The National Coalition on School Diversity. Research Brief. The Reciprocal Relationship Between Housing and School Integration

Brief No. 7 September, 2011 Updated October, 2011 The National Coalition on School Diversity Research Brief The Reciprocal Relationship Between Hous...
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Brief No. 7 September, 2011 Updated October, 2011

The National Coalition on School Diversity

Research Brief The Reciprocal Relationship Between Housing and School Integration By Roslyn Arlin Mickelson

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iven the common practice of assigning students to neighborhood schools, any serious hope of integrating America’s public education system requires us to consider not only educational policies and practices, but also the demography of neighborhoods and the housing policies that contribute to residential integration or segregation. Most American students live in communities that are dominated by families from one race and socioeconomic status. Public schools typically reflect their neighborhood demographics because most students are assigned to schools based on their residence.1 These straightforward dynamics underlie the relationship between the integration

or segregation of schools and their feeder neighborhoods. The links between integration or segregation of schools and neighborhoods are also reciprocal. This essay summarizes the social science evidence on the reciprocal relationship between integrated schooling and integrated housing. The synergistic nature of this relationship unfolds across the life course. The model in Figure 1 illustrates the connections between housing and school integration and the intergenerational and reciprocal nature of their relationship.

Model of Dynamics of Integrated Housing, Integrated Education, and Short- and Long-term Outcomes in Multiethnic Democratic Societies

Integrated Education

Short-term Outcomes for K-12 Students

Long-term Outcomes for Adults

Integrated Housing ’ Greater achievement across the curriculum

’ Reduction in prejudice and cross-racial fears

’ Increase in mutual trust, respect, and acceptance

’ Increase in cross-racial friendships ’ Greater capacity for multicultural navigation

’ Greater educational and occupational attainment

’ Workplace readiness for the global economy

’ Cross-racial friendships, mutual trust, respect, and acceptance

’ Living in integrated neighborhoods

’ Democratic values and attitudes

’ Greater civic

participation

’ Avoidance of criminal justice system

Research Brief No. 7

National Coalition on School Diversity

Segregated schools are highly effective delivery systems for unequal educational opportunities. Conversely, a substantial body of high quality social science research indicates integrated education has a positive role in a number of desirable short- and long- term school outcomes. Racially and socioeconomically diverse schools make a significant difference for K-12 achievement across the curriculum: Students from all racial and ethnic backgrounds who attend diverse schools are more likely to have higher test scores and better grades compared to those who attend schools with high concentrations of low-income and disadvantaged minority youth. They also are more likely to graduate from high school, to attend integrated colleges,2 and to graduate from college.3 Diverse schools also promote other positive outcomes that are integral components of the adult life-course trajectory. Interracial contact fosters reductions in prejudice and fear while it increases the likelihood of cross-racial friendships initially among students and later among adults.4 Together these short-and long-term educational outcomes facilitate racial diversity across other institutional contexts, including the workplace, throughout the life-course.5 The social science research on this relationship indicates that those who lived in integrated neighborhoods and attended diverse schools as children are more likely to choose to live in integrated neighborhoods as adults, where they then send their own children to integrated schools. This cycle interrupts the intergenerational perpetuation of racial fears and prejudice that racial segregation reinforces.6

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socioeconomic composition of the schools. While there is not a one-to-one relationship between the two because of private school enrollments and other factors, at any given point in time, integrated neighborhoods are more likely to produce diverse schools than segregated residential communities. There is another direct connection between diverse schooling and integrated housing. Perceived “school quality” influences housing choices. School demographic composition serves as signal of “school quality” to many homebuyers of all races and SES backgrounds. Research indicates that prior experiences with integrated schooling shapes adult housing preferences for diverse neighborhoods that will likely have integrated schools. Just as integrated neighborhoods are socially constructed as good places to live compared to racially isolated high poverty areas, racially isolated schools are widely considered as undesirable by families that have options.7

Indirect Links There are a number of indirect connections between integrated schools and diverse neighborhoods. The crux of these connections is the significantly superior opportunities to learn that integrated schools offer compared to racially isolated, high poverty schools. Armed with strong educational credentials and intercultural navigation skills, graduates of integrated schools are better candidates for jobs in the increasingly diverse and globalizing labor market than their counterparts who attend segregated schools.

