the whole city and until the 1970s the federal route B3 led through Kaiser-Joseph-Straße. The city of Freiburg was one of the first German cities to introduce a transport master plan, respecting the interests of non-motorised inhabitants. In 1969 the city introduced the first Integral Traffic Plan, although the main form of transport planned for was private cars. In these times in Germany it was a small breakthrough. The first transport plan of Freiburg could be described as “balanced development”. This term was originally used for the description of John F. Kennedy`s transport policy, which was a minor revolution in the USA because it didn’t focus exclusively on cars (see: Mees 2010). The first Integral Traffic Plan was a good basis for further documents. Two years later the Cycle Path Network Plan was drawn up and passed by the city council. Cycling became an important part of transport policy. In 1972 the city decided to retain and expand the tram network. The development of the tram network was not only seen as a social role of public transport but as an alternative to cars, and an instrument of the urban development of the west parts of Freiburg. The new tram network was to be based on modern concepts: separate tracks, right of way at intersections with traffic lights, a higher average speed. To underline the new nature of the tram network the name was changed to “Stadtbahn” (“urban rail”), instead of “Straßenbahn” (“tramway”). Additionally, in 1973 the entire city centre was converted into a pedestrian zone. This created good conditions for pedestrian traffic and started a new urban culture with a significant role for shopping in the Old Town and the rising importance of walking and cycling in transport behaviour. The changes made and the new project put the city in a privileged position during the 1973 oil crisis. The next Integral Traffic Plan was passed by the city council one decade after the first one. The plan reflected the experiences of the oil crisis and changes in public opinion. The biggest change compared to the 1969 plan was the

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introduction of equal priorities to all road users: pedestrians, cyclists, public transport and individual motorised vehicle traffic. The next transport document was also approved a decade later. The Comprehensive Traffic Plan 1989 already had different objectives. The main goal was to reduce the negative effects of car traffic in order to lead to an improvement in the living and environmental conditions of the city. Consequently, the plan set up as an objective a reduction in the volume of car traffic. The plan suggested two main tools: the promotion of environmentally friendly modes of transport and distinct restrictions for car traffic. The newest Transport Development Plan (2002) is a continuation of the 1989 policy. The same objectives are still on the agenda: better quality of life, better public transport, better conditions for pedestrians and cyclists and high quality urban spaces, although the plan adjusts the goals to new conditions: the growth of the population and spatial development. Consequently, the Transport Development Plan puts stress on the integration of transport development and urban planning. Additionally, the plan pays special attention to small solutions like barrier-free mobility, quality of cycle infrastructure.

New model of public transport The change of name from Straßenbahn to Stadtbahn was symbolic of the changes in infrastructure planning. The first modern line was opened in 1983, with the tramline to Paduaallee, a section of the line to Landwasser which was finished two years later. It connected the two new high density residential areas located in the western part of city with the city centre. The tramway had priority at intersections controlled by traffic lights and almost the whole of the new line is separate from the roadway. The arrangement of tram stops was also sparser than on other lines. In the early 1990s the city decided to adapt the infrastructure to take trams up to 45 m long. As a matter of fact, it was the last chance to introduce longer fleet because in the next decade there was a lot of investment in renovating and developing the tram infrastructure and the costs of lengthening all the tram stops would have been too high. Longer vehicles were the answer to the rising number of passengers, and the limited capacity of the main tram intersection (e.g. Bertoldsbrunnen). The introduction of longer vehicles improved the cost efficiency of public transport (less labour). In 1999 came the first modern low floor trams, the almost 42 m long Siemens Combino. In 2001 the CAD/AVL (Computer Aided Dispatch/Automatic Vehicle Location) system was applied to trams and buses. It is a complex system which, among other things, allows priority to be given to public transport at intersections with traffic lights and creating real time passenger information (Kretschmer 2002).

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Of particular importance for passengers is real time information. They can not only be informed about the next arrivals but they also receive information about detours, problems across the whole city area and so on. In an ageing German society barrier free access has become a more and more important challenge for public transport operators. Measures to improve accessibility for the disabled to public transport consists of three main things: a low floor fleet (new vehicles or modernized, e.g. the GT8 tram), tram and bus stops conversion and dialogue with users.

Public transport development A modern public transport system needs to be close to its passengers. Accessibility to tram and bus stops plays one of the most important roles in modal choice (Litman 2008). In the late 1970s the tram network covered only the eastern part of the city. Because of natural barriers in the eastern part (the Black Forest Mountains), city development was oriented to the West. As a result, the tram network did not reflect the urban structure. All new investments were redirected to meet the gap in mobility and ensure access to fast public transport in all districts (Fig. 1). Urban development and the extension of tram network went hand in hand, especially in Riselfeld but also in Betzenhausen and Landwasser.

