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Touristic Encounters with the Exotic West: Blondes on the Screens and Streets of India PETRI HOTTOLA When the two worlds of pleasure and recreation - tourism and media entertainment - meet one another in the context of opening markets and advancing globalization in India, a variety of responses are born in the everyday of international host-tourist relations. Powerful images guide and promote tourism, and play their unique roles in the sensory and extrasensory constructions of lived touristic spaces. In an interview sample of 80 Western travellers collected in Rajasthan, India, 97 % of women travellers complained about unwanted sexual advances. They also told about the men who had been genuinely surprised because of the negative response by the women involved. As host perceptions of the Western visitors appeared to be unrealistic, a further study on the information available and its ‘glocalized’ interpretations was concluded. This paper offers a brief look in the touristic construction of Westernity in the present day Indian media, where the dialogue of postcolonial collaboration and resistance have produced an idealized and demeaned image of a Western woman. On the other hand, the eroticisation of the Occident in the media has made the tourists themselves a touristic attraction and created conflicts between the hosts and the visitors. This is one situation indicative of the current stage of the globalization in the peripheral tourism regions of the ‘South’.

Congested Bodyscapes

unnoticed by the women but definitely noticed by the men.

In a recently completed PhD dissertation in geography (Hottola 1999), profusion of sexual advances towards Western women travellers was found to be the most important source of intercultural confusion and conflict between Western visitors and their hosts in India. 97 % of the women backpackers interviewed in Bharatpur, Rajasthan, had repeatedly been approached by local men in a harassing manner. Although there was little violence involved, the situation caused considerable discomfort to Western tourists, and partly deprived their joy of visiting India.

It is not only the observable differences between cultures - or gender relations - in an intercultural touristic encounter which create confusing situations. The Third Eye of extrasensory spatialities plays an important role, as well. Consequently, the space which is studied by postmodern intercultural geography includes both the sensory and extrasensory construction of lived touristic spaces.

It was soon found out, that a combination of locally prevalent views of women and their sexuality, the dominant stereotypes of the West, low levels of factual information and a flow of one-sided information in the form of commercial media entertainment had created an attractive stereotype of Western ‘amorality’ in India (see also Hottola 2002). The Western women stood out in the ‘bodyscape’ of public space and attracted attention, not only because of their observable qualities - their individual sex appeal or code-breaking behaviour and appearance - but because of the idealized and demeaned stereotype of Western woman. The aura of the Western blonde walked along them, mostly

The following text brings out one important feature of that construction by focussing on the role of popular movie industry and television in the creation of the stereotype in the traditional/modern/postmodern society of India. The too often neglected popular culture is an important societal force, especially in today’s postmodern circumstances, and therefore significantly affects the ways we see the ‘Other’, and the ways we construct our social space. Particularly so in a region which has hundreds of millions of illiterate people who are nevertheless able to consume images, the main goods of postmodern trade. Postcolonial resistance and collaboration The favourite pastime of Indians is watching popular movies, either at movie theatres or at home. Movies appeal

PETRI HOTTOLA is Senior Assistant Professor, Finnish University Network for Tourism Studies (FUNTS), Finland e-mail: [email protected] ©2002 Tourism Recreation Research