Direct Links

Diverse Coworkers

There are several direct connections between diverse schooling and integrated housing. Let’s begin with the obvious: if students are assigned to schools based on their residence, which increasingly is the norm, the demographic composition of neighborhoods will largely shape the racial and

The reciprocal and intergenerational nature of the links between housing and school integration has been well documented by researchers. Adults who attend integrated K-12 schools are more likely to have higher academic achievement and attainment, to attend and graduate from an integrated college,

National Coalition on School Diversity

and to work in a diverse setting. They will exhibit greater workforce readiness for occupations that require interacting with customers and coworkers from all racial background, and functioning in an increasingly global economy. Adults who attended diverse secondary schools are more likely to prefer working in diverse settings as adults,8 although this relationship appears stronger among Blacks than Whites.9 They are less likely to be involved with the criminal justice system and there is some evidence that they will earn more income than those who attend segregated schools. Adults who attended diverse schools are more likely to have cross-racial friendships and exhibit mutual trust, respect, and acceptance of those who are racially, ethnically, and socioeconomically different from themselves.10

Diverse Neighbors Childhood experiences with integrated neighborhoods and diverse schools increase the likelihood of adults choosing to live in an integrated neighborhood as an adult.11 The experience of attending segregated schools has intergenerational consequences for adults’ choices of same or different race neighbors. Students who attended more racially isolated elementary, middle, and high schools are more likely as adults to prefer same race neighbors compared to adults who have attended integrated schools. This connection holds even though neighborhood racial isolation during childhood remains strongly associated with young adults’ preferences for same race neighbors. Racial isolation in schools plays a more significant role in diminishing social cohesion among young adults from all racial and ethnic groups. These findings support a key tenet of perpetuation theory, which suggests that school segregation leads to segregation across the lifecourse and across institutional contexts.12

Research Brief No. 7

The Reciprocal Nature of School and Housing Integration Across the Generations In a nutshell, the preponderance of social science indicates that integrated schools foster better academic outcomes for all students. Students with better K-12 academic outcomes are more likely to have higher educational and occupational attainment, greater income, and greater opportunities to choose good neighborhoods in which to live and raise their families. They are more likely to choose to live in an integrated neighborhood, in part, because their interracial contact experiences in integrated K-12 schools and colleges broke the intergenerational transmission of racial prejudice and fear. People who develop multicultural navigation skills in integrated schools are more likely to purchase homes or rent apartments in diverse neighborhoods where their own children will enroll in an integrated school. For them, racially and socioeconomically diverse schools signal that the schools most likely are good ones. In these ways, integrated schools and neighborhoods are likely to foster a mutually reinforcing intergenerational cycle across the life-course that advances social cohesion in a multiethnic democratic society and promotes racial equality.

Policy Considerations The residential basis of most pupil assignment plans means that housing policies have become de facto education policies. Thus, there are enduring public consequences of private housing choices for the racial, ethnic, and SES composition of K-12 schools. The reciprocal nature of the housing/education linkage is clear: the quality of local schools is one of the key features by which buyers make decisions about housing purchases. Racially integrated, low poverty schools are signals to prospective homebuyers and renters that the local schools are desirable for their children.

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Research Brief No. 7

National Coalition on School Diversity

Given that the short- and long-term outcomes of integrated education are critical for advancing social cohesion in multiethnic democratic societies, it is becoming increasingly important to develop policies that build upon the reciprocal relationship between integrated education and integrated housing. Doing so is especially important because of federal and state courts’ retrenchment with respect to court ordered desegregation, the reluctance of policy makers’ at all governmental levels to voluntarily design integrated pupil assignment plans, and the growing racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic diversity of the K-12 student populations.

and local housing and education policies will foster greater residential and educational diversity and assist in breaking the intergenerational transmission of racial and socioeconomic disadvantages that segregated schools and segregated housing both reflect and perpetuate.

