2015 IPC ISBN: 978 - 3157419

(A Media Resource Guide)

A publication of International Press Centre (IPC) Any enquiries regarding this publication should be made to IPC 11, Dideolu Court, Dideolu Estate, Ogba, Lagos +234 1 8112422 [email protected] www.ipcng.org

Published by IPC with the support of UNDP DGD11 and its partners.

‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

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CONTENT ACKNOWLEDGEMENT – By IPC INTRODUCTION: The media & elections - Lessons learnt since 1999 by Professor Umaru Pate

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PART ONE: THE MEDIA & THE PUBLIC INTEREST IN ELECTIONS Chapter 1:

Situating 2015 election reporting in the context of the public 10-17 interest, By Iyobosa Uwugiaren, Director, Editorial/Business, LEADERSHIP Newspapers Group

Chapter 2:

'The Media, INEC and the public's expectation for credible 18-24 elections in 2015, By Femi Adesina, President NGE

Chapter 3:

The 2015 Public Agenda for the Media (IPC Opinion poll outcome)

25-32

Chapter 4: 'INEC, the media and civil society: seeking common grounds for 33-36 credible elections, By Nick Dazang, INEC Director of Media & Publicity PART TWO: THE MEDIA, ETHICS & CONFLICT IN ELECTIONS Chapter 5:

B e t w e e n c o n f l i c t - s e n s i t i v e r e p o r t i n g a n d d e m o c r a t i c 38-52 development, By Dr. Jide Jimoh

Chapter 6:

The Media and conflict sensitive imperatives in elections, By Lanre Arogundade, Director, IPC

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PART THREE : THE MEDIA & THE GENDER FACTOR IN ELECTIONS 64-74

Chapter 7:

Reckoning with gender factor in election reporting, By Prof. Kate Omenugha, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka

Chapter 8:

Professional and Ethical Reporting of Elections: Understanding 76-91 the Context and Imperatives from a gender perspective, By Dr. Abigail Ogwezzy-Ndisika, Dept of Mass Communication, UNILAG

PART FOUR : CASE STUDY: MEDIA COVERAGE OF ELECTIONS Chapter 9:

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Review of media reportage of the Ekiti and Osun 2014 governorship elections - Observations, lessons and recommendations. ‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ACN: AIT: ANPP: APC: APGA: BUK: CEO: CIDA: CLO: CPC: CSJ: CSOS: DEOCC: DFID: DGD: EU: FOIA: GMMP: ICT: IFJ: IMS: INEC: IPC: IPCR: IT: IVR: IWPR: KOICA: LP: MMA: MP: MRA: NAN: NBC: NDR: NGE: NGOS: NPAN: NPC: NPO:

ACTION CONGRESS OF NIGERIA AFRICAN INDEPENDENT TELEVISION ALL NIGERIA PEOPLES PARTY ALL PROGRESSIVES CONGRESS ALL PROGRESSIVES GRAND ALLIANCE BAYERO UNIVERSITY KANO, (BUK CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER CANADIAN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AGENCY CIVIL LIBERTIES ORGANISATION CONGRESS FOR PROGRESSIVE CHANGE CONFLICT SENSITIVE JOURNALISM CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS DE-ESCALATION ORIENTED CONFLICT COVERAGE DEPARTMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE FOR DEVELOPMENT EUROPEAN UNION FREEDOM OF INFORMATION ACT GLOBAL MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT INFORMATION COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGY INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF JOURNALISTS INSTITUTE FOR MEDIA AND SOCIETY INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION INTERNATIONAL PRESS CENTRE INTERNATIONAL PEACE & CONFLICT RESOLUTION INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY INTERACTIVE VOICE RESPONSE INSTITUTE FOR WAR & PEACE REPORTING KOREA INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION AGENCY LABOUR PARTY MEDIA MONITORING AFRICA MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT MEDIA RIGHTS AGENDA NEWS AGENCY OF NIGERIA NATIONAL BROADCASTING COMMISSION NIGERIAN DEMOCRATIC REPORT NIGERIAN GUILD OF EDITORS NON GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS NEWSPAPERS PROPRIETORS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA NIGERIAN PRESS COUNCIL NIGERIAN PRESS ORGANIZATION

