Intergenerational Mentoring and the Benefits of Mentoring for Older Adults by Kirsten T. Thompson, M.A. and PIRE team
July 2014
TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ....................................................................................................................... 1 Background: Researching the Topic of Formal Youth Mentoring .................................................. 6 Growth of Intergenerational (IG) Mentoring ................................................................................. 7 Impacts of IG Volunteering and Mentoring on Older Adults ......................................................... 9 IG Tutoring, Volunteering, and Mentoring in School Environments ..................................... 10 Benefits of High Volume Volunteerism on Older Adults ....................................................... 12 Religion and Older Adult Volunteers ..................................................................................... 12 Increased Social Connectedness ............................................................................................ 13 Increased Perceived Health and Well-‐being .......................................................................... 14 Increased Self-‐esteem and Life Satisfaction .......................................................................... 15 Increased Cognitive Functioning ........................................................................................... 16 Decreased Depression ........................................................................................................... 16 Decreased Mortality .............................................................................................................. 17 Demographics Associated with Higher Volunteerism for Older Adults ................................. 18 Impacts of IG Mentoring on Youth .............................................................................................. 18 Increased Positive Attitudes Regarding Older Adults ............................................................ 18 Increased Academic Achievement and Decreased Absences and Referrals ......................... 19 Increased Positive Social and Relationship Development ..................................................... 19 Success, Challenges, Strengths, and Weaknesses of the Evolving IG Mentoring Model ....... 20 Theory of Change: How to Arrive at Positive Outcomes ............................................................. 21 Figure 1: How to arrive at positive outcomes for older adult mentors ............................... 23 Successful and Sustained Relationships ................................................................................ 23 Theories Related to Why Older Adult Volunteers Seek Out Opportunities to Give Back ...... 25 How to Get Older Adult Volunteers to Participate ................................................................ 26 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................. 28
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This white paper focuses on the growing field of intergenerational (IG) volunteering and specifically on the field of IG mentoring. We performed a comprehensive literature search on the positive effects of volunteering and mentoring on older adults and the unique benefits that older adult interactions offer to youth. We summarize literature that focuses on the background of formal youth mentoring, the growth of IG mentoring, the impacts of IG mentoring on older adults, and the impacts of IG mentoring on youth. The first four sections of this paper ultimately lead to the final section, which focuses on the development of a theory of change based on literature and best practices. The theory of change summarizes the critical elements needed to arrive at positive outcomes for older adult mentors. It should be noted that there are still a number of unknowns that affect the development of a theory of change related to IG mentoring. Future research should focus on answering the following questions related to positive IG mentor outcomes: v How is health and mortality influenced by the specific type of volunteer activity? v How does motivation to volunteer, prior history of volunteering, occupational background, coping styles, and spirituality (not just religious attendance) affect IG outcomes? v How do ethnicity and culture affect outcomes, particularly with consideration to the cultural context associated with IG mentoring? v What role does the parent play in a successful IG relationship? v Does marginalization and thriving despite adversity create more effective mentors? v Do older mentors have wider social networks and greater capacity to expose mentees to physical and social resources that can be helpful to their development? Due to the volume of literature and best practices reviewed and summarized for this paper, this executive summary is meant to highlight the main points made in each of the five sections introduced above. The text in the remainder of the paper includes added details, evidence, and summaries for all relevant literature reviewed on the topic of IG volunteering and mentoring. Ø SECTION 1: Background: Researching the topic of formal youth mentoring This section focuses briefly on the well-‐established field of formal youth mentoring. Positive mentoring relationships can increase student interest in school, increase youth confidence and self-‐esteem, and ultimately help youth to become higher functioning adults. Positive mentoring relationships also impact the mentors’ health and well-‐being, especially among older adults by increasing their roles and connectedness within their community. Ø SECTION 2: Growth of intergenerational (IG) mentoring This section focuses primarily on the growing interest in the field of IG mentoring by focusing on population changes that have led to increased mentoring opportunities and introducing the benefits of IG interactions on older adults and the unique benefits that youth experience in IG relationships. PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 1
The number of older adults is increasing at a time when the number of youth living in single-‐parent homes with fewer meaningful adult interactions is also increasing. As length of life increases and overall health improves, older adults want meaningful roles and social connectedness in their post-‐ retirement age, making them ideal mentors for these youth. Plus, as volunteers, older adults are more reliable, get more satisfaction from their work, and volunteer more hours to their chosen organizations. • Volunteering may slow the aging process by increasing the physical, cognitive, and social activity of the volunteer, and older volunteers realize these meaningful improvements in their mental and physical health. IG mentoring encourages successful aging in older adult mentors, which is defined as avoiding disease and disability, maintaining high mental and physical function, sustaining engagement with life, participating in relationships with others, and being productively involved in activities. • Youth and older adults have a shared social status, and experience a similar marginalized status, which encourages empathy and understanding between the two groups and helps to promote a bond. IG mentors are able to replay successful roles, act as a role model, remember events from their own youth, correct previous mistakes they had made in their lives, renew positive emotions, and reinforce meaning through appreciation and being valued as a mentor. Compared with younger volunteers, older adults are more likely to be involved in relationship building with young people who are in difficult situations, in periods of transition, and in educational endeavors. Compared to younger mentors, older mentors have been found to be more effective for a variety of reasons including difference in age benefiting mentee’s self-‐esteem and social skills, and more effective transfer of knowledge and experience due to more committed, sustainable relationships. • IG mentoring has been found to encourage parental involvement, as the mentor is looked at in more of a “grandparent” role rather than a role that is in direct competition with the parent. Increased parental involvement reverses some effects of despair and alienation among youth, and stronger parental bonds are positively correlated with the mentee’s self-‐worth, perceived academic competence, value of education, attendance, and grades. • Because mentoring is a form of high-‐intensity volunteering, mentoring organizations benefit from the more stable, mature, senior volunteer. • The six motivations to volunteer include: (1) gaining experience related to a career plan, (2) enhancing feelings of self-‐worth, (3) learning more about life, (4) reducing negative affect, (5) acting on strongly held values, and (6) developing or strengthening social ties. Age is significantly related only to the desire to develop or strengthen social ties. Only those who were 60 or older were motivated to make new friends, with those 60-‐70 having significantly stronger motivation to increase social ties. Ø SECTION 3: Impacts of IG volunteering and mentoring on older adults •
This section focuses in detail on the multitude of benefits that older adults experience when volunteering and working with youth. PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 2
Volunteering for older adults is highly beneficial and has been found to provide physical, psychoemotional, and social benefits to the volunteer through increased life satisfaction, self-‐ esteem, access to support systems, feelings of usefulness, increased sense of control, unexpected rewards, and an increased sense of purpose. • Although recent literature shows a convincing link between volunteering among older adults and physical and mental health, it does not yet demonstrate what types of volunteering and under what circumstances volunteering is most beneficial. • Research shows IG mentors are effective at producing positive outcomes (for example: increased academic achievement and decreased behavioral issues) for mentees, especially at-‐risk youth, in the school environment. • “High volunteers,” or volunteers that work with two or more organizations, have substantially lower mortality rates than non-‐volunteers and have better health indicators the more they volunteer. • Multiple studies have found that the benefits of volunteerism are greater for those with religious involvement in their communities, with even greater associated benefits for older adults volunteers. Older adults were also slightly more likely to volunteer for church-‐related activities and less likely to volunteer for secular causes. • IG volunteerism is associated with: o Increased social connectedness o Increased perceived health and well-‐being o Increased self-‐esteem and life satisfaction o Increased cognitive functioning o Decreased depression o Decreased mortality o Volunteers who are more likely to have more education, higher income, and higher marriage rates Ø SECTION 4: Impacts of IG mentoring on youth •
This section focuses in detail on the unique impacts experienced by youth when involved in formal IG interactions, such as being tutored or mentored by an older adult. •
Many studies show that the pairing of an older adult with youth can result in a number of positive outcomes for the youth including: o increased positive attitudes regarding older adults o increased academic achievement and decreased absences and referrals o increased positive social and relationship development o IG mentoring appears to result in even more significant changes for youth by: enhancing youth’s knowledge and refusal skills regarding alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs; increasing youth’s reported sense of self-‐worth; promoting feelings of well-‐being; and reducing feelings of sadness and loneliness. PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 3
o IG mentored youth have shown statistically significant positive outcomes on measures including: attitudes toward school and future; attitudes toward older adults; alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs (ATOD) knowledge; self-‐perception; community service; knowledge about older people; improved school attendance; and decreases in school suspension. o Increased levels of dosage/mentoring produce increasingly positive effects for the mentee. o IG mentors who nurture, coach, and encourage their mentees, engage in mutual collaborative problem solving, and work cooperatively with family members (whenever possible) were more likely to be satisfied with the mentoring experience and successful in sustaining the relationship for more than a year. Helping the youth set realistic, attainable goals was another predictor of satisfaction and success for mentors, presumably because both the mentor and the youth could see measurable progress. Ø SECTION 5: Theory of change: How to arrive at positive outcomes This final section focuses on the literature and best practices that led most specifically to the development of the theory of change focused on positive outcomes for older adult mentors. The proposed theory of change is explained in detail and the associated figure is included on page 23. Literature in this section focuses on the development of a successful and sustained IG mentoring relationship, why older adults volunteer and the sociological and psychological theories associated with those desires, and the suggestions made in recent literature related to the recruitment of the newest generation of older adults. Based on the literature, positive outcomes for older adult mentors include enhanced mental and physical well-‐being, increased self-‐reported health, increased physical activity, enhanced self-‐esteem and confidence, enhanced cognitive functioning, decreased depression, decreased mortality, and a greater feeling of social and community connectedness. Inferring from best practices research on IG programs, the way to arrive at those outcomes is to: create successful and sustained mentoring relationships that are meaningful to both mentor and mentee; create the opportunity of social connectedness; ensure that the mentor knows they are making an impact; show them gratitude, support, appreciation, and evidence that they have changed their mentee’s life; provide learning and training opportunities; and support their level of commitment to the relationship and to the organization. The theory of change proposed here focuses on four critical areas that lead to positive mentor outcomes for the IG mentor including: reasons the older adult has chosen to volunteer, elements critical to the mentoring relationship, elements that are critical to the older adult mentor specifically, and the evidence of positive youth outcomes for their mentees. •
Literature focusing on successful and sustained mentoring relationships points out that: o Mentors should set specific goals, model and emphasize relationship building, establish trust, and have clear communication. o The best mentors are patient listeners and relationship-‐oriented, have endured strained relationships and personal problems, and have struggled to overcome major challenges. They have a mutuality of experience and marginalization, and both parties are satisfied PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 4
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with the relationship. Interactions were youth driven in timing, content, and shared activities. o The seven effective patterns of mentor interaction include: (1) patience in allowing trust to develop in the relationship; (2) identification of youth’s interests and taking those interests seriously; (3) the offering of constant reassurance; (4) mentors not forcing disclosure; (5) offering of help in solving problems on the youth’s terms; (6) acceptance of the youth’s family, social class, and culture; and (7) understanding of mentor role of giving. o IG mentors are effective with at-‐risk youth due to their level of life experience. IG mentors are patient, slow to anger, optimistic, and accepting in their outlook toward at-‐ risk youth. Often IG mentors avoid conflict, take a passive approach to troubling behavior, and offer calm admonishments, steadfast affirmation, and positive examples from their own lives. How to get older adult volunteers to participate: o Many older adult professionals feel burnt out and overworked and are not looking to volunteer immediately after retirement. o When compared to previous generations, incoming older adults will need new models of recruitment. Formal volunteering will be for personal, not altruistic reasons, and on their own terms through direct service. They want meaningful, passionate work that fits their schedule. o Rates of formal volunteering are relatively similar across ethnic groups in the U.S. but differ greatly across socioeconomic groups. Organizations seeking new volunteers should look at their recruitment practices to ensure their organization is not creating this socioeconomic divide. o There are some opposing viewpoints related to marketing high-‐intensity, high commitment volunteer opportunities to older adults. Some believe that desired health outcomes should not be the promoted product or behavior. Instead recruitment messages should appeal to generativity, embedding public health interventions into civic engagement, and potentially engaging older adults who might not respond to a direct appeal to improve their health. Others believe that new generations of older adults will be more persuaded by recruitment messages that emphasize the evidence for lower morbidity, fewer depression symptoms, lower utilization of health services, and greater life satisfaction of active volunteers. Others point out that marketing evidence-‐based changes associated with volunteer work will appeal to all ages, and baby boomers in particular.