Roslyn Arlin Mickelson, Ph.D., is a Professor of Sociology, Public Policy, Women and Gender Studies, and Information Technology at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. This research brief was

Research and experience demonstrate the benefits of integrated education and the harms of racially isolated, concentrated poverty schools. Attempting to create education policy for integrated schools without developing housing policies for integrated neighborhoods is akin to cleaning the air on one side of a screen door.13 Coordinating federal, state,

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adapted from the author’s chapter in the report, Finding Common Ground: Coordinating Housing and Education Policy to Promote Integration (PRRAC and the National Coalition on School Diversity, September 2011).

National Coalition on School Diversity

Endnotes 1

Simon Burgess & Adam Briggs, School Assignment, School Choice, and Mobility, 29 ECON. EDUC. REV. 639 (2010); Deenesh Sohoni & Salvador Saporito, Mapping School Segregation: Using GIS to Explore Racial Segregation Between Schools and Their Corresponding Attendance Areas, 115 AM. J. EDUC. 569 (2009).

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Donnell Butler, Ethnic Racial Composition and College Preference: Revisiting the Perpetuation of Segregation Hypothesis, 627 ANNALS AM. ACAD. POL. & SOC. SCI. 26 (2010).

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Roslyn Arlin Mickelson, Twenty-First Century Social Science Research on School Diversity and Educational Outcomes, 69 OHIO ST. L. J. 1173 (2008); Roslyn Arlin Mickelson & Martha Bottia, Integrated Education and Mathematics Outcomes: A Synthesis of Social Science Research, 87 N. C. L. REV. 993 (2010); Jacob L. Vigdor & Jens Ludwig, Segregation and the Test Score Gap, in Steady Gains And Stalled Progress: Inequality And The Black-White Test Score Gap 181 (Katherine Magnuson & Jane Waldfogel eds., 2008); Kevin G. Welner, K-12 Race Conscious Student Assignment Policies: Law, Social Science and Diversity, 76(3) REV. RES. EDUC. 349 (2006); National Academy Of Education, Race Conscious Policies For Assigning Students To Schools: Social Science Research And Supreme Court Cases (Robert Linn & Kevin G. Welner eds., 2007).,

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Thomas. F. Pettigrew & Linda. R. Tropp, A Meta-Analytic Test of Intergroup Contact Theory, 90(5) J. PERSONALITY & SOC. PSYCHOL. 751 (2006); William Trent, Outcomes of School Desegregation: Findings from Longitudinal Research, 66(3) J. NEGRO EDUC. 255 (1997); Linda R. Tropp & Mary Prenovost, The Role of Intergroup Contact in Predicting Children's Interethnic Attitudes: Evidence from Meta-Analytic and Field Studies, in Intergroup Attitudes And Relations In Childhood Through Adulthood 236 (Sheri R. Levy & Melanie Killen eds., 2008).

Research Brief No. 7

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The findings summarized here are archived in a searchable database at: http://sociology.uncc.edu/ people/rmicklsn/spivackFrameset.html. This research is supported by grants from the American Sociological Association, the National Science Foundation, and the Poverty & Race Research Action Council.

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Prudence Carter, Keepin' It Real: School Success Beyond Black and White (2005); Jomills Henry Braddock III & Amaryllis Del Carmen Gonzales, Social Isolation and Social Cohesion: The Effects of K12 Neighborhood and School Segregation on Intergroup Orientations, 12(6) TCHRS C. REC. 1631 (2010); Michal Kurlaender & John Yun, Fifty Years After Brown: New Evidence of the Impact of School Racial Composition on Student Outcomes, 6(1) INT'L J. EDUC. RES. POL'Y & PRAC. 51 (2005); Michal Kurlaender & John Yun, Is Diversity a Compelling Educational Interest? Evidence from Louisville, in Diversity Challenged: Evidence on the Impact of Affirmative Action 111 (Gary Orfield ed., 2001); Michal Kurlaender & John Yun, Measuring School Racial Composition and Student Outcomes in a Multiracial Society, 113 AM. J. EDUC. 213 (2007); Jordan Rickles et al., Social Integration and Residential Segregation in California: Challenges for Racial Equality, in UCACCORD Public Policy Series (PB-002-0504, June 2004); Elizabeth Stearns, Long-Term Correlates of High School Racial Composition: Perpetuation Theory Reexamined, 112(6) TCHRS. C. REC. 1654 (2010).