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to audiences so diverse that they transcend social and spatial categories. The world of Indian popular movies therefore forms an interesting and relatively accurate mirror which reflects the current trends in society-at-large and describes the Indian relations to questions such as international tourism and globalization. The present short notes of Indian popular film are partly based on viewing two dozen of the most widely presented Hindi and Tamil productions released in the early or mid-1990s; among them the blockbusters Beta, Gumrah, Khal Nayak, Suhaag, Karan Arjun, Jeet, Baashha, Muthu, Kadhalan, Indian and Bombay. The focus of the analysis is on the presentation of Westernity and Western or Westernized women; ‘the Western women tourists on the screen’. In the multicultural societies of South Asia, there are local traditions and ideologies which agree and play with the imagery of the globalized media, combining the local and global, thereby producing ‘glocalized’ interpretations (cf. Robertson 1995). On the one hand, ideas and narratives from Hollywood and other Western sources are constantly adopted and even copied one-to-one into Indian movies. Contrary to what Ravi Vasudevan (1989) suggests in his defensive argumentation, it is not only a question of ‘certain plot similarities’ but hours of identical narratives and settings. For example, most of Gumrah has been meticulously copied from an Australian television series. Also in Karan Arjun we can see scenes copied from Sylvester Stallone’s Rocky movies. The adoption of these Western texts and signs suggests their appreciation. On the other hand, Western people and Western cultures are frequently presented in a negative way. This is probably most apparent in film scenes which present the former colonist as corrupt, unjust and amoral (see also Iyer 1988). In xenophobic fashion, the British are portrayed as monsters who torture, humiliate and punish the helpless Indians. In one such scene in Indian, a brutal British officer beats an Indian woman who has refused to salute the Union Jack, until he is speared by a flagpole thrown by an independence fighter.

action, wet saris and muscle men can be adopted because they improve the appeal of the films but do not stir up rage among the nationalist viewers. At the same time, the industry has adopted a tendency to denounce some Western phenomena to please the conservative segment of the buying audience. This condemnation is also a shrewd way to present themes publicly despised and privately enjoyed; especially in the case of eroticism. The sexual revolution of the 1990s in India was both reflected in and inspired by the indigenous popular cinema. Until then, the restrictions on portrayal of sexuality used to be very strict. The movie industry backlash against state censorship created something unique; movies full of erotic symbolism, actors and actresses chosen for their physical sex appeal, dresses exposing the body without showing naked skin, dances resembling sexual intercourse without touching, sexual violence included in the stories narrated, and songs laden with double meanings. Sex was not actually shown but hinted at so strongly and in so many ways that erotic imagery could be said to be the central feature of Indian movie production (see also Jain 1991; Sarje 1992; Turim 1993). Westernized Vamps and Villains It is instructive to delve into the outspoken message of the nature of Westernity as perceived in the analyzed movies. To begin with, as Trevor Fishlock (1989: 118) notes, ‘villains in films are identified by their adoption of Western customs and technology.’ In Khal Nayak, Karan Arjun, Baassha and Kadhalan the criminals and the evil men of power wear Western suits and use modern technology. They hang around the corrupted jet set and drive a Mercedes Benz instead of the indigenous Maruti cars.

All in all, the Indian movie industry’s relation to the West and postmodernity can be called a simultaneous postcolonial resistance and collaboration, reinforcement and destruction of tradition (see also Vasudevan 1989, Sunder Rajan 1993). There is a good reason for this: the industry answers the demands of its viewers, often as double-edged as the films produced for them.

In Gumrah the Westeners are a deceitful attorney, a sadistic couple of sex-crazy prison guards and a Western cell-mate, a female drug-addict. In the film the attorney is, to give one example, arrested by Indian police while having intimate massage by a Western and an East-Asian girl. In Kadhalan one of the main dance scenes includes two modern young men, one of them dressed in jeans and a T-shirt and wearing mirror glasses, dancing together on a street. Suddenly, the camera shows a close-up of a bottom of a woman wearing jeans, a text ‘Take it easy’ tattooed on her bare left buttock, visible through a large hole in the jeans. The youngsters dance disco dances against a background of a huge cigarette advertisement exclaiming: ‘Taste the Spirit of Freedom’.