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INTERGENERATIONAL MENTORING AND THE BENEFITS OF MENTORING FOR OLDER ADULTS BACKGROUND: RESEARCHING THE TOPIC OF FORMAL YOUTH MENTORING A recent meta-‐analysis (Dubois et al., 2011) found that mentoring programs can increase protective factors and reduce risk factors for at-‐risk youth, resulting in reduced drug and alcohol use, antisocial behavior, and delinquency. However, positive results depend on the development of lasting mentoring relationships (e.g., Grossman and Rhodes, 2002; Darling, 2005; Karcher, et al., 2005; Spencer, 2007; Herrera et al., 2007; Tolan, et al., 2008; Miller, et al., 2012). A substantial amount of research has been conducted on factors that influence the length and outcomes of mentoring matches, including program characteristics, youth characteristics and attitudes, and mentor-‐ mentee relationship quality (Dubois, et al., 2002; Dubois, et al., 2011). Research also suggests that the response of youth to a mentoring program is moderated by parent, family, and community level factors (Dubois, et al., 2011). Furthermore, in many cases, the mentoring relationship is designed to serve as a surrogate for parent and/or family relationships and dynamics that are not providing the structure and nurturing environment necessary for youth to build resiliency and thrive (Rhodes, 2002; Rhodes, 2005). For adolescent and older volunteers alike, the volunteerism effect (the correlation between positive health and behavioral outcomes and the act of volunteering) has been a key focus among health and social science researchers for more than three decades (e.g., Rosenthal and Rosnow, 1975; Oman et al., 1999). More recently, the connection between volunteering and health has become widely accepted, so much so that volunteering is increasingly being studied as a health promotion and disease prevention approach for the aging population (Oman et al., 1999; Hong and Morrow-‐Howell, 2010). Mentoring is one example of a formal volunteer opportunity that is also considered high-‐intensity/high-‐ commitment (Hong and Morrow-‐Howell, 2010). Over the years, the focus of study has gone from the mentee’s scholastic and behavioral changes, to health benefits of the mentor, to positive outcomes linked to the pairing of intergenerational mentors and mentees. High-‐intensity volunteering has also recently been linked to even higher positive health outcomes among volunteers (Oman et al., 1999; Hong and Morrow-‐ Howell, 2010; Gattis et al., 2010). Positive mentoring relationships can increase student interest in school, increase youth confidence and self-‐esteem, and ultimately help youth to become higher functioning adults (Rogers and Taylor, 1997). Mentoring of at-‐risk and vulnerable youth can help youth that are more likely to have a disconnect from school, higher risk for drug and alcohol abuse, higher risk for depression, involvement in criminal activity, and unwanted and unplanned pregnancies (Taylor and Dryfoos, 1998/1999). Mentoring also helps mentees by increasing their understanding and respect for people from different backgrounds and developing their social skills. In addition, mentors recognize they can make a difference, feel a connection with more of their community, develop and enhance relationships in their lives, and have the opportunity to share their strengths and skills (Wright, 1999).
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GROWTH OF INTERGENERATIONAL (IG) MENTORING In the U.S., the older population continues to grow in size. As of 2000, 75% of those 60 years of age and older were active. At the same time, the structure of the family increasingly involves fewer interactions between children, parents, and grandparents. Fifty percent (50%) of families with children under 16 had two working parents. Thirty-‐two percent (32%) of families with children under 16 were single parent families, most typically with the parent being a single working mother. Additionally, 35% of nuclear families were geographically separated from their elder family members (Hatton-‐Yeo and Ohsako, 2000). The 65+ population is expected to double by 2030, with 1 out of 5 over 65 years of age (Butts, 2003). The population under 18 also continues to rapidly grow, and the minority populations are younger on average, with 33% of the Hispanic, black, and Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander populations under 18 (compared with 25% of the total population), 26% of the Asian population under 18, and 29% of the American Indian and Alaskan Native population under 18 (Generations United, 2006). With the U.S. having over 78 million baby boomers and life expectancy steadily increasing, it makes sense to focus on recruitment of adults 50 years and older for a variety of volunteering roles (Spudich and Spudich, 2010). Older Americans make up the fastest growing segment of the population and are seeking out opportunities for meaningful paid and unpaid work (Rogers and Taylor, 1997), with 25% of older adults volunteering in 2005 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2005). Health has improved, and older volunteers are more reliable, get more satisfaction from their work (Gattis et al., 2010), want meaningful and substantial volunteer opportunities (Generations United, 2007), and give more hours to their chosen organizations (Rogers and Taylor, 1997; Generations United, 2007). Tan and colleagues (2006) also suggest that the U.S. needs a novel approach to increase the physical activity of this growing aging population and high-‐intensity volunteering is one potential solution (Glass et al., 2004; Tan et al., 2006). For older adult volunteers, the act of interacting with youth has shown an increase in calories burned, fewer falls experienced by volunteers, and less reliance on walkers/canes indicating more strength (Fried et al., 2004). High-‐commitment volunteering has been proposed as a health promotion program for the aging U.S. population (e.g. Carlson et al., 2008; Fried et al., 2004). Although a lower percentage of older adults volunteer when compared to younger ones, older volunteers contribute a higher average number of hours than younger volunteers (Van Willigen, 2000). In addition, the labor of older volunteers clearly benefits recipients and organizations, but also benefits the volunteer directly. Older adult volunteers even experience psychological benefits for every hour they volunteer. It is believed that volunteering may slow the aging process by increasing the physical, cognitive, and social activity of the volunteer, and older volunteers realize these meaningful improvements in their mental and physical health (Rosenberg and Letrero, 2006). Older volunteers are also more loyal to their affiliations, with higher satisfaction and commitment as long as there is sufficient organizational support (Kovacs and Black, 1999). The recent focus on intergenerational (IG) volunteering, or the bringing together of two or more generations, has resulted from a number of factors, including: increasing life expectancy and increasing numbers of active older people; changing economic and welfare patterns where older people may be seen as a burden; changes and realignments in the structure of the family unit; the promotion and development of life-‐long learning; changing relationships between young and old including a believed lack of understanding PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 7
between the two; and a need for social policy that engages the whole community that is both positive and mutual (Hatton-‐Yeo and Ohsako, 2000). Intergenerational programs promote the social participation and active aging of senior citizens, helping older adults to maintain good health, creating roles for older adults to provide service to young people, reducing effects of poverty and consequent deterioration, and creating opportunities for youth and adults to interact and learn from one another. Varma and colleagues (2014) found that IG civic engagement programs have great potential to impact both older adults and youth through sustained mutual relationships due to increased social capital, reduction of poverty and violence, and a better school climate (see Ayala et al., 07; Kaplan, 2001). Focusing more specifically on IG mentoring, it is also believed that youth and older adults have a shared social status, and experience a similar marginalized status, which encourages empathy and understanding between the two groups and helps to promote a bond (see Taylor et al., 2005). Larkin and colleagues (2005) showed that older mentors made a difference in their mentees’ lives by viewing the relationship in the long-‐ term, having a calm and positive perspective, and having a positive attitude. Mentors were able to replay successful roles, act as a role model, remember events from their own youth, correct previous mistakes they had made in their lives, renew positive emotions, and reinforce meaning through appreciation and value of being a mentor (Larkin et al., 2005). Morrow-‐Howell (2007) found that, compared with younger volunteers, older adults are more likely to be involved in relationship building with young people who are in difficult situations, in periods of transition, and in educational endeavors. Because mentoring is a form of high-‐ intensity volunteering, mentoring organizations benefit from the more stable, mature, senior volunteer (Civic Ventures, 2004). IG mentoring has also been found to encourage parental involvement in the match as the mentor is looked at in more of a “grandparent” role rather than a role that is in direct competition with the parent (Taylor et al., 2005), and increased parental involvement reverses some effects of despair and alienation felt by at-‐risk youth (see Taylor and Dryfoos 1998/1999). Mentoring also positively influences the mentee’s relationship with their parents, and stronger parental bonds are positively correlated with the mentee’s self-‐worth, perceived academic competence, value of education, attendance, and grades (Rhodes et al., 2000). Gattis and colleagues (2010) focused on older volunteers in a school setting, providing solid evidence that older mentors can be effective in improving reading outcomes for young students. In addition, older adults are more active politically and more experienced in community affairs (Binstock, 2006), making them more likely to become advocates for their organizations. They are also more likely to have the financial resources needed to make contributions to these organizations (Morrow-‐Howell and Tang, 2007). Therefore, civic engagement of older adults may have a wider benefit to the organization. Rowe and Kahn (1998) define successful aging as avoiding disease and disability, maintaining high mental and physical function, sustaining engagement with life, participating in relationships with others, and being productively involved in activities (Larkin et al., 2005). To ensure successful aging, it is important that IG programs that promote quality of life and which decrease social isolation be sustained (e.g., Cummings et al., 2003; Ruggiano, 2012; Biggs and Knox, 2014). Further, successful aging requires older adults to have important, active, everyday roles (Kaplan, 2001). These volunteer and mentor roles have been associated with improved self-‐esteem, better health, and satisfaction of feeling productive (Newman and Larimer, 1995), higher levels of prosocial behavior and less solitary behavior (Short-‐DeGraff and Diamond, 1996), increased memory (Newman et al., 1995), reduction in depression, and enhanced problem solving and physical mobility PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 8