Fig. 1. The tram network since 1950 (colour  –  extensions, grey  –  closures) Source: Haag 2008

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Planned extensions of the tram network are a continuation of this policy. The tram network is planned to be extended to the new university campus and neighbouring industrial area, and Freiburg Fair. The second planned extension to Gundelfingen demonstrates an important trend in German cities: public transport networks are extending beyond the administrative borders. The track will go to a community located in another county but will connect a single built-up area. The third investment is an example of another new trend in German transport planning. The new track is not only planned to connect the eastern parts of the Littenweiler district but it has another important objective: the creation of new intermodal transfer stops in the suburbs, connecting trains, trams and buses. The new hubs should lighten the load on the main station as well as on tram patronage in the city centre. Nowadays many commuters go by train to the main station and then go partly backwards by tram to reach their destination. After introduction of the system of intermodal stops it should be more attractive to change in the suburbs and go by tram to destinations located around the city centre. The extension to Littenweiler is one of many steps taken to reach this goal, like the new location of Freiburg-West rail station, and the new railway stations in Vauban and in Gundelfingen.

Fig. 2. Planned extensions of tram network  –  red priorities Source: Haag 2008

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Tariff system FritzRoy and Smith (1998) present the opinion that although many investment measures like traffic calming, introduction of pedestrian zones and improvements in the quality of public transport services were significant factors, the main explanation of the high growth in the number of passengers lies in the introduction in 1984 of a low cost “environmental” monthly ticket (“Umweltkarte”) with the key characteristic of free transferability and wide regional validity. Freiburg was the first major German city to introduce a freely transferable monthly ticket, allowing unlimited travel on all trams and buses within the city network. It has been a lasting success. The number of passengers has grown without significant growth of deficit (see Fig. 3). The idea of a “flat rate”, cheap, transferable monthly ticket came from Switzerland, first of all from Basel. In 1991, this ticket was replaced by a freely transferable regional environmental protection travel pass which could be used for unlimited travel on all local and regional buses, trams and trains in the region (2,211 km2 with more than 600,000 inhabitants). The name of the ticket was changed to the “RegioKarte” (regional ticket). Today, a monthly ticket costs 47 EUR (see Fig.  4). Bought ibysubscription it costs only 41.10 EUR. The ticket is completely transferable at all times and can be used by whole families on Sundays and public holidays. The cheaper price reduces the breakeven, where it is more rational to buy monthly ticket than purchasing single tickets. The ticket is bought by people who go to work by public transport. The ticket also plays the role of an additional means of transport in family, besides the car or bicycle. It not only has an influence on the reduced number of trips made using the monthly ticket (the “RegioKarte” is

Fig. 3. Passengers and deficits in PT company VAG Freiburg (1980–2009) Source: own compilation based on VAG Freiburg

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Fig. 4. Price of monthly ticket of VAG Freiburg in EUR (1983–2010) Source: own compilation based on VAG Freiburg

bought not only by heavy users) but also has a significant influence on modal shift: the transferable ticket encourages the choice of public transport instead of the car. Higher patronage brings the city many benefits: on the one hand, less car use, less congestion and air pollution, on the second hand more income, allowing more frequent services to be provided, lower waiting times and new lines of public transport. It is an example of the snowball effect. According to VAG Freiburg, in 2008 85.8% of journeys were made by holders of the “RegioKarte”.

Integrated urban and transport planning The success of the public transport concept could not be achieved without integration with urban planning. This integration has been carried out on different levels. Transport policy has to cover all areas of urban planning and urban development with a comprehensive strategy. The first goal of urban planning must be the creation of such urban structures as avoid traffic creation as far as possible. This can be achieved only thanks to the application of a mixed use of urban structures (a combination of residential, commercial, industrial, office, institutional and other land uses) and good traffic management (compare: Banister 2002; Bertolini at al. 2006). The city of Freiburg tries to apply these principles when planning new urban districts like Vauban or Rieselfeld. These principles