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Amy S. Wells et al., Both Sides Now: The Story of School Desegregation’s Graduates (2009); James Ainsworth, Why Does It Take a Village? The Mediation of Neighborhood Effects on Educational Achievement, 81 SOC. FORCES 117 (2002); Jennifer Jellison Holme, Buying Homes, Buying Schools: School Choice and the Social Construction of School Quality, 72 HARV. EDUC. REV. 117 (2002).

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Research Brief No. 7

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Kurlaender &Yun, Fifty Years After Brown, SUPRA note 8; Kurlaender &Yun, Is Diversity a Compelling Educational Interest?, SUPRA note 8; Kurlaender &Yun, Measuring School Racial Composition, SUPRA note 8..

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Kurlaender &Yun, Fifty Years After Brown, SUPRA note 8; Kurlaender &Yun, Is Diversity a Compelling Educational Interest?, SUPRA note 8; Kurlaender &Yun, Measuring School Racial Composition, SUPRA note 8.

10 Stearns, SUPRA note 8.

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National Coalition on School Diversity

11 Roslyn Arlin Mickelson & Mokubung Nkomo, Integrated Schooling, Life Course Outcomes, and Social Cohesion in Multiethnic Democratic Societies, 36 REV. RES. EDUC. (forthcoming 2012). 12 Braddock & Gonzales, SUPRA note 8. 13 Id.; Butler, SUPRA note 4. 14 Here I adapt Jean Anyon’s metaphor about school reform to the synergistic nature of housing and education diversity. See Jean Anyon, GHETTO SCHOOLING 168 (1997).

National Coalition on School Diversity

Research Brief No. 7

Other research briefs from the National Coalition on School Diversity .1 Brief No

ity ool Divers ion on Sch al Coalit The Nation

Brief Research Economic Composition cial and vement School Ra d Science Achie an & Math By Susan

Eaton

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Brief No. 2

The National Coalition on School Diversity

Research Brief How the Racial and Socioeconomic Composition of Schools and Classrooms Contributes to Literacy, Behavioral Climate, Instructional Organization and High School Graduation Rates By Susan Eaton

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his is the second in a series of three briefs summarizing findings from the newest and most rigorous research related to racial and socioeconomic diversity in public schools. The studies on which this brief is based were published recently in three special issues of the peer-reviewed journal, Teachers College Record, edited by Professors Roslyn Arlin Mickelson of the University of North Carolina at Charlotte and Kathryn Borman of the University of South Florida. This brief considers the relationship between the racial and socioeconomic composition of a school and/or classroom and a variety of important educational measures.

Why This Research is Important This research augments an already extensive body of work in this area, which has reached similar conclusions. However, the work published this

What Does the Research Tell Us About the Relationship Between Racial and Socioeconomic Composition and . . .

READING AND VERBAL ACHIEVEMENT?

 A study by Geoffrey Borman of the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Maritza Dowling of the Wisconsin Center for Educational Research reanalyzes James Coleman’s 1966 report, “The Equality of Educational Opportunity.” The “Coleman Report” is widely considered to be one of the most influential studies ever conducted on education. Its fundamental finding is that a student’s own family background has far more influence upon student achievement than do school characteristics. However, Borman and Dowling’s reanalysis shows something quite different.  Borman and Dowling find that attending a high-poverty or highly segregated African American school has a “profound” negative effect on a student’s verbal achievement, “above and beyond” the effects of a student’s own poverty level or racial group.1

year in TCR is particularly rigorous. It draws from several strong data bases and employs cuttingedge statistical methods. This comprehensive collection of studies pays meticulous attention to separating the discrete contributions that schools, teachers, families and students themselves make to a variety of important educational outcomes,

 More specifically, the racial/ethnic composition and social class composition of a student’s school are 1¾ times more important than a student’s social class or race in explaining verbal achievement in the 9th grade. School racial and

such as test scores and graduation rates. We urge courts, policymakers, education rights lawyers, educators and others to use this new work as a guide in decisions and advocacy related to diversity, schooling and equal opportunity.