(Fried et al., 2000). Midlarsky and Kahana (1994) also found that with increases in perception of volunteer opportunities and in all forms of helping including familial, neighborly, and formal volunteering there was a significant effect on affect-‐balance, self-‐esteem, morale, and subjective social integration. Clary and Snyder (1999) developed six motives for volunteering which include: (1) to gain experience related to a career plan; (2) to enhance feelings of self-‐worth; (3) to learn more about life; (4) to reduce negative affect; (5) to act on strongly held values; and (6) to develop or strengthen social ties. Of these six motives, the last has been found to especially motivate older volunteers (Okun and Schultz, 2003). In fact, Okun and Schultz (2003) found that age was significantly related only to the desire to develop or strengthen social ties. Only those who were 60 or older were motivated to make new friends, with those between 60-‐70 years of age having significantly stronger motivation to increase social ties. Uyterlinde and colleagues (2009, see HEAR ME, 2011) found older mentors to be more effective for a variety of reasons. For example, the difference in age benefits the mentee’s self-‐esteem and social skills. In addition, older mentors can be more effective in transferring knowledge and experience because they may be more committed to building sustainable relationships, which produce the strongest outcomes. However, it is vital to the success of the match that the mentor and mentee have similar interests, character traits, sense of humor, and a mutual bond. The key to ensuring a successful match is to conduct a thorough intake and screening process of mentors and mentees, effective matchmaking, adequate training and monitoring, and organizational sustainability (see HEAR ME, 2011).
IMPACTS OF IG VOLUNTEERING AND MENTORING ON OLDER ADULTS Volunteering for older adults is highly beneficial and has been found to provide physical, psychoemotional, and social benefits to the volunteer (see Piliavian, 2003). Older adult volunteers benefit through increased life satisfaction, self-‐esteem, access to support systems, feelings of usefulness, increased sense of control, unexpected rewards, and an increased sense of purpose (Van Willigen, 2000). Still, it has been pointed out that many studies on intergenerational (IG) volunteering have small sample sizes and focus on case studies and correlational analysis, meaning causality cannot be proven (Kaplan, 2001). In addition, given the difficulty of creating a control group of non-‐volunteers with the same comparable baseline health profile of a volunteer population, there are few quasi-‐experimental designs reported in the literature on the effects of volunteering, which makes it difficult to prove outcomes are related to the program. Further, few studies have a longitudinal design (Rosenberg and Letrero, 2006), meaning there is little evidence for long-‐term or sustained outcomes of mentoring. Yet, the growing body of literature regarding IG volunteering supports the effectiveness and benefits of IG programs (e.g., Biggs and Knox, 2014; Kaplan et al., 2006), and recent literature has demonstrated a convincing link that volunteering impacts health. However, research does not yet prove what types of volunteering impacts what kinds of effects and under what circumstances (Hong and Morrow-‐Howell, 2010). The literature focusing on IG volunteering in schools where older adults act as tutors and mentors is summarized below. Following, is a summary of literature that focuses on high volunteering and high-‐intensity volunteering. The remainder of this section is broken down by significant mediators, moderators, and PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 9
outcomes connected with older adult volunteering including religiosity, social support, well-‐being, self-‐ esteem, cognitive effects, depression, mortality, and demographic characteristics.
IG Tutoring, Volunteering, and Mentoring in School Environments Many IG experiences have taken places in schools with older adults acting as tutors. Such programs require volunteers to engage in special trainings, increasing the benefit for the volunteer by enhancing their knowledge (Ellis and Granville, 1999). Newman and colleagues (1983) focused on older adults in IG school programs in the U.K. finding that school volunteering improved life satisfaction. The older adults stated that the IG experience had given their lives meaning, structure, and a sense of feeling needed. They felt enriched and rejuvenated, and working with youth helped them cope with personal traumas. Ellis and Granville (1999), also working in U.K. schools, found significant gains for the mentored children, older mentors, and teachers involved in the IG mentoring program. Mentors became advisors and friends and enjoyed and valued working together in an educational environment for mutual benefit. The older adults generated great satisfaction with helping the youth to improve their social and academic skills and with increasing their own knowledge inside the school system. The program enabled them to feel better about themselves, do more, learn more, use time more productively, and increase their circle of friends (social support). Noted constraints included a lack of opportunity to expand the mentor’s role, less time for other voluntary activities, and becoming too involved with the children. When looking at RSVP Volunteers, Stetzner (2001) found that older adult volunteers who had been in schools for at least one year reported that they felt satisfaction from helping others, enjoyed the opportunity to remain active, appreciated the ability to make use of skills and talents, and appreciated observing how today’s students learn differently. Ellis (2003) focused on empowerment, well-‐being, and quality of life and noted that the main outcomes for older adult mentors included the feeling of making a difference, enhanced physical and mental well-‐being, and improved confidence, self-‐esteem, and happiness. Older mentors had the capacity to be reflective practitioners (Hargreaves, 1994) when volunteering with you, as they were able to reflect on personal experience, cope with demands of mentoring, seek appropriate help, and set realistic targets for themselves and their mentees. Mentors improved their own self confidence and self-‐esteem by helping children socially and academically. Mentors noted that working with youth enhanced their own well-‐being and empowered them as individuals within their community and as a group of older people. Mentors also felt rewarded that staff recognized their contribution. Benefits gained by the mentors were related to development of skills, personal development, an understanding of youth, and an understanding of the work of teachers. Mentors also noted enhanced communication and listening skills and they felt the establishment of a professional role within the school. The most recent research on IG mentoring focuses on Experience Corps, which is an IG program that is considered high-‐impact and high-‐intensity and pairs older adult mentors with students in schools across the U.S. Older volunteers are placed in public elementary schools for 15 hours per week with the goal of improving the academic outcomes of children and increasing the physical, cognitive, and social activity of older adult volunteers (Tan et al., 2006). Glass and colleagues (2004) found evidence that the program is PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 10
meeting the needs of older adult volunteers due to high program retention rates, with 80% of trained volunteers returning each year (Fried et al., 2004). Volunteers increased strength (Fried et al., 2004), grew their circle of friends, and felt more meaningful engagement in their community (Morrow-‐Howell et al., 2008). Short-‐term evidence of increased social capital for volunteers has also been reported (Rebok et al., 2004). At follow-‐up data collection (after 4-‐8 months), more than half of the sample of volunteers reported being more active than the previous year compared to less than a quarter of the control. Of the volunteers who reported low activity at baseline, activity levels more than doubled. For those volunteers who were physically active at baseline, however, there was no significant change (Tan et al., 2006). Using a quasi-‐experimental design, Hong and Morrow-‐Howell (2010), and a matched comparison group, looked at Experience Corps (EC) volunteers after two years of service. When comparing the two groups, EC volunteers reported fewer depressive symptoms and functional limitations after two years of participation. Though not significant, there was also a trend of the volunteer group reporting less decline in self-‐related health (Hong and Morrow-‐Howell, 2010), including a trend toward improved cognitive functioning (Carlson et al., 2008). In contrast to the comparison group, volunteers experienced more positive health outcomes, more positive changes in functional limitations, and fewer depressive symptoms at post-‐test. Based on these findings, Hong and Morrow-‐Howell (2010) argue that high-‐intensity volunteerism among older adults could be used as a social model of health promotion given that this form of volunteering produces positive outcomes through activities associated with the volunteer’s role. When looking at the Experience Corps program, Varma and colleagues (2014) found that volunteers reported stressors and rewards within five key domains: (1) IG specific (children’s problem behavior, etc.); (2) external to EC (poor parenting, etc.); (3) inter-‐personal (challenges in working with teachers, etc.); (4) personal (enjoyment, etc.); and (5) structural (satisfaction with elements of the EC program). Additionally, stressors due to acclimation to the IG program, misbehaving or unmotivated children, and negative perceptions of older adults by youth and staff may all occur (Ayala et al., 2007). Tang and colleagues (2010) also noted the critical importance of organizational support to low income and minority volunteers. Stressors can lead to burnout if they are not balanced with rewards. Volunteer burnout is linked to detrimental psychological and physical health outcomes and potential termination of volunteerism (Yiu et al., 2001). However, training resources and organizational and interpersonal support and praise can reduce these costs of volunteering (Schaufeli and Bakker, 2004). While EC volunteers do experience unique IG stressors, the rewards of the program as well as program structure may create the necessary balance to maintain the EC volunteers in their high-‐intensity roles (Varma et al., 2014). When pairing Girl Scouts with older adults in a shared site IG program, Biggs and Knox (2014) found benefits for the residents, Girl Scouts, and their parents that included increased opportunities for relationship building, learning and mentoring activities, social interaction, and personal changes. Positive benefits of IG contact outnumber the negatives. The increased social interactions with older adults created positive attitude changes about aging and long-‐term care facilities for the youth that had also been found in other case studies (Hannon and Gueldner, 2008). Interactions also provided learning opportunities for the participants and promoted positive attitudes of the older adults. Results were consistent with previous studies examining the
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benefits of IG programs that found positive benefits for both older adult volunteers and youth (e.g., Jarrott et al., 2011; Weintraub and Killian, 2009; Kaplan et al., 2006).