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have been present in urban planning since the 1970s. The city has always tried to apply the best available solution and to draw conclusions from its own experiences and from the experiences of other cities. As a result, urban and transport planning evolve. Apart from mixed use, new urban districts must have an urban structure and the necessary infrastructure, consisting of a street network and public transport as well as trades and services. This can only be created and economically maintained when there is adequate town planning density, which means an appropriately large local residential population across an area. Consequently, the key issue for the development of a new urban district is its adequate density. High density must be combined with a high quality of life and this excludes the construction of high blocks of flats or similar facilities. The city proposed a mixture of multifamily (up to five floors high) and single-family houses. The high density creates good economic conditions for tramways and they can form the backbone of the transport infrastructure in new settlements. Additionally, a tram network gives inhabitants a feeling of the stability of transport services and this convinces more people to resign from the car (compare: Ryan, Throgmorton 2007). Another important reason for public transport choice is the proximity of stops. In new settlements the distance to public transport stops is usually no longer than 300 m. There is no law on this, but an “urban planning culture”. Proximity is especially important in ageing societies. Long distances, like architectonical barriers, exclude some social groups (Monheim, Schroll). Additionally in some districts the idea of creating a similar distance from homes to tram strops as from homes to parking lots was introduced (Knoflacher 1996). As a result of these principles parking is – in general – allowed only in multi-story car parks. It is only possible to park on other streets for up to 15 minutes. This allows inhabitants to bring their shopping home or pick someone up but they cannot leave their car for a longer time. When access to a car is similar to that of public transport, car use is not so attractive. Additionally, this organization of parking makes narrow streets very attractive places to live, without parked cars and with strongly restricted car traffic (see Fig. 5). Integration of urban and transport planning plays an important role in the Freiburg Region as well. The neighbouring counties (Breisgau-Hochschwarzwald and Emmendingen) have collaborated with Freiburg to form a joint traffic association. The city, together with the counties, has successfully started to expand its integrated rail and bus systems and simultaneously, the neighbouring communes are limiting urban development to areas well served by public transport, especially rail-based. It is worth mentioning that the integration of transport policy and urban development also has a marketing dimension. One of the interesting examples was the marketing of Breisgau S-Bahn. Development companies could use the ­S-Bahn logo in theirs adverts only in cases where the development was located

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Fig. 5. Idealized schema of a modern sustainable settlement Source: Beim, Haag (2010)

within a certain walking distance of the Breisgau S-Bahn. This simple solution was a clear signal to potential buyers: you will not be dependent on the car.

Successful concept of suburban rail The city of Freiburg is a place of work for many people from the region. The number of commuters has been systematically growing. According to the German Federal Statistical Office, in 2001 came 46,107 commuters travelled to Freiburg daily, and 13,323 of Freiburg’s inhabitants commuted out of the city. In 2008 it was, correspondingly: 55,655 and 17,017. Since most commuters travel by car (in 1999 it was 65%) they are responsible for a significant part of the congestion. Finding a solution for commuters was an important key for sustainable development of the city. In 1991 the city, in co-operation with the region, decided to broaden the area of the flat rate ticket to neighbouring communities. Simultaneously the name of the ticket was changed to the “RegioKarte”. This step was very important but did not satisfy the most important means of regional transport

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– the rail was still in the state’s hands. New possibilities came in 1993 with a law on the organization of regional rail transport (Gesetz zur Regionalisierung des öffentlichen Personennahverkehrs). The rights to organize regional connections were given on 1st January 1996 to federated states. Previously it had been in the power of the German Railway Company (Deutsche Bahn). This created a unique possibility to improve the quality of regional connections management. The city and the region of Freiburg decided to use this chance and in 1995 a company was established: a joint venture of the city, represented by the urban transport company – Freiburger Verkehrs AG (VAG Freiburg) and the state, Baden-Württemberg, represented by the rail company – Südwestdeutsche Verkehrs-Aktiengesellschaft (SWEG). Both companies founded a new railway company for operations on suburban rail track, named Breisgau S-Bahn. The first train ran in 1st June 1997. The main change was the new fleet: modern, airconditioned railcars with low entrances. The numbers of users rose as soon as the new fleet was introduced. The main revolution came in 1998 when a regular schedule was introduced on the Breisgau S-Bahn. Initially there was one train per hour, but only one year later it was necessary to introduce a 30 minute frequency to respond to the rapidly rising number of passengers. Although the number of passengers on the Breisgau S-Bahn is not published (because of a call for tenders based on 15-minute services), general information for the whole region confirms the rising role of public transport (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6. Passengers in RVF (transport authority of Region Freiburg) without passengers of VAG Freiburg Source: own compilation based on ZRF Freiburg

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In the late 1980s the track to Breisach was planned by the German Railway Company to be closed. The last year before the Breisgau S-Bahn started there were only 13 trains in each direction, only on weekdays. In the timetable for 2010 there were 32 trains in each direction on weekdays, 28 on Saturdays and 14 on Sundays. Trains run on weekdays and Saturdays every 30 minutes and every 60 minutes on Sundays. Without doubt the main reason for this success is the quality of services. The rising number of passengers was observed already in the first month of the Breisgau S-Bahn’s operation. The new company offered new rolling stock, instead of the old trains owned by Deutsche Bahn. The Breisgau S-Bahn is well known as a reliable means of transport and it has one of Germany’s highest levels of punctuality – 99%. There are plans to upgrade the line to Briesach to two tracks and to electrify it. The investment costs are estimated about EUR 400 mln. Without the upgrade, the infrastructure is not able to handle a higher capacity. After the upgrade the trains should go every 15 minutes and be served by electric multiple units consisting of two cars. In rush hours, units will be coupled. The Breisgau S-Bahn is a good example that public transport can grow up to certain limits of infrastructure capacity. Then relatively large investment is needed to reach a new capacity. The investment is needed by the city and region for sustainable development, especially in the context of rising oil prices.