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NSA: NTA: NUJ: NYSC: PDP: PECOJON: RTD: SAN: SPJ: STF: UK: UN: UNDP: UNESCO: UNICEF: USA: US: WMD:

NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER NIGERIA TELEVISION AUTHORITY NIGERIA UNION OF JOURNALISTS NATIONAL YOUTH SERVICE CORPS PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC PARTY PEACE & CONFLICT JOURNALISM NETWORK RETIRED SENIOR ADVOCATE OF NIGERIA SOCIETY OF PROFESSIONAL JOURNALISTS SPECIAL TASK FORCE UNITED KINGDOM UNITED NATIONS UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME UNITED NATIONS EDUCATION & SCIENTIFIC ORGANISATION UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL CHILDREN'S EMERGENCY FUND UNITED STATES OF AMERICA UNITED STATES WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

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he International Press Centre (IPC), Lagos-Nigeria is indebted to the United Nations Development Programme's (UNDP) Democratic Governance for Development (DGD II) Project and its partners including the European Union (EU), UK's Department for International Development (DFID), the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA), for supporting the publication of this resource book and the projects leading to it. The book is aptly titled 'Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development' being a product of relevant workshops held under the twin project on 'Consolidating Media Development, Conflict Resolution and Engagement on Freedom of Information Act for Democratic Reforms' and 'Media Capacity Building, Mentoring and Monitoring for Conflict-Sensitive, Public-Issue and ICT-Driven Reporting of 2015 Elections', which started in 2013 and will be concluded by 2015. IPC is implementing the projects alongside other media partners including Nigeria Press Council (NPC), the Institute for Media and Society (IMESO) and the Media Rights Agenda (MRA). IPC is particularly grateful to the Project Director of DGD, Dr. Mourtada Deme and the Media and Communications Specialist, Mrs. Toyin AdewaleGabriel for their advice and other invaluable support in the course of implementing the projects. IPC's gratitude is especially extended to all the resource persons who featured at the series of workshops on election reporting organized for journalists across the country, some of whose papers are published in whole or in part in this publication. IPC appreciates the professional input of Mr. Ayo Aluko-Olokun, seasoned journalist and media expert, who graciously accepted to serve as the media consultant for the publication and therefore undertook the assiduous task of editing the manuscript. IPC thanks the Chairman of its governing Board, Mr. Edetaen Ojo, for never hesitating to offer advice and or any other needed support to ensure the successful implementation of the activities culminating in this publication. IPC also commends its staff – Sanmi Falobi, Program Associate; Stella

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Nwofia, Program Officer; Bola Abimbola, Admin/Accounts Officer, Keye Ewebiyi, Social Media Officer; Raji Rasaki, Media Monitoring Officer; Lanre Akinsiun, IT Officer and Grace Balogun, Office Assistant – who were involved one way or the other in making this landmark a reality. It is hoped that this publication would contribute to the attainment of the intended objectives of: · Promoting and facilitating impactful media coverage of the democratic and electoral reform processes; · Strengthening the capacity of the media to engage with and effectively report democratic reforms and elections; · Strengthening processes that ensure equitable access to the media by parties and candidates during elections; · Mainstreaming gender into media coverage of governance, democratic reforms and elections; and · Making the coverage of the 2015 elections issue focussed, conflict sensitive and gender-supportive.

Lanre Arogundade Director, IPC

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INTRODUCTION

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MEDIA PERFORMANCE IN NIGERIAN ELECTIONS: LESSONS LEARNED SINCE 1999 By Umaru A. Pate

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eries of elections have been holding in Nigeria since the country's return to democracy in 1999. Every election was accompanied by numerous activities and excitement that involved the media in terms of coverage and advertising of the candidates, parties and their programmes. Normally, elections are important news events that are of significant interest to the media because they are events that entail conflicts, disagreements and tensions. They are attractive societal events that the media cannot simply ignore because of their traditional responsibility of informing, educating and mobilizing the society for sustainable democracy and development. Equally, the reporting of elections is part of the surveillance function of the media in which the citizens are educated on the quality of the individual candidates presenting themselves for elective offices and warn the society of any impending danger with regards to the process of electing its leaders. Thus, the media have been a critical element in the organization and holding of all elections in the country. Enormous literature exists on the conduct of the media in Nigeria's elections at various times. While many people have criticized the performance of the media as being often partisan, non critical, personality focused, unethical, elite and urban centered, and highly commercialized; many others have, however acknowledged the role of the media in educating the people to be able to decide during elections and for investigating and challenging wrong doings in the process (Omu, 1978; Ogbondah, 1994; Yusuf, 2001 and Nwosu, 2003, Oso, 2010). Thus, in this chapter, we shall briefly review the performance of the media in elections in Nigeria since 1999 when the country, once again, returned to democracy with full compliments of the democratic system, one of which is the conduct of regular elections. The electoral process Elections in Nigeria involved elaborate preparations for the event, followed by post election activities that sometime lasted for over a year to conclude. Each general or national election goes through series of stages which impinge on the legitimacy and credibility of the outcome. The steps are: · Registration of voters