Some aspects of Westernity are accepted and even admired, some are despised. Impressive special effects,

The Westernized characters may often be condemned in the movies but their lifestyles are glorified at the same

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time. The same applies to Westernized heroes. For example, in Suhaag the hero lives in the middle of luxury and imported products, such as Nike shoes. The Europe hit It’s my life plays loud as viewers take a musical sightseeing tour around his playboy mansion, and his collection of posters portraying curvaceous Western ‘babes’, the icons of new ‘freedom’ and new values. The sexually aggressive vamps in popular Indian films are usually Westernized Indian women. For example, in Beta there is a woman in tight shoulderless shirt and jeans, and Western hairstyle, in the role of the vamp. She and her equally Westernized husband are the amoral, criminal members of the family. The vamp is told to cover herself from the eyes of the men and to follow the traditional role of Indian women. Her husband is caught and arrested by police but released through the efforts of the family, only to be punished for breaking ‘the code’. The celluloid vamp has a seductive and code-breaking appearance. The celluloid heroine, on the other hand, often defends the traditional values. In the Indian nationalist agenda, women have the task of guarding the ‘pure essence of national culture’ against foreign influences (Narayan 1997). For example in Kadhalan, the heroine, played by Nagma, is devoted to traditional Tamil dances. She finds her male friends teaching Western women backpackers hybrid-style ‘Indirap’ dances. She consequently becomes upset and starts to preach for traditional values, and finally shows her friends how traditional dances exceed the modern dances in every way. In Indian the two leading ladies, played by Urmila Matondkar and Manisha Koirala, compete for the attention of the hero, played by Kamal Hasan. The conservative heroine is pitted against the modern disco-dancing heroine, and in the end it is the conservative girl who wins the heart of the hero, not the Westernized girl. Postmodernity has failed to seduce the traditional India. This somewhat xenophobic motif has existed in Indian culture for a long time and has parallels in other characteristic oppositions (cf. Vasudevan 1989). Umberto Eco (1966), in his analysis of James Bond films, established a typology of contrasting pairs of characters and qualities. Following his example, several similarly contrasting qualities can be found between the roles of the heroine and the vamp: Indian/Western(ized), sensual/sexual, pure/perverse, moral/amoral, ascetic/ hedonistic, traditional/modern, submissive/initiating, industrious/lazy, loyal/treacherous, responsible/careless, motherly/womanly - and domestic/touristic. It is the interplay of these contrasting features which creates much Tourism Recreation Research Vol. 27, No. 1, 2002

of the interest in many narratives of Indian entertainment cinema. It can be guessed that one explanation of the morally doubtful roles of Westernized women in Indian films has been the demand for ‘amoral’ women on screen, which could not be fulfilled otherwise. The narratives have required counter-images and consequent tensions, and the audiences have longed for eroticism. What is more, as the markets opened in the 1990s, the Indian popular film had to compete with imported Western B-films with erotic/ action content and Western erotic videos, the only real challengers of its popularity so far. The only way to succeed in that competition was to increase eroticism and action in the mainstream indigenous movies, too. Pictures of buxom blondes were used as powerful decorations when the real women were not available. The number of vamps increased. Actresses playing the part of the traditional Indian woman, although not portrayed as infallible, could however not be depicted as loose and amoral. Doing so would have challenged emotions among the viewers far too sensitive to be risked in the movie business. These roles had to be Westernized. The Occident had to be eroticised. Imported Western Films For the majority of people, there are four categories of Western films available in India: films for children, Hollywood dramas, soft-core erotic action films or the socalled B-films, and hard-core erotic films. Mainstream American dramas have been available for the South Asian audiences since the beginning of the century. They have not, however, been available for the common public for so long a period. It was Sylvester Stallone and his Rambo films who made a major breakthrough not only in South Asia but all over the Orient (Iyer 1988, Featherstone 1991). Millions of people went to see First Blood in China, Thailand, Indonesia, India, Nepal and the Philippines. As Pico Iyer says, although the American arms had failed in Asia, Rambo reversed the history on screen, symbolically winning Asia for America. Today, there is usually at least one main stream Hollywood production displayed every day in the main centres of India, and a large variety of movies is available for rental in video parlours. The main source of information of Western gender roles and relations available in South Asia are, however, the B-movies with erotic/action content, and openly erotic films. Eroticism in imported movies or printed material has 85