No.1 – School Racial and Economic Composition & Math and Science Achievement By Susan Eaton

No. 2 – How the Racial and Socioeconomic Composition of Schools and Classrooms Contributes to Literacy, Behavioral Climate, Instructional Organization and High School Graduation Rates

No. 4 – What we know about school integration, college attendance, and the reduction of poverty By Philip Tegeler, Roslyn Arlin Mickelson and Martha Bottia

Brief No .4

By Roslyn Arlin Mickelson

Roslyn Arlin Mickelson he goals of , & Mart promoting ha Bottia racial isolat integratio n and avoid ion in K-12 reaffirme ing education d as comp What does were recen elling gove five Justic this resea tly rnment inter es of the rch tell us effects of U.S. Supr ests by Involved in specificall K-12 schoo eme Cour y about the Community l integratio dance rates t in Paren District #1 Schools v. n , college ts Seattle Schoo (2007). That graduation on college attentiona l perpe l specific elem , and inter decis tuation of generaents of volun ion did strike down additional poverty? Louisville We recog research tary plans ; however, nize that is still need questions, in Seattle a majority cated supp ed on these but here of the Cour and ort for a are some specific wide range things that t indimeasures of race-consc to promote we know Attending : school integ assign indiv ious integrated idual stude ration that K-12 schoo likel ihoo nts based do d of ls increases on their race. not youth from attending college 8 the The impo , particular underrepr rtance of ties. Integ esented mino ly for avoiding segregatio rated educ rity comm racial and n in schoo ation work attendanc unieconomic ls is impo own sake, s to foste e in rtant not r college but becau expectation several clear ways just for its se of the to students . The educ s and perfo document that flow ation atten rman ed al d ce benefits integrated from more integrated 1 of schools surpa students who racia , lower pove dents from ence evide sses those rty schoo 2 lly segregated nce ls . The socia of stuattend integ settings 9. ues to grow on the benefits of l sciStud rated schoo integ – math, scien ls perform ents who recent resea especially in the more ration contince, langu better on rch (1990 age, higher-lev tests in s to the prese comprehensive data from el math and social studies; they nationally nt) that inclu take hold highe science cours representa state-wide r education de tive population erwise comp al aspiration es, and they s, valid and samples or of key conc s arabl than e their peers reliable meas epts, advan lated mino othto analyze ced statis ures rity schoo 10 who attend racia tical mod the data, lly ls . Racia have lowe eling used and often longitudin lly integrated isor levels of , studies empl al data 3. viole than segre schools oying gated settin 11nce and social disor gs have der . They are stable staffs These studi more likely composed es over the teachers 12 to of highl demonstra past twen —the singl ty years have ted e most impo y qualified academic only to achie that integrated educ achieveme rtant resou nt, and to ation leads vement gains climates 13 rce for African Ame have not (acad in math and better schoo emically rican and out rates, reading for l increased Latino child more paren oriented peers, lowe occupatio ren 4, but ts than racia r drop nal attain ment with also to lly isolated with higher expec ment 5, the tations) schools 14 . greater tende criminal justice syste less involve6 m , and a Attending schools later ncy for graduates desegregat of integrated ity in life to ed K-12 likelihoo ersschoo Div live hoods, have d of grad ooluatin ls increases Sch friends from in integrated neigh of the onsame g the groups, and many races reasons that from college for Coalition to be empl alborter prepares many and integrated ion ethni oyedThe Nat c students education in diver for youth who se workplace 7 betattend integ entering college. s. Minority likely to be rated K-12 involved in the crim schools are less inal justic e system

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.3 Brief No

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abriefs summ series of three most rigorthird in a st and his is the the newe economic ngs from l and socio rizing findi which d to racia studies on rch relate ous resea schools. The recently in three in public ers published diversity Teach al, were journ is based reviewed this brief Roslyn Arlin s of the peerspecial issue edited by Professors h Carolina at d, Nort College Recor the University of University of an of the Mickelson ryn Borm and Kath Charlotte Florida. l of South ss of schoo the succe decades, ly by the than two judged main either For more s, ion has been fits individual ility. desegregat which it bene vement or social mob degree to achie academic through

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Betw tionship ols or the Rela of Scho What is lt position and Adu ic Racial Com Neighborhoods al & Ethn Childhood Other Raci s About Del Attitude , Amaryllis i, his colleague Groups?