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Registration of political parties \political party campaigns Preparations by the electoral body (procurement of electoral materials and recruitment of adhoc staff Holding of the elections Post elections ( complaints and litigations )

The above steps and arrangements have been the common elements in the country's electoral process. Their handling had severally affected the credibility and legitimacy of the elections. The quality of each of the steps had profoundly impacted on the subsequent steps and quality of the outcome of the process. Experiences in many elections have shown serious deficits, challenges and hiccups at all the stages and on the part of all the stakeholders. Activities at every of the steps were commonly characterized by rancorous noises, mega-complaints, accusations and counter accusations, and litigations. In fact, the process of organizing elections in the country has been just like any other aspect of the national life characterized by imperfections. Perception of elections in Nigeria From observations, the following perceptions about elections appear to be prevalent and somehow reflective in the conduct of the stakeholders as well as the media: · For every election, the end justifies the means · Elections are equal to 'wars' with battles that must be won at all costs · In politics, there is no morality. Just secure the victory by whatever means and trick · Politics is business. Elections provide opportunity for interest groups, agencies and individuals to make big monies · Irrespective of a candidate's moral, ethical and performance records, his money and connections are what can qualify him into a political office · All levels of governments and their agencies are liable to illegal behaviors depending on their levels of interest · The media serve the interest of those in power, their owners or those who can pay for their ways by whatever means · In elections, politicians insist that “make sure you don't lose to go to court but win and be taken to court” · Political offices are instruments for corrupt acquisition of wealth Therefore, it must be paid for heavily by the seekers, who in any way, will recoup their electoral investments in office · Staying in the opposition is the least of options. As some say, success

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has many fathers while failure is an orphan. The typical politician should be in office or relate “well” with successful ones The media and elections The mass media have been very important pillars in the Nigerian democratic system. Specifically, they have played critical roles in the electoral process by acting as major sources of information, providing essentially costless and reliable details leading to a more balanced education and opinion formation among the voting public. Specifically, the Nigerian media, known for their vibrancy, diversity, boisterousness and, as in the case of the public owned broadcast media, blind follower behavior have performed their roles within existing circumstances during electioneering periods in the country. A number of organizations that included the UN system, international donor agencies, international and local Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) as well as the National Electoral Commission and regulatory agencies like the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) and the Nigerian Press Council (NPC) had supported or directly organized capacity building exercises for different categories of media personnel in the reporting and managing of information during different national elections. The media and its personnel, in addition to the existing professional code of ethics, received a number of advisory guidelines and codes that are in line with best practices on reporting elections and electioneering issues. Widely circulated in the industry, the guidelines sought to enforce professional handling of information in line with the code of ethics that emphasize truth, balance, fairness, and equity to all parties and candidates. In very few cases, inhouse brain storming sessions were internally held in the media houses. The National Broadcasting Commission provided an elaborate Guideline on Political Reportage. The media also got some advisory guides from the National Orientation Agency, Broadcasting Organization of Nigeria, Independent National Electoral Commission and others. However, the availability of these guides did not significantly prevent professional breaches in the broadcast media particularly in those owned by the state governments and few private stations in handling campaigns and particularly the elections. For instance, in the 2007 and 2011 elections, Independent Observers had delivered mixed assessments on the conduct of the media in the entire electoral exercise. One of such observer groups, the Transition Monitoring Group, an amalgam of civil society organizations, reported that the election was significantly and widely covered by the media. They have individually and collectively devoted considerable space and air time to the process. At the end, while some sections of the media were said to have tried to report ethically, professionally and in line with the Electoral Act, many others were accused of bias, denial of access and acts of