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strong appeal especially in puritanical countries where the sexuality of citizens is strictly controlled. As noticed in India, most of the Western films shown in the theatres are Bmovies. Resembling the Indian popular films, the B-films are in demand on the subcontinent. Recent movies such as Barb Wire and Skyscraper, starring the Baywatch actress Pamela Anderson and the Playboy ‘Playmate of the Decade’ Anna Nicole Smith, are good examples of this genre. There is an action oriented script on the background, good quality production, and a vague B-class direction, but the true exhibit of the films is the sensual beauty of the leading actresses. Advertisements of these films bring the images of scantily-clad, aggressively independent Western blondes into the public Indian space, where the only other Western women are tourists and travellers. The same can be said about pin-up posters featuring idolized Western women. In India it was the posters of Samantha Fox which preluded the opening of markets in the late 1980s and reached the whole of the country in the forefront of the invasion of global media (Hottola 1999). There are also more openly erotic movies available. All legal cinematic erotica in India today is foreign: either from the United States, Europe or Hong Kong. Since 1984, Indians living overseas have been allowed to import hardcore videos for home viewing and the Indian government is taxing these souvenirs (Turim 1993). The garam mal’ (‘hot stuff’), shown in video parlours or viewed at home compete well with the other categories of Western films in terms of distribution and audiences (e.g. Jain 1991). According to a recent survey among urban middle-class Indian married couples, a little less than ten percent of them had seen an Xrated movie within the past month (Jain 1996). It can be concluded that numerous Indian men in urban and rural areas have seen these materials. Owing to their availability and popularity, erotic movies and posters are quite effective in the creation and re-creation of stereotypic views of the West, and in particular of Western women tourists. When discussing the views the local men have of foreign women travellers in Bharatpur, it was found out that unlike the men working for the tourism sector, men on the streets do not know what the Western women really are like. There is no first-hand knowledge of Western woman. The men watch erotic movies of Western women, and the films give them wrong ideas of women backpackers. After all, Western women acting in these movies never say no when approached. And even if they do, they probably 86

imply they do not really mean it. There is, however, no reason to believe that this is an issue restricted to ‘the men on the streets’. Both the consumers of Western entertainment and men who make sexual advances to foreign women tourists do predominantly come from the middle class of the Indian society (Hottola 1999). Interestingly enough, according to Erik Barnouw and S. Krishnaswamy (1980), Indian censorship authorities predicted already decades ago that uncensored foreign films could lead to mistaken conclusions, ‘degrading the reputation of foreign women’ in the eyes of South Asian viewers and ‘undermining the Indian respect for Western women’ in general. This viewpoint was used by them as an argument for a need to censor foreign art films shown in India. It would be nice to know what the censors think about the current tidal wave of erotica on the subcontinent. After all, their prediction has been right. The stereotype of an amoral Western woman is partly confirmed and constructed by the information offered by these films and its interpretations among the Indian public. Overgeneralized conclusions are made and the consequent reputation of Western women tourists does increase their attractiveness as targets of sexual advances. On the other hand, profusion of eroticism has strong roots in South Asian tradition, and there is nothing inherently negative in that. Similar idolisations of women have ‘always’ belonged to the local tradition. Television National television networks and satellite television channels have become increasingly influential as an ideological apparatus in India, especially among the young urban generations that have been familiar with television since their childhood (e.g. Arora 1992, Mittal 1995). The national network, Doordarshan, concentrates on domestic or regional issues rather than international news. Doordarshan does, however, participate in the creation and re-creation of the stereotypic image of a Western woman. It does this mainly in a passive way passive by not broadcasting documentary material on gender relations in the West, not to mention general information on Western cultures and societies, their norms and values. The active participation is largely mediated by televising popular films and film song videos. In India, the legalization of the cable and satellite channels occurred in 1992, under political pressure from the urban population starved of entertainment. Since then Doordarshan has faced tough competition with domestic and foreign private channels such as CNN, Channel V, BBC, Tourism Recreation Research Vol. 27, No. 1, 2002