Benefits of High Volume Volunteerism on Older Adults When looking at the benefits of volunteering for “high volunteers,” or volunteers that work with two or more organizations, Oman and colleagues (1999) found that high volunteers had 63% lower mortality than non-‐volunteers. Volunteerism was associated with fewer strokes, less shortness of breath, improved self-‐rated health and life satisfaction, positive associations of cancer among women, and history of myocardial infarction among men. Higher levels of volunteerism were associated with less mobility difficulty, more exercise, less smoking, more alcohol consumption for women, more years of education, more income for men, higher marriage rates for men, more days out of the house, more often being religious, and better self-‐rated health for men. High volunteers differed from moderate volunteers most strikingly in having significantly lower smoking rates for men, heavier weight for women, giving more social support for men, and higher income. Moderate volunteerism was no longer statistically significant after controlling for health status; however, high volunteerism remained significantly associated with lower mortality rates with a 44% reduction in mortality compared to not volunteering. The reduction in mortality associated with high volunteerism (44%) was larger than reductions associated with physical mobility (39%), exercising four times weekly (30%), and weekly attendance at religious services (29%), and was only slightly smaller than the reduction associated with not smoking (49%), indicating that volunteerism was more of a protective factor than mobility, exercise, and religious attendance. Similarly, Van Willigen (2000) found that older adults who did not volunteer reported significantly worse health than those who did, while those who volunteered for more than one organization resulted in a 63% greater increase in perceived health than those that volunteered for only one organization. Fujiwara and colleagues (2009) performed baseline and follow-‐up health checkups concluding that social network scores and self-‐rated health improved or was maintained at a significantly higher rate for older adults that volunteered most intensively as compared to those who did not volunteer or volunteered minimally. However, causal relation remained unclear (Fujiwara et al., 2005).
Religion and Older Adult Volunteers Multiple studies have found that the benefits of volunteerism are greater for those with religious involvement in their communities. Oman and colleagues (1999) found that volunteering was slightly more protective for those with high religious involvement and perceived social support. Any level of volunteering (high or low levels) reduced mortality by 60% among those that attended weekly religious services. Lower mortality rates for community service volunteers were only partly explained by healthy habits, physical functioning, religious attendance, and social support. Volunteerism interacted significantly with social connection, weekly attendance at religious services, and religious group activity. When looking at volunteers of all ages as compared to non-‐volunteers, Musick and Wilson (2003) also found fewer depressive symptoms among adults volunteering for religious causes. Older adults were slightly more likely to volunteer for church-‐related activities and less likely to volunteer for secular causes. Volunteers for both religious and secular activities had higher self-‐esteem, attended meetings more frequently, and had PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 12
more informal social interaction than non-‐volunteers. In addition, volunteering for both religious and secular groups had a negative effect on depression, but only for the 65+ group. Church related volunteering effect on well-‐being was more beneficial for older adult volunteers.
Increased Social Connectedness Volunteerism outcomes are also connected to social support. In some studies, volunteerism was more protective when higher levels of social support were present and significantly protective among those who were socially connected, even more so among volunteers with high levels of religious involvement and close social relationships (Oman et al., 1999). Losing a sense of purpose, whether because of an “empty nest” or retirement, may leave midlife and older adults feeling isolated, devalued, and underutilized. The loss of valued roles, responsibilities, and connections can result in declines in well-‐being (Hinterlong and Williamson., 2007). Older adults looking to volunteer want to give back while creating social connections through purposeful work, and volunteering is connected to increasing social connectedness (Pillemer et al., 2009-‐2010). Social networks buffer stress and reduce disease risk, as well as destructive levels of self-‐absorption (Wilson and Musick, 2000). Volunteering also increases feelings of being supported by others, which in turn enhances life satisfaction in older adult volunteers (Aquino et al., 1996). People living socially engaged lives lead longer and better lives (Buettner, 2008). Civic engagement and volunteering can be a pathway to greater power, status, gratification, self-‐esteem, and self-‐ efficacy (Kam, 1996). It can help eliminate isolation, strengthen community participation, eliminate dangerous stereotypes, and promote social and political consciousness—all of which enhance life satisfaction and give older volunteers a sense of interconnectedness by promoting enhanced socialization (see Generations United, 2002; Muir, 2006). Interacting with children specifically promotes enrichment and a renewed interest in others for older adults (Rosenberg, 1993), including stronger connections with peer mentors and improved family relationships (Taylor, 1998/1999, Taylor and Bressler, 2000). Additionally, when looking at social connectedness, individuals who have positive relationships throughout life report fewer physiological risk factors for a spectrum of health problems than those with few or poor relationships (Ryff and Singer, 2008). Social disengagement is a risk factor for cognitive impairment (Bassuk et al., 1999) and is independently associated with depressive symptoms (Glass et al., 2006). Research shows that people with regular social ties demonstrate significantly less cognitive decline when compared to those who are lonely or isolated (Ristau, 2011), and exposure to an enriched environment may produce structural and functional changes in the brain (Brown et al., 2003). In fact, active social networks are a protective factor for cognitive function (Crooks et al., 2008). People who are socially connected may survive up to 20% longer than those who live more isolated lives, with emotional support also being associated with lower blood levels of cortisol (a stress-‐induced hormone) and better cognitive health (Rowe and Kahn, 1998). Social integration related to volunteering can enhance one’s well-‐being since the reduction of social isolation can lead to less depression (Wilson and Musick, 2000). In general, Musick and colleagues found that volunteers of all ages attended more meetings than non-‐volunteers and reported higher levels of informal social interaction (Musick and Wilson, 2003; Wilson and Musick, 1997). This attendance at meetings was linked with a reduction in the number of depressive symptoms reported only among older adults (Musick and Wilson, 2003).
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Increased Perceived Health and Well-‐Being Volunteering is highly beneficial for older adults (Piliavian, 2003). There is a strong and consistent effect that the more an older adult volunteers, the higher his or her life satisfaction. For Piliavian (2003), volunteering was significantly related to higher subjective affect-‐balance, social integration, morale, and self-‐ esteem. Interestingly, she found that highly empathic older adults may be at risk of negative emotional outcomes if exposed to prolonged suffering during the volunteer experience. Further, volunteering in moderation appears to be best. However, moderation is defined as the amount that does not physically tax the individual. Dozens of studies have focused on perceived health and well-‐being and overall life satisfaction connected to volunteerism. When looking at the connection between successful aging and well-‐being, Snyder and Clary (2004) found that volunteering allows individuals the opportunity to express values and provides understanding about different people, places, skills, and one’s self. It also gives older adults the opportunity to engage in activities that are highly valued by others, creates an environment where older adults can fit in and get along with peers, and serves to boost personal growth and development. Morrow-‐Howell (2003) documented that older adult volunteering is associated with better health and fewer depressive symptoms. Previous studies of older adults have found relationships between meaning in life and depression, anxiety, hope, life satisfaction, and volunteering (e.g., Ryff, 1989; Van Willigen, 2000). Research suggests volunteering can contribute to positive well-‐being (Windsor et al., 2008) and improved life circumstances in older adults (Cuevas, 2000); it can also increase physical functioning and self-‐rated health (e.g., Young and Glasgow, 1998; Lum and Lightfood, 2005; Fried et al., 2004; Greenfield and Marks, 2004), increase life satisfaction (Van Willigen, 2000), increase social well-‐being (Keyes, 1998), and reduce depressive symptoms (e.g., Hong, et al., 2009; Musick and Wilson, 2003). Volunteering among older adults has also been associated with lower rates of shortness of breath and stroke (Wilson and Musick, 1997; Oman et al., 1999), increased longevity (Graff, 1991), lower rates of pain (Arnstein et al., 2002), and less physical disability (e.g., Wilson and Musick, 1997). Lum and Lightfood (2005) reported that volunteering slows the decline in self-‐reported health and functional levels, slows the increase of depression, and decreases mortality. Simply providing older adults with information regarding volunteering opportunities increased volunteerism and well-‐being (Midlarsky and Kahana, 1994a). When focused on environmental volunteering for older adults, Pillemer and colleagues (2009-‐ 2010) reported greater effects on physical activity, self-‐reported health, and depression when comparing environmental volunteering to all other types. Librett and colleagues (2005) also noted that environmental volunteers had high rates of physical activity, and performing any volunteering made volunteers increasingly more likely to meet the standards for physical activity. This simple increase in physical activity has yielded proven benefits on mental and physical health (Prohaska et al., 2006). Specifically focusing on intergenerational activities, it has been found that compared to younger adults, older adult mentors experience higher personal rewards from the mentoring experience while demonstrating improvements in physical health and perceived quality of life (e.g., Morrow-‐Howell, 2007; Ellis, 2003; Fried et al., 2004; Oman et al., 1999). Reisig and Fees (2006) reported that older adults perceive a heightened sense of well-‐being from intergenerational interactions. Older adults reported successful aging including staying active, not worrying about problems, feeling young, and keeping up with the children and community. Adults aged PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 14
74-‐85 experienced significantly greater satisfaction and enjoyment than their older counterparts, particularly in anticipating working with youth and positive self-‐perception. When asked about IG experiences, older adults who were employed in positions where they were regularly engaged with youth felt IG interactions gave them a sense of purpose and that they were making a contribution (Ryff, 1989; Reisig and Fees, 2006). Ellis (2003) also noted enhanced physical and mental well-‐being among mentors. Among high-‐intensity volunteers, Experience Corps volunteers were found to have better physical and cognitive activity, increased physical strength, less time watching TV, bigger social networks, more calories burned, and higher participation levels in a variety of activities (Fried et al., 2004). By looking at all these studies, many researchers have concluded that it is possible to see a pattern showing a positive, sometimes modest, relationship between volunteering, health, and well-‐being (Thoits and Hewitt, 2001; Van Willigen, 2000; Musick and Wilson, 2003). However, few longitudinal studies have shown causal direction of the relationship between volunteering and well-‐being and whether volunteering actually leads to better physical and psychological health (Morrow-‐Howell et al., 2003; Musick and Wilson, 2003; Thoits and Hewitt, 2001). While causal attribution is not always clear in these studies, Thoits and Hewitt (2001), believe it is reasonable to expect bi-‐directionality. Volunteering causes good health and healthier people volunteer. Thoits and Hewitt (2001) performed a comprehensive investigation of the impact of volunteering on well-‐being using a two-‐wave national sample and six measures of well-‐being including happiness, life satisfaction, self-‐esteem, mastery, depression, and physical health. They found positive effects on all six well-‐being measures with life satisfaction and feelings of mastery as the most highly significant. Of the studies that have found directionality, Moen and colleagues (1992) found significant or nearly significant effects on organizational participation on three health measures (self-‐appraised health, time to serious illness, and functional ability), providing strong evidence for the causal impact of community service on positive older adult health outcomes. Young and Glasgow (1998) also determined that self-‐reported health status of older adult volunteers increased and a causal relationship could lead from health to participation rather than the reverse. Sherman and colleagues (2011) also found results that were consistent with the literature. For volunteers, life regard was positive and significantly associated with self-‐reported health, and negatively and significantly associated with depressive symptoms. Life regard was also positively and significantly associated with the number of hours volunteered in the past week. In this analysis, volunteerism predicted positive life regard over and above all other health and demographic variables.