No. 3 – The Impact of Racially Diverse Schools in a Democratic Society

No. 6 – Magnet School Student Outcomes: What the Research Says By Genevieve Siegel-Hawley and Erica Frankenberg

By Susan Eaton and Gina Chirichigno

of Miam dock and Jomills Brad zalez of the University and schoolood Gon Carmen of neighborh preferences for le’s the effects consider s on peop gation level level segre

Brief Research and K-12 Educationlal egration s of Socia School Int A Quick Synthesi s: Outcome idence Charlotte Science Ev Carolinaof North

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.5 Brief No

No. 5 – School Integration and K-12 Educational Outcomes: A Quick Synthesis of Social Science Evidence

The Nation al Coalit ion on Sch ool Divers ity

Research Brief

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Brief No .6

The Nation al Coalit ion on Sch ool Divers ity

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Magnet Sch What the ool Student Ou tcomes: Research Says

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By Gene vieve Siege l-Hawley and

Erica Fran his research kenberg brief outli magnet schoo nes six majo r studies l student schools are of outcomes. programs Magnet A note abo with speci emphases al themes designed to attract or ment and ut magnet scho of different families from ol enr backgrou segregatio nds. They a variety establishe n trends3 ollBefore delvi d to prom were origi ote volun ng into the nally in urban tary racia quick districts. research, ly review l integratio however, the curre n we of magnet schools. Enront demographic break The follo the National wing down llment data Center for broader body studies are locat collected able and ed within by Educ of ation resea wide a much Statistics, -ranging rch that docu fits of atten 2008-09, federal datas a reliding ments the more et, show diverse schoo racially and socio benemagnet schoo than 2.5 million that, in economic ls. Some students ally ls across literature of what we enrolled two milli on the bene know from in on students the nation, up from fits of racia that stude the just over five years grams enro nts l diversity earlier. Mag lled more indicates have highe of all races who atten net prothan twice dents serve r levels of d diver the number d by chart se schools critical think adopt mult er schools, the large of iple persp ing, an abilit st sector making magn stuectiv for accep y to of choice tance of stere es; diminished ets schools. likelihood achieveme otypes, highe Compared nt, r academic to regular ness to atten more cross-racial public schoo and magn frien d diverse et programs ls, both chart colleges and dships, willingneighborh black and enrolled oods, acces live in diver a larger share er Latino stude s to networks, se centration nts (main of higher feelin more privileged ly due to of social responsibi gs of civic the conurban local magnet and chart lity, highe er schools es). Magnet r college-go and communal prestigiou in more likely than students s jobs. 1 ing rates, were sligh charter schoo more tly less intensely l students segregated to attend The resea minority 100% of rch discu schools, wher students ssed here older studi were nonw is relatively e 90less likely es suggest hite, and to enroll recent, but that magn ciated with also in sligh inten schoo et schools tly incre sely segre ls (0-10% are assolevels of stude ased student achie gated white nonwhite two extre students). vement, highe me ends Beyond these school, highe nt motivation and of the r enrollmen satisfactio t, large differ spectrum of white n with morale, and r levels of teacher student of magnet ences emer motivatio higher level and chart n and ged in the the schoo 2 s of paren er students nonwhite shares l. t satisfactio attending (more racia n with majority lly diverse) (less diver se) schoo and majo ls. Forty rity white dents atten percent of d majority magnet nonwhite compared school settin stuto just 23 percent of Conversel charter stude gs, y, almost 35 percent attended nts. of charter majority white stude percent of magnet stude settings, compared nts to 20 nts. In term s of schoo l

Available at www.school-diversity.org

7

Research Brief No. 7

National Coalition on School Diversity

For more information on the National Coalition on School Diversity, go to www.school-diversity.org

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