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Star TV, Star Plus, Zee TV, Zee Cinema and Jain TV (Asiaweek 1995). The demand for entertainment has been so huge that it could not be satisfied by the expansion of the indigenous media. Arnold Tucker, the vice-president of the Hong Kong based Star TV, commented on the success of his company in 1995: India was a real surprise to us. After six months, it was our largest market. (Nanjundaiah 1995, 78) The cable and satellite channels supply entertaining Western material: rock videos, sitcoms and television series with action and beautiful bodies in swimsuits. The material is usually produced in California, distributed through Europe, sold to the global satellite channels, and sold again in South Asia (see also Armes 1987). The financial benefit has already been accumulated before this last stage, and as Ulf Hannerz (1991) has said, the cost of taking old series to their final burial place at the periphery is therefore very low. Today’s ‘global cultural currency’ (Thompson 1990) consists largely of series such as Baywatch and The Bold and the Beautiful. At the moment, Baywatch apparently is the most widely presented television programme in the world. The following comments on the effect of various television programs in India are partly based on observations and discussions among the local people. Yet, much of it is speculative. As Ien Ang’s (1993) study of Dallas has shown to us, the relation of the Other culture viewers of American sitcoms is more complicated than is generally recognized.Global programs are interpreted differently in different countries and cultures (see also Friedman 1994). What is more, culture as a lived experience does not equal culture as a representation (Tomlinson 1991). Consequently, it is not possible to speak on behalf of the South Asian audiences. One can only make an educated guess based on what one knows about the cultures and people who take part in this intercultural relation. It can be suspected that much of the Western entertainment available not only entertains its South Asian viewers but also confirms the existing stereotypic perceptions of the West. For example, Married with Children may be enjoyed as a comedy and irony of the American society and its values in Europe and the United States, but the series is probably not understood similarly by the majority of Indian viewers who are not familiar with the West. Those with low awareness of the reality in the West may take the life of the Bundy family more or less representative of the everyday of American families in general. The Bold and the Beautiful, probably has a similar Tourism Recreation Research Vol. 27, No. 1, 2002

contribution to add to the confirmation of the stereotypic Westernity. In the series the intimate relationships between the Forresters and the rest of the soap opera characters are somewhat mixed, to say the least. The life and values of the program are shallow and hedonistic. Similarly, programs based on showing beautiful bodies in swimsuits such as Baywatch and Acapulco Heat may be enjoyed as entertainment with an erotic-aesthetic component, if the narratives and characters allow it, but these dramas also have some capacity to confirm Western amorality if judged by the standards of recent South Asian tradition. The hedonistic beach paradise of touristic liminoidity in the West has certain appeal but it is also open for criticism. Not all viewers realize that although Baywatch may be a relatively accurate description of values prevalent for example on Santa Monica Beach, California, it is neither representative of America nor Europe in general. Unfortunate for the Western women travellers visiting South Asia, many programs available there, such as those mentioned above, have the ingredients confirming the doubtful reputation of foreign women. Not as much because of their contents as such, but because they are interpreted in ways characteristic of a conservative and patriarchal society. The ‘amoral’ stereotype is born in a societal system where gender segregation and oppressive control of sexuality are prevalent. Even more importantly, these programs are almost the sole source of information of the West on television. In India, ordinary Western women or everyday Western life is hardly ever portrayed in the media. Just as in the movies and television, there is practically nothing in newspapers or magazines. At school, the curriculum rarely includes anything about Western cultures or societies, with the exception of classical British novels and poetry which are studied to practice the English language (e.g. Kosonen 1997). Conclusions In the context of Indian tourism, it is the foreign woman who becomes an object of a touristic gaze, much like the heroines of Western media have become a source of pleasure and touristic escapism in India in the Urryan (1990) sense (see also Hottola 1999). Both the blondes on screen and the women on the streets get special attention. In the case of Indian beach resorts such as Goa and other congregations of Western tourists, local men specifically travel to the beaches in order to see the Western women (e.g. Wilson 1997). They look for Other women who are supposed to be as beautiful and exciting as they are presented in the media. 87