Conclusions The most important factor for the successful development of an entire city is to find the right balance between the layout of the old town and modern urban living, between environmental protection and a functional transport system including car traffic, between protection of nature and providing space for new housing and working. It cannot be achieved without an efficient public transport system. To convince inhabitants to use trains, trams and buses certain conditions have to be fulfilled: integrated urban and transport development, dense populated areas along the tracks and so on. The most important are a simple and inexpensive tariff system, proximity of stops and high quality of infrastructure (especially passenger infrastructure: stops, rolling stock, information systems). Although these factors are still underestimated by transport planners, the Freiburg case study shows that they are critical. In spite of all these successes, the city faces some hazards. One of these is a reduction in the money given to communities by the state, delaying some important investments. The second threat is developer pressure on surrounding communities to allow new shopping malls, super markets and so on to be

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located outside built up areas, on plots accessible only by cars. Strong regional co-operation is necessary to avoid most of these threats and to take the appropriate measures to provide sustainable regional public transport. Literature Banister D., 2002: Transport Planning. Routledge, London. Banister D., 2005: Unsustainable Transport: City Transport in the 21st Century. Routledge, London. Beim M., Haag M., 2010: Freiburg’s way to sustainability: the role of integrated urban and transport planning. [In:] M. Schrenk, V.V. Popovich, P. Zeile (eds). REAL CORP 2010: Cities For Everyone. Liveable, Healthy, Prosperouss  –  Proceedings/Tagungsband., 285–294. Bertolini L., Binkhorst G.J., Burden D., Eind A., Huismans G., Immers B., Vuchic V.R., Walraad A., 2006: Urban design and traffic – a selection from Bach´s toolbox. CROW, Ede. Bundesregierung, 1993: Gesetz zur Regionalisierung des öffentlichen Personennahverkehrs (RegG) vom 27. Dezember 1993. FritzRoy F., Smith I., 1998: Public transport demand in Freiburg: why did patronage double in a decade? Transport Policy, Vol. 5, 163–173. Gaffron P., Schubert U., Skala F., Wagner T., 2007: Planning urban structures for sustainable transport. [In:] S. Marshall, D. Banister, Land use and transport. Elsevier, Amsterdam–London–Oxford. Haag M., 2008: Raumplanung im Wandel  –  Perspektiven für den ÖPNV. [In:] DVGW Jahresband 2008 Mobilität, Energie, Umwelt  –  Perspektiven und Visionen. Knoflacher H., 1996: Zur Harmonie von Stadt und Verkehr. Freiheit vom Zwang zum Autofahren. Böhlau–Verlag. Kretschmer R.-M., 2002: ÖPNV  –  Das Freiburger Stadtqualitätsmodell. Erfolgreiche Verkehrspolitik mit Hilfe kommunaler Eigenproduktion. Der Nahverkehr, Vol. 7–8, 2–5. Krier L., 1983: Krier on Speer. Architectural Review, Vol. 173, 33–38. Litman T., 2008: Evaluating Accessibility for Transportation Planning. Transport Policy Institute, Victoria. Mees P., 2010: Transport for Suburbia: Beyond the Automobile Age. Erthscan, London – Sterling. Monheim H., Schroll K.G., 2007: Von der Defensive zur Offensive – mehr Akzeptanz für innovative Konzepte im Öffentlichen Verkehr bei professionellen Akteuren. Conference materiales: In den Himmel wachsen? (Aus-)Wege aus der Sackgasse fossilen Wirtschaftens. 9.–10.02.2007, HTW Waldhausweg, Saarbrücken. Nobis C., 2003: Evaluation des Verkehrskonzeptes im autoreduzierten Stadtteil Freiburg Vauban. Fachbeiträge Wohnen plus Mobilität, No. 33. Reichow H.B., 1959: Die autogerechte Stadt. Ein Weg aus dem Verkehrs-Chaos. Otto Maier Verlag, Ravensburg. Ryan S., Throgmorton J.A., 2007: Sustainable transportation and land development on the periphery: a case study of Freiburg, Germany and Chula Vista, California. Transportation Research – Part D, Vol. 8, 37–52.

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