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professional misbehavior. For instance, the National Broadcasting Commission had sanctioned thirty three radio and television stations during the 2011 elections for various professional breaches. Each of the stations was fined ? 500,000 (NAN, April 4, 2011). The Nigerian Press Council had also documented cases of professional breaches against some publications that bordered on unfair political behaviours that were disguised as news reports (NPC, 2011). An audience survey by the National Broadcasting Commission on the Broadcast Media Coverage of the 2011 General Elections showed that 64% of Nigerians adjudged the coverage as unfair among the various parties and candidates as against 34% that rated the performance fair. The coverage was characterized by partisanship in the public stations, high cost of media visibility and weak investigative and non critical posture of media output (NBC, 2011). Similarly, a study commissioned by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) on the media coverage of electoral issues in the 2011 elections in Nigeria had concluded that: women were highly marginalized in media coverage; rural areas were insignificantly covered; and the big three political parties (PDP, ACN and ANPP) dominated the media space (IMS, 2011). Equally, a study by the EU on the coverage of the 2011 Elections revealed lack of “balance towards the candidates and their parties, since 21 out of 63 parties contesting on the elections were mentioned during the NTA prime time, 80% of the coverage allocated to political actors was devoted to the PDP, 5% to ACN and CPC likewise. AIT followed a scheme similar to that of NTA while Channels TV was the only one that offered the most equitable coverage to political parties and presidential aspirants” (NESP, 2011). Generally, one can summarize the nature of the coverage and performance of the media in elections in Nigeria as follows: · Coverage was consistently high and wide · Excessive coverage focused on fears, speculations and rumors · Pre-election coverage was not issue based. Personality issues tended to command the attention of the media · The media “was not sufficiently critical” in analyzing the various campaign promises made by parties or their candidates · There was little reporting on the tract records of candidates in relation to the promises they were making and how they had performed in the past, either in public office or any other sector · There were no attempts to tract promises made by incumbents and the extent to which such promises were implemented. Thus, the media have demonstrated weaknesses in being able to manifest spirit of investigative journalism as part of their responsibility of keeping those in governance accountable to the people.

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Absence of rigorous analysis of the manifestos of the various political parties to highlight their areas of focus and strategies. Most times, the media had failed to distinguish between the official and political party campaign activities of incumbents like the Governors especially by the government owned broadcast outlets. Government owned broadcast media oulets were fond of violating the provisions of the Electoral Act and the Nigeria Broadcasting Code, particularly in respecting the principles of pluralism, commercialization and equal airtime to all political parties during electioneering periods. Because of the commercialization regime in the broadcast media, investigative or even rigorous journalistic analyses on issues and candidates were lacking

Challenges The greatest challenge to the organization and conduct of elections in general and, for the media in particular has been the erratic attitude of many of the stakeholders. This attitude had permeated into the general society as evidenced in the perceptions of the people. The intolerant behaviors of politicians, absence of internal political party democracies, weaknesses of institutions like INEC, security agencies, etc. quite often betrayed desperation, illegality and dishonesty aptly captured, reinforced and represented by the media. The media had repeatedly encountered mindsets, attitudes and habits that had affected their performance in the electoral process. As argued by Iyayi (2007), “election mindsets are particularly consequential for democracy. They shape political behaviour before, during and after elections. Election mindsets derive from other mindsets that we have about several other conditions and factors that shape elections. These include mindsets about power and politics, the role of the state on society, ethnicity, religion and political succession.” Indeed, these were further compounded by the ownership pattern and competing interests in the media industry. Personal interests and political sympathies of many of owners were mainstreamed into professional content of publications and broadcasting to demonize, advocate or manipulate public opinion. Even media organizations that claimed non-partisanship were easily betrayed by the contents on their pages or airwaves. Under the guise of performing their constitutional, structural and psychological responsibilities, many media professionals deliberately confused facts with feelings, masqueraded objective critical analyses with subjective political biases and, in many cases, engaged in defamatory contents that appeared as ordinary news, though were actually planted stories. In fact, the situation in the government dominated broadcast media before, during Page

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and post elections was glaringly partisan to the point that many of them were sanctioned by the regulatory authority for violating the electoral broadcasting code. State owned broadcast media outfits jettisoned the provisions of their establishment acts, national laws, the broadcasting code or the professional code of ethics. The federal government owned stations appeared slightly better. In