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Tourists become a touristic attraction, and at the end of the day we have to ask: Who is the tourist? Probably everybody. Following John Urry’s (1990: 2) definition of tourism as something ‘that contrasts with the everyday and mundane’, it is increasingly difficult to separate tourism and everyday in the postmodern circumstances. This is also true in the international tourism between the ‘North’ and the ‘South’.

selective presentation of information. The view produced can be seen as a mirror image of the traditional Western view of India as an exotic, although somewhat corrupted, cradle of Oriental wonders (cf. Said 1995, Hottola 1999). As we have seen, the West has been eroticised in the East much the same way the East has been eroticised in the West. The West has also globally eroticised itself by the worldwide entertainment media.

Much like popular culture in general, tourism has always been an industry of daydreams; production of both sensory and extrasensory pleasures. Today, popular movies, television, pin-ups and tourism travel hand in hand around the globe as a part of advancing globalization. Images and people travel across boundaries and change the world. Consequently, the lifestyles of people both in the East and the West have become more and more touristic.

In general, we humans seem to employ the Other not only as an object of our fears but as an object of our fantasies as well. Consequently, the Other may become idealized and compelling. What is lacking in Our society or individual lives is perceived to be found in the Other society or in its individual members. Much like the hippies believed the Orient to be the realm of superior spiritual wisdom in the 1970s, many of the today’s Orientals seem to envisage the West as a realm of superior prosperity and sensual pleasures.

Media entertainment has increasingly become a part of the everyday, and therefore more effective in the construction of everyday knowledges. It is not an accident that Baywatch has become the international media icon of the 1990s. It speaks about pleasure and leisure, two important values of postmodernity all over the world. Societally, the Western blonde of B-films, television series and pin-ups has become an icon of a new era of freedom, open markets, material prosperity and hopes of a better future in the peripheries of the new global markets, much like her male counterpart, Rambo, represents the brutal vitality of Western consumerism. Much the same can be said about the Indian movies mentioned in this text. With their total of billions of viewers they are extremely influential agents of societal change. There is no reason to underestimate the role of the Indian film industry in the creation of postmodern intercultural imagery. It is the largest movie industry in the world and significantly constructs views not only in South Asia, but the rest of the Asia and Africa as well. It is, however, mainly the Westener who travels in order to experience the Other by first hand. The vast majority of the Indians are able to travel to the West only by watching the screen, not as tourists in the traditional sense of the concept ‘tourist’. The stereotype of Western woman as ‘amoral’ is a product of ‘glocalized’ cultural osmosis. In the case of India, the dialogue between postcolonial resistance and collaboration has created a biassed view of the West by

By and large, it can not be taken granted that popular movies or television would directly cause certain things to happen in the everyday scene of tourism (e.g. Featherstone 1991, Bordo 1997). They are, after all, primarily reflections of the societies involved. The effect of media images is, however, more direct in the present situational context. The role of screen information becomes significant in a situation where the information available is seriously inadequate and biassed, and cannot be accurately measured against empirical observations. This undoubtedly is a common situation in the peripheries of globalization and tourism at this point of time. As discovered in the field, the situation described in this text causes many disappointments among the international tourists who visit India. The problematic attention that is paid to the Western women tourists in India may, however, to some degree be a transitional feature of a society undergoing a shift of ‘glocal’ societal change. At this point it is the blonde ‘babes’ of the West and the Westernized vamps of indigenous movies who appeal to the Indian audiences rather than the reality of the West or Western values. In the future - as globalization and more domestic societal changes advance in India - a more balanced relation to the West may be adopted, as soon as the euphoria of ‘freedom’ will fade and new questions arise among the Indian public.

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Submitted: October 6, 2001 Accepted: December 13, 2001

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