Increased Self-‐Esteem and Life Satisfaction Retirement, and aging in general, can produce lower self-‐worth and loss of purpose in older adults, especially those that experience a feeling of “role loss” when transitioning away from paid employment or when children leave the home (Mark and Waldman, 2002). Helpful volunteering in any form is highly beneficial for older adults (Piliavian, 2003), and specifically volunteering with youth seems to be effective in helping to improve self-‐esteem and feelings of isolation (Henkin and Kingson, 1999). Older mentors report improved self-‐esteem and unexpected enrichment from spending time with mentees (Taylor, 1998/1999; Taylor and Bressler, 2000). In a shared site IG program, 97% of older adult participants benefited from volunteering; they reported feeling happy, interested, younger, and loved and needed (Jarrott and Bruno, 2003). PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 15
Van Willigen (2000) found a significant association between volunteering and overall life satisfaction for those 60 and older, especially for those who volunteered more hours and for more than one organization. By helping others and filling important social roles, older adult volunteers can also increase their social recognition and self-‐esteem (Morrow-‐Howell et al., 2003; Musick and Wilson, 2003). Volunteering has been found to be associated with higher morale, self-‐esteem, and social integration (Midlarsky and Kahana, 1994b), a correlational relationship to self-‐esteem (Gecas and Burke, 1995), a connection with personal happiness and life satisfaction (Ellison, 1991), and has been found to be impactful on self-‐discovery and how volunteers view themselves and their lives (Kleyman, 2000). In turn, higher self-‐esteem has been associated with fewer depressive symptoms in volunteers. However, among older adult volunteers there was not a connection between self-‐esteem and depression (Musick and Wilson, 2003). When looking at quality of relationship, Zeldin and colleagues (2000) found that older adults that worked closely with youth in leadership positions were found to display the greatest changes in their views toward young people. Those who had simple interactions did not change their views. Goal oriented and purposeful interaction with meaningful consequences, discussion, and reflection produced the highest attitudinal changes. Additionally, in their meta-‐ analysis, Wheeler and colleagues (1998) found the most common correlation between helping and some measure of well-‐being was life satisfaction. When looking at intergenerational volunteering, Reisig and Fees (2006) found that overall, older adults reported high satisfaction and enjoyment with their participation and interactions with youth, and they looked forward to working with the youth. Actual interactions did less to increase the older adults’ sense of physical well-‐being. Reisig and Fees (2006) found a significant difference in perceptions of well-‐being by age, with 85+ being less satisfied overall than those aged 75-‐84. Adults 75-‐84 reported the highest levels of anticipation for working with children, reported higher levels of seeing themselves in more positive ways through working with youth, and were higher on finding things to do with young children that brought joy and satisfaction. The 85+ group was lower in all of these categories.
Increased Cognitive Functioning Volunteering has also been associated with increases in cognitive functioning in older adults. Volunteering has been found to stimulate learning (Butts 2003), reduce effects of post-‐traumatic stress disorder (Koenen et al., 2003), increase pain management and cognitive symptom management, and decrease depressed mood (Hainsworth and Barlow, 2001). For older adults with cognitive impairments, dementia, or Alzheimer’s, intergenerational interactions have been shown to increase positive affect, create longer-‐lasting positive effects of interacting (Jarrott and Bruno, 2003), increase older adult engagement (Judge et al., 2000), and increase positive behaviors (Newman and Ward 1992). When focusing on environmental volunteering, increased exposure to nature is associated with a number of positive outcomes in older adults including improvements in cognitive functioning (Hartig et al., 1991), enhanced psychological well-‐being (Kaplan, 1973), and greater levels of physical activity, which directly affect physical and mental health (Ellaway et al., 2005).
Decreased Depression Volunteering can serve as a protective factor against psychological stress during the transition when older adults feel a reduced sense of purpose or role-‐identity issues (Greenfield and Marks, 2004). Volunteering is associated with lower psychological stress levels and therefore may buffer the negative consequences of PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 16
stress, decreasing anxiety, and enhancing life satisfaction, the will to live, and self-‐respect (Thoits and Hewitt, 2001). Volunteering has been associated with a decrease of depressive symptoms in volunteers when compared to non-‐volunteers (Brown et al., 1992; Musick and Wilson, 2003) and also an increase in life satisfaction that coincides with decreasing depression (Midlarsky and Kahana, 1994b). Demura and Sato (2003) found that Japanese volunteers had lower rates of depression and volunteering acted as a means of social reintegration. Reitschlin (1998) found that as voluntary association memberships increased, the level of depression decreased with a significant effect of number of memberships buffering the impact of stress on depression. Musick and Wilson (2003) analyzed three waves of data from Americans’ Changing Lives and revealed that formal volunteering lowers depression levels for those over 65 with effect size strengthening if volunteering was sustained over a long time. Prolonged exposure to volunteering benefited all age groups, and those who did not volunteer had some of the highest levels of depression. For older adults volunteering encouraged social integration and there was a significant negative effect on depression scores with higher levels of meeting attendance. In addition, for older adults, volunteering for religious causes was found to be more beneficial for mental health than volunteering for secular causes. In a European analysis of over 30,000 respondents, Haski-‐Leventhal (2009) found a negative correlation to depression, with older volunteers reporting less depression, higher health, and more optimism. Volunteers were also more optimistic about their chances to live longer.
Decreased Mortality Decreased mortality that is associated with volunteering is a major factor that led to the concept of the protective power of volunteering. Musick and colleagues (1999) found that volunteers were less likely to die, regardless of level of church attendance, age, marital status, education, or gender. Others found that looking at both club memberships and volunteerism predicted lower mortality after 12 years of follow-‐up (Oman et al., 1999; Moen et al., 1989). Active and engaged older adults remain in better health, and older adults who volunteer live longer and with better physical and mental health than their non-‐volunteering counterparts (Zedlewski and Schaner, 2006). Looking at the AHEAD study, volunteers who gave 100 or more hours per year were significantly less likely to report poor health and limitations in daily living; two years later, these older adult volunteers had a significantly lower mortality rate than non-‐volunteers and volunteers who invested less than 100 hours per year (Luoh and Herzog, 2002; Harris and Thoresen, 2005). The link between volunteering and reduced mortality was increased for older adults who interacted more with family and friends and regularly attended religious services, even after controlling for initial health and socioeconomic status. Okun and colleagues (2013) presented strong evidence of the benefits of helping on mortality rates. After focusing on 11 studies, they found that volunteering appeared to reduce mortality risk by almost half. When more conservative tests were applied, controlling for covariates such as age, sex, ethnicity, SES, work status, marital status, religiosity, emotional health, health behaviors, social connection, social interaction, and physical health, the adjusted effect size remained substantial, predicting a 25% reduction in the risk of death. In addition, when public religiosity increased, the inverse relation between volunteering and mortality risk became stronger even when other factors were controlled for. They concluded, as others have, that individuals who volunteer are more likely to live longer (e.g., Grimm et al., 2007; Harris and Thoresen, 2005), PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 17
especially when volunteering for more than one organization (Oman et al., 1999). Further, the impact of volunteering on mortality increased with increasing age, with those most at risk being helped the most. They also found no evidence of publication bias estimates of the means or effect sizes.
Demographics Associated with Higher Volunteerism for Older Adults As noted above, IG volunteering and mentoring have been associated with a number of physical, emotional, and mental health indicators of well-‐being. Research has also found that some demographic characteristics are often associated with higher older adult volunteerism including, higher education (Okun et al., 1999), higher income (Midlarsky and Kahana, 1994b, Wilson and Musick, 1997; Okun et al., 1999), and higher marriage rates (Okun et al., 1999).
IMPACTS OF IG MENTORING ON YOUTH There are three main youth outcomes often focused on when looking at intergenerational mentoring. Many studies focus on attitudinal changes in the youth and their outlook on older adults. Other studies focus on academic and scholastic outcomes. Lastly, research focuses on social and relationship improvements that the mentoring bond helped to facilitate. When possible, studies are organized below according to outcomes. Additional studies are summarized to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of IG mentoring as the model has evolved.
Increased Positive Attitudes Regarding Older Adults Many believe that successful aging involves understanding the aging process, and working with an older mentor allows youth to learn about aging (Rogers and Taylor, 1997). As a mentor, older adults also promote youth’s stability and sense of confidence, with older adult mentors becoming powerful advocates for the mentees (Freedman, 1988). Positive changes in youth attitudes toward older adults have been seen in a number of studies (Russell et al., 1986), as have positive attitudes toward aging (e.g. Dunham and Casadonte, 2009), although with time the intervention effects have been shown to disappear (Aseltine et al., 2000). Students’ negative perceptions regarding older adults have also been lessened while their use of positive descriptive words increased significantly after participating in an IG program (Bales et al., 2000). Other studies have found mixed results and sometimes even negative results in attitudinal change (e.g., Newman et al., 1997). Pinquart and colleagues (2000) measured attitudinal changes of volunteers and children and compared them to a control group of children and older adults. The older adults’ ratings of the children became more positive only in the experimental group. Children’s ratings of the elderly participants improved in both groups, however. After the intervention, only the children’s changes in attitudes remained significant. Improvements in IG attitudes during group activities were associated with increased frequency of IG contact outside the group. When looking at tutoring programs, Carstensen and colleagues (1982) reported improvement in the attitudes toward older volunteers of children with reading difficulties. Caspi (1984) compared 3 to 6 year-‐old children from traditional nursery schools with those from kindergartens where older adults volunteered. Children in the IG group held more positive attitudes toward older adults. Opportunity for interaction and improvement in attitudes toward older adults were reported in other IG studies (Dellman-‐Jenkins et al., 1986; PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 18
Rich et al., 1983). IG shared sites facilitate learning about the other generation, while promoting the development of more positive attitudes toward other generations (Lynott and Merola, 2007). Such sites have also been shown to allow for enhanced perceptions of older adults, persons with disabilities, and nursing home facilities in general (Rosenberg, 1993).
Increased Academic Achievement and Decreased Absences and Referrals A range of studies have shown that older adult mentors can improve student grades, proficiencies, and school-‐related behavior. When in the classroom, students receive more individualized attention with adult volunteers available and volunteers may better appreciate the efforts of today’s educators (Sullivan, 2006). Significant improvements in student reading skills have occurred in the Book Buddies program (see Kaplan, 2001). Studies have also shown improvements in academic performance (Teale, 2003; Rebok et al., 2004; Yuen, 2007), improved reading fluency and comprehension (Baker et al., 2000), improved GPA, school attendance and discipline referrals (Friedman, 1999; Kaplan, 1997), and improved reading achievement, misbehavior, and a reduction of school referrals by half (Fried et al., 2004; Gattis et al., 2010). Showing that older adults can be effective in tutoring low income, ethnic minority, at-‐risk kids, Experience Corps students have made statistically greater academic gains in standardized reading tests (Lee et al., 2011). Additional research dealing with at-‐risk youth suggests a positive correlation between IG mentoring and youth academic success (e.g., Bernier et al., 2005; Bullard and Felder, 2003). The Black Achievers program in Canada also had significant academic outcomes and powerful motivational experiences between successful minority mentors and minority youth (Varley, 1998). Looking at drop-‐out rates, Brabazon (1998) focused on an IG work/study program where students showed an increase in their attendance, with 80-‐90% of the students displaying improvement and better attendance. There also has been evidence of dosage increasing academic achievement. Two examples of this are provided by Al Otaiba and collegues (2005) and Teufel and collegues (2012). Students who received 4-‐day-‐a-‐week TAILS mentoring outperformed those that were in the 2-‐day-‐a-‐ week group (Al Otaiba et al., 2005), while 90% of students who received OASIS tutoring once and twice-‐a-‐ week showed improved academic performance when compared to those not working with IG tutors (Teufel et al., 2012). At the school level, research on the Baltimore Experience Corps program indicated that 3rd graders made significantly greater gains in reading over the school year than 3rd graders in non-‐EC schools. Office referrals for misbehavior were significantly lower for EC schools as well (Rebok et al., 2004). Research focused on OASIS IG tutoring models showed that the IG volunteers were providing a cost effective way to improve students’ reading skills (Teufel et al., 2012). Teachers and principals are consistently positive, with teachers reporting strong outcomes for students that were tutored including improved confidence, self-‐esteem, and test scores.
Increased Positive Social and Relationship Development Many mentoring relationships have been shown to benefit youth’s social and emotional development including enhancing their social skills (CNCS, 2005; Rosebrook, 2006), increasing their social and personal development (Rosebrook, 2006), decreasing negative behavior (Tierney et al., 2000), increasing stability (CNCS, 2006), increasing cooperation, communication, tolerance, concern, and respect (Rossberg-‐Gempton et al., 1999), improving confidence, self-‐esteem, and happiness (Ellis, 2003), increasing trust and quality relationships (Dallos and Comley-‐Ross, 2005), and decreasing substance use, increasing school attendance, PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 19
and increasing quality relationships with family members (see Muir, 2006). Experience Corps volunteers also have been shown to have a general positive impact on the schools that they are in, improving teacher efficacy and school climate (Glass et al., 2004; Rebok et al., 2004), higher self-‐esteem, and fewer depressive symptoms (e.g., DuBois and Silverthorn, 2005; Rhodes et al., 1992). Interestingly, Langhout and colleagues (2004) noted that young people who described their mentoring relationship as involving moderate levels of support experienced the most benefits, including better relationships with parents and friends and improved scholastic competence. Youth who described their mentors as unconditionally supportive did not experience the same benefits and also reported an increase in parental alienation.
Successes, Challenges, Strengths, and Weaknesses of the Evolving IG Mentoring Model Over the years many lessons have been learned regarding IG mentoring. When looking at Across Ages and Linking Lifetimes, outcomes showed the importance of IG mentoring as a powerful intervention for supporting high-‐risk youth. Satisfied relationships were youth driven in their content and timing whereas dissatisfaction often resulted when the mentor failed to take the youth’s interest into account and were prescriptive in how they would work with the youth (Styles and Morrow, 1992). The match satisfied the youth if the mentor was fun, a good listener, and incorporated something new into meetings. For mentors, they wanted to trust their mentees, understand the youth’s background, and have a good relationship with the youth’s family (Rogers and Taylor, 1997). For IG mentoring, positive outcomes for youth included significant changes in measures of attitudes toward school, future, and elders, along with feelings of well-‐being, frequency of drug use, and reactions to stress and anxiety. Mentees also had fewer days absent, with students that were highly involved with their mentors absent even less. IG mentoring appears to result in even more significant changes by enhancing youth’s knowledge and refusal skills regarding alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs, increasing youth’s reported sense of self-‐worth, promoting feelings of well-‐being, and reducing feelings of sadness and loneliness. Taylor and Dryfoos (1998/1999) further show greater program effects for youth who worked with an older adult mentor. In general, scores were most favorable for those children who received mentoring in addition to the other program components. The mentoring group exhibited better scores on measures of attitudes toward school, the future, and older adults. They also reported less substance use. Mentors played an important role in helping youth succeed in school. Relationships lasting a year or more were those in which there was the most parental involvement in the program. Parents appeared to be receptive to an older adult in the mentoring role because they viewed this person as another grandparent who was perceived to be a source of support rather than someone who would replace or usurp parental authority. Most students reported very positive prosocial attitudes and intentions on the pretest and very low drug use with little room for positive change (Taylor et al., 2005). As Aseltine and colleagues (2000) point out, while there were statistically significant results suggesting that mentoring was the crucial intervention component, there was a decay of program effects due to low dosage. The intervention stage lasted only 7-‐8 months and it is now believed that interventions must be grounded in stable long-‐term relationships and cultural values to have lasting success (Family Planning Council, 2003). When looking at IG mentoring programs that have utilized the Across Ages model, mentored youth have shown statistically significant positive outcomes on measures including: attitudes toward school and future; attitudes toward older adults; alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs (ATOD) knowledge; self-‐perception; PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 20
community service; knowledge about older people; improved school attendance; and decreases in school suspension (see Aseltine et al., 2000; Taylor, 2007). In addition, increased levels of dosage/mentoring produce increasingly positive effects for the mentee. Studies such as the Abuelas y Jovenes Project and Project Youth Connect have shown that when the relationship is not strong and dosage is low the relationship does not produce desired outcomes (Family Planning Council, 2003; CSAP, 2002). Highly involved mentees showed significant differences on a number of measures compared with mentors that were less involved (Aseltine et al., 2000). The strength of the mentor-‐mentee bond and the duration of the relationship were also related to positive outcomes (see Taylor, 2007). In addition to strong mentor involvement, outcomes for youth involved in IG mentoring relationships seem to be positive where certain programmatic conditions exist, such as mutuality of experience (Freedman, 1988) and youth driven approaches (Styles and Morrow, 1992). Interview data suggest that mentors who nurture, coach, and encourage their mentees, engage in mutual collaborative problem solving, and work cooperatively with family members, whenever possible, were more likely to be satisfied with the mentoring experience and successful in sustaining the relationship for more than a year. Helping the youth set realistic, attainable goals was another predictor of satisfaction and success for mentors, presumably because both the mentor and the youth could see measurable progress (Taylor and Dryfoos, 1998/1999). Ellis and Granville (1999) found that children were able to identify areas in their curriculum where they perceived improvement had taken place. Youth also had a positive change in their attitude towards older adults and viewed their mentors as having a significant role in their school. Teachers further reported growth in youth’s self-‐esteem, social interaction, and more positive attitudes towards older people. Ellis (2003) focused on IG mentoring in secondary schools and reported positive outcomes for youth improvement in academic achievement, self-‐confidence, and self-‐esteem. Youth reported having a special bond with their mentor and feeling that someone was available to them who cared about their well-‐being.
THEORY OF CHANGE: HOW TO ARRIVE AT POSITIVE OUTCOMES There have been a number of models and conceptual frameworks developed in recent years related to mentoring and volunteering (Wright, 1999; McCurdy and Daro, 2001; Rhodes, 2002; Glass et al., 2004; Rhodes et al., 2006; Tan et al., 2006; Weiss et al., 2005; Tan et al., 2010; Frick et al., 2012; Seaman, 2012; Fried et al., 2013). This section draws on them while hypothesizing, based on recent literature, how older adult mentors arrive at positive match outcomes for both mentors and mentees. The following studies point directly to critical elements of the mentor-‐mentee relationship that drive both our proposed theory of change and positive mentor outcomes. Youth outcomes and the mentoring relationship Ellis (2003) purports that the goal of his study was to go beyond quantitative techniques, using measures that give some indication of the ways in which volunteers and children become empowered through IG exchange. His outcomes are similar to other studies. Children experience improvements in school work. Mentors experience the feeling of “making a difference,” while also reporting enhanced physical and mental well-‐being. Both mentors and mentees report improved confidence, self-‐esteem, and happiness. This study is a good example of how these outcomes all create and strengthen one another through the mutually beneficial relationship that is at their core. De Souza and Grundy (2007) again highlight how critical a strong mentor-‐ PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 21
mentee relationship is to producing positive outcomes. While they utilized an innovative randomized control trial (RCT) design, they were unable to present outcome results (IG interaction, social capital, and health) due to low compliance of the intervention group assigned to interact with youth. Institutional structure and support, the mentoring relationship, and the importance of evidence-‐based practices DuBois and colleagues (2006) believe that research based on youth mentoring relationships and programs should be tailored to address concerns associated with each major phase of the intervention research cycle including pre-‐intervention, intervention, and preventive service systems research. This focus highlights the research and evaluation components associated with IG mentoring but also the importance of successful organizational recruitment, training, and support (pre-‐intervention), the importance of the relationship (intervention), and the importance of reporting results for the sake of evidence-‐based policy and procedural advancement (research). The reasons older adults mentor and associated positive outcomes As Gottlieb and Gillespie (2008) point out, the potential mediators that figure prominently into theories of aging include perceived control, sense of purpose, self-‐efficacy, enhanced physical functioning, and improved self-‐care practices. Goals and public roles also factor into maintaining a high sense of self throughout the aging process, and having goal-‐oriented volunteering opportunities can help increase quality of life by allowing the mentor to receive public approbation through feelings of purposefulness, productivity, and moral significance. The simple addition of physical and mental effort and exertion spent on the mentoring activities amplify the protective effects of all of these psychosocial processes. These factors must be focused on when recruiting and training successful older adult mentors. Additionally, support is garnered for the mentor with the development of the mentor-‐mentee bond and the relationship established with the organizational support staff. How to arrive at positive outcomes for older adult mentors Based on the literature, positive outcomes for older adult mentors include enhanced mental and physical well-‐being, increased self-‐reported health, increased physical activity, enhanced self-‐esteem and confidence, enhanced cognitive functioning, decreased depression, decreased mortality, and a greater feeling of social and community connectedness. Inferring from best practices research on IG programs, the way to arrive at those outcomes is to: create successful and sustained mentoring relationships that are meaningful to both mentor and mentee; create the opportunity of social connectedness; ensure that the mentor knows they are making an impact; show them gratitude, support, appreciation, and evidence that they have changed their mentee’s life; provide learning and training opportunities; and support their level of commitment to the relationship and to the organization. The theory of change proposed in the figure below focuses on four critical areas that lead to positive mentor outcomes. More positive outcomes for older adult mentors are based on reasons the older adult has chosen to volunteer (red box), elements critical to the mentoring relationship (orange box), elements discussed above that are critical to the older adult mentor specifically (green box), and the evidence of positive youth outcomes for their mentees (blue box). As seen in the graphic below these four elements ultimately affect mentor outcomes (purple box). It should be noted, however, that research is still needed to PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 22
test these theories against the different types of volunteer work that older volunteers participate in and to compare physical and cognitive performance of volunteers and non-‐volunteers. Why Older Adults Volunteer
Ø Altruism
Ø
Feel needed
Ø Be productive
Ø Ø
Enhance social integration Community connectedness
Ø Valued public identity Ø Seeking new roles
Ø
Focused on the present and on the positive
Ø Acting out of values and morals Ø Generativity and leaving something for the next generation Ø Concern for others
Critical to the Mentoring Relationship
Critical to the Older Adult Mentor
Ø Meaningful and sustained interactions
Ø Create opportunities for social connectedness
Ø Strong bond, a “mutual click”
Ø Ensure that the mentor knows they are making an impact
Ø Patience in allowing trust to develop Ø Identifying youth interests and incorporating them Ø Constant reassurance Ø Not forcing the relationship Ø Offering of help and problem solving Ø Accepting of youth’s family, social class, and culture
Ø Show the mentor gratitude, appreciation, and support Ø Provide learning and training opportunities Ø Support the mentor’s level of commitment to the mentee and to the organization
Ø Understanding of the mentor’s role
Youth Outcomes in IG Mentoring Relationships Ø Increased academic achievement Ø Social and personal development Ø Relationship development Ø Positive attitudes toward school and future Ø Increased knowledge about and positive attitudes toward older adults Ø Increased ATOD knowledge, self-perception, and community service Ø Improved school attendance Ø Decreased school suspensions and referrals
Mentor Outcomes in IG Relationships Ø Enhanced mental and physical well-being Ø Increased self-reported health Ø Enhanced self-esteem and confidence Ø Decreased depression Ø Decreased mortality Ø Greater feeling of social and community connectedness Ø Enhanced cognitive functioning Ø Increased physical activity
Figure 1: How to arrive at positive outcomes for older adult mentors.
The remainder of this section focuses on the literature and evidence highlighting the key elements displayed in Figure 1 including best practices on the development of a successful and sustained IG mentoring relationship, why older adults volunteer and the sociological and psychological theories associated with those desires, and the suggestions made in recent literature related to the recruitment of the newest generation of older adults.
Successful and Sustained Relationships There are numerous suggested parameters for what makes a good mentor and mentoring relationship. Rogers and Taylor (1997) state that mentors should set specific goals, model and emphasize relationship building, establish trust, and have clear communication. Freedman (1988, 1999) states that the best mentors are patient listeners and relationship-‐oriented, have endured strained relationships and personal problems, and have struggled to overcome major challenges. The best mentors have a mutuality of experience and marginalization while the worst mentors have ready-‐made prescriptions. Taylor and Dryfoos (1998/1999) found that unsuccessful IG mentors failed to incorporate youth perspectives. Mentors who were exceptional were those that spent more than eight hours a week with their mentee, involved a wide variety of mutually planned activities, and made themselves available to the youth. Styles and Morrow (1992) examined relationships between older adults and at-‐risk youth, establishing that effective relationships included both PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 23
parties being satisfied with the relationship. There was a strong bond, and interactions were youth driven in timing, content, and shared activities (e.g., Styles and Morrow 1992). Successful mentors are active listeners, tailor interactions to the youth, are not critical, and offer problem-‐solving strategies that mentees find useful (Taylor, 2007). Styles and Morrow (1992) also established seven effective patterns of mentor interaction: (1) patience in allowing trust to develop in the relationship; (2) identification of youth’s interests and taking those interests seriously; (3) the offering of constant reassurance; (4) mentors not forcing disclosure; (5) offering of help in solving problems on the youth’s terms; (6) acceptance of the youth’s family, social class, and culture; and (7) understanding of mentor role of giving. Ever increasingly, culture, institutional structure and support, and educational philosophy and vision will all play a role in the mentoring relationship (Kaplan, 2001). When dealing with at-‐risk youth, it is also important for mentors to become aware of the obstacles in the youth’s life so that they can deal with their mentee more effectively. Substance abuse, physical abuse, poverty, failure in school, pregnancy, delinquency, vandalism, gangs, peer pressure, and decline in community and family support systems are just some of the risk factors. Protective factors such as high intelligence, neighborhood resources, effective role models, high self-‐esteem, and community involvement can all potentially increase positive youth outcomes (Wright, 1999). Larkin and colleagues (2005) found that the reasons that IG mentors are effective with at-‐risk youth relates to their level of life experience. IG mentors are patient, slow to anger, optimistic, and accepting in their outlook toward at-‐risk youth. Often IG mentors avoid conflict, take a passive approach to troubling behavior, and offer calm admonishments, steadfast affirmation, and positive examples from their own lives. One to one, formal, youth mentoring programs provide evidence that high-‐quality, enduring relationships can reduce rates of a range of problem behaviors, academic difficulties, and psychological disturbances (Rhodes and DuBois, 2006). Researchers have noted that beneficial effects are more likely to emerge when mentors and youth forge a strong connection that is characterized by mutuality, trust, and empathy (Spencer and Rhodes, 2005). The relationship should take place regularly over a significant period of time (Grossman and Rhodes, 2002), interactions should be positive (Rhodes and DuBois, 2006), and facilitate change (Dallos and Comley-‐Ross, 2005). Both mentors and mentees should shape the relationship and learn from it (Bokeno and Gantt, 2000). Boundaries should be defined, shifting expectations should be planned for, and mentor and mentee should negotiate freedom and control (Barrowclough and White, 2011). While genuine connections are best, mentoring relationships can be hard to establish due to the mentee’s demographics, such as older age, rural environment, and cultural backgrounds (Taylor, 2007). As many researchers have noted, a strong and sustained relationship is the ideal mentoring relationship. Kaplan (2001) discusses a scale that focuses on depth of engagement that illustrates the importance of dosage. IG events planned on a one-‐time only, seasonal, or annual basis are qualitatively different from IG events as part of ongoing programs involving frequent, regularly scheduled IG exchanges. The depth of engagement scale goes from 1 to 7 (1= low level of contact; 7 = high level of contact). IG programs that include ongoing, natural IG sharing, support, and communication would include the act of IG mentoring. The depth of IG engagement continuum provides a valuable framework by which to conceptualize, categorize, and understand the impact of IG programs. Aiming for outcomes such as changing attitudes about other age groups, building a sense of community, enhancing self-‐esteem, and establishing nurturing intimate PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 24
relationships between unrelated individuals would entail a program model that fits into categories 4-‐7 on the scale. Frequency, regularity, formality of IG activities, administrative structures developed to support programs, the level of commitment and leadership displayed by organizational administration, and skills and perspectives of program developers should all match the depth of engagement level. The Abuelas y Jovenes Project offers the IG mentoring field a chance to learn from a mistake. Poor program design and inadequate resources, a challenging target population, difficulty reaching the adolescent, low-‐income mothers, and the myriad of issues that the mentees were dealing with led to project failure. A group mentoring approach was utilized and with the low dosage to a population of youth with serious and numerous risk factors, it was not enough. The connection between the Abuelas and the Jovenes was never made on a large enough scale to create positive outcomes. It has been suggested that group mentoring, even with case management, may have been inadequate to address the issues faced by this population (Taylor 2007). There is pressure in the current funding and research climate to increase the number of new matches served by programs—which threatens to dilute the strength of the intervention (Rhodes and DuBois, 2006; Rhodes, 2008). Bringing youth mentoring to scale, while also prioritizing match longevity, quality, and effectiveness, is possible (Rhodes and DuBois, 2006). However, there is a need for better alignment of policy, practice, and research, and technical jargon and hard to grasp statistics are useless to practitioners, rendering research articles virtually incomprehensible to those aiming to put research findings into practice (Rhodes, 2008).
Theories Related to Why Older Adult Volunteers Seek Out Opportunities to Give Back There are abundant theories on why older adult volunteers seek out opportunities to give back. Rogers and Taylor (1997) state that older Americans are altruistic. They have free time, valuable skills and experience, and the desire to feel needed. Altruistic features of volunteerism might also reduce destructive levels of self-‐ absorption (Mccullough and Worthington, 1994) and those who engage in community service for altruistic reasons report higher life satisfaction (Dulin et al., 2001). Wilson and Musick (1997) view volunteering as a productive activity (theory of labor sociology) because the act of helping provides tangible benefits to both parties. While there are extrinsic motives to volunteer, older adults most often report intrinsic motives (Fischer and Schaffer, 1993), which is more rewarding and may be one reason that older adults find greater satisfaction from their volunteerism (Van Willigen, 2000; Midlarsky and Kahana, 1994). The social act of volunteering leads to enhanced social integration (Berkman and Syme, 1979), buffering stress and increasing health (see Snyder and Clary, 2004). Volunteering provides perceived emotional support (Krause, 1995), allows attention to be effectively focused while distracting older adults from their personal problems (Matthews and Wells, 1996), promotes coping strategies (Pargament, 1997; Midlarsky, 1991), reduces egocentrism while increasing ego integrity, personal happiness, and overall well-‐being (see Taylor, 2007), increases perceived self-‐efficacy and competence (Bandura, 1997), and is connected to greater life-‐satisfaction, peace of mind, and positive impacts on cognitive and emotional health (Kiecolt-‐Glaser and Glaser, 1995). Volunteering provides older adults with a connectedness to the community, and a sense of structure, purpose, and identity (Rosenberg and Letrero, 2006). There is also a valued public identity associated with volunteering (Gottlieb and Gillespie, PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 25
2008). The element of challenge associated with volunteering may also strengthen the endocrine and immune systems by increasing the volunteer’s ability to block stress (Dienstbier, 1989). Volunteerism is especially advantageous to older adults due to the psychological and social resources gained from their efforts (Musick and Wilson, 2003). Psychological and social resources mediate the negative effect of volunteering on depression. The longer a person volunteers, the fewer depressive symptoms that person has. The negative effect of volunteering on depression is also stronger among the elderly. Older adults might experience social withdrawal, or an atrophy of opportunity (Atchley, 2000) as the result of retirement and other life changes (Moen, 1995). Further, as an individual’s role sets change, the meaning and significance of volunteering might also change, altering the effect volunteering has on well-‐being (Musick and Wilson, 2003). Occupying multiple roles in older age has more positive health outcomes because multiple roles increase social networks, power, prestige, resources, and emotional gratification (Morrow-‐Howell et al., 2003). For this reason, acquiring new roles might assume special importance in older adult volunteers (selection, optimization, compensation (SOC) theory) (Baltes and Baltes, 2000). Because during this time of life, older adults also have fewer obligations, are more able to give unpaid assistance and emotional support, and feel more civic obligation than younger volunteers (Keyes and Ryff, 1998), volunteering among older adults entails a different set of obligations, more scope for choice, and therefore increased opportunity for positive health outcomes (Herzog and House, 1991). Aging ultimately transforms priorities, and many older adults become more present-‐oriented via socio-‐emotional selectivity theory (Carstensen et al., 1999). Volunteer work is fundamentally guided by values, especially with older adults (Wuthnow, 1995). Older adults are more likely to volunteer for a religious cause, which provides more positive outcomes (Musick and Wilson, 2003). Older adult volunteers are also more in control of their acts of benevolence (Herzog and House, 1991), and only if an activity is an expression of individual choice do benefits accrue (Midlarsky and Kahana, 1994). Feelings of necessity are also very important in creating satisfaction and attitudinal commitment among volunteers (Cnaan and Cascio, 1999). Additionally, many believe that older adult volunteers are motivated by generativity, which refers to the capacity of adults to care for family, community, and institutions; to preserve and pass on cultural traditions; and to produce products, outcomes, and ideas that will survive past one’s lifetime (Erikson, 1968; Taylor et al., 2005). Vaillant (2002) found that generativity in mid-‐life contributed significantly to joy and satisfaction of study participants when they reached their 70-‐80s. As Gottlieb and Gillespie (2008) stated, volunteerism among older adults reflects a contributory orientation rather than an exchange, and volunteering promotes welfare of others, instills a sense of positive affect, and forms a psychological barrier against feelings of dependency and marginalization. These expressions of pro-‐social behavior increase the psychosocial resources of older adults.
How to Get Older Adult Volunteers to Participate Older adults welcome the opportunity of productivity, but need to be actively recruited and welcomed by the organization they are formally choosing. Additionally, most older adults prefer personal contact (see Larkin et al., 2005). In the U.S., volunteer participation of baby boomers has remained constant at slightly over 26% since 2005 (CNCS, 2010). Still, some believe that civic engagement defined as involvement in the community is declining (Taylor et al., 2005). Wink and James (2006) also advised that volunteerism is not likely to increase upon retirement, contrary to public expectations. Many older adult professionals feel burnt out and PIRE Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation Page | 26
overworked and are not looking to volunteer immediately after retirement (President and Fellows of Harvard College, 2004). When compared to previous generations, incoming older adults will need new models of recruitment (Seaman, 2012). Formal volunteering will be for personal, not altruistic reasons, and on their own terms through direct service. Seaman (2012) found that soon-‐to-‐retire women are not interested in the commitments of board and committee work or fundraising. They want meaningful, passionate work that fits their schedule. Finally, Gottlieb and Gillespie (2008) note that rates of formal volunteering are relatively similar across ethnic groups in the U.S. but differ greatly across socioeconomic groups. Volunteer research has focused on middle-‐class, relatively well-‐educated older adults because of the fact that they are disproportionately represented in the more formal forms of volunteerism and civic engagement. And while the personal, social, and cultural capital that this group brings to volunteer agencies by way of education, income, and social skills are highly prized (see Tang, 2006), there is a significant group of lower SES older adults that could be sought for volunteering and mentoring roles. In general, this group is more likely engaged in informal volunteering including mutual aid to family and friends. It is also conceivable that this group has less time, fewer resources, and may feel less inclined to give back to their community. However, organizations seeking new volunteers should look at their recruitment practices to ensure their organization is not creating this socioeconomic divide (Gottlieb and Gillespie 2008). There are some opposing viewpoints related to marketing high-‐intensity, high commitment volunteer opportunities to older adults. Tan and colleagues (2010) believe that desired health outcomes should not be the promoted product or behavior. Instead recruitment messages should appeal to generativity, embedding public health interventions into civic engagement, and potentially engaging older adults who might not respond to a direct appeal to improve their health. They believe that attracting people to a health promoting activity in the form of meaningful volunteer work may overcome problems of disinterest in more traditional health promotion activities involving physical activity and healthy lifestyles. On the other hand, Gottlieb and Gillespie (2008) believe advertising the health benefits of volunteering is the way to go. By pointing to the numerous studies that have documented lower morbidity, fewer depression symptoms, lower utilization of health services, and greater life satisfaction of active volunteers, some believe this strategy will appeal to the newer generation of older adults. Finally, Ristau (2010) points out that purposeful volunteer work has become increasingly attractive for people of all ages, but baby boomers in particular. This might also be a successful marketing strategy. Baby boomers will be looking for meaningful volunteer opportunities. They will have higher expectations given their background. They will want well-‐managed organizations, decision making opportunities, challenging work, and flexibility. They will be the first “hire to retire” generation (Gottlieb and Gillespie 2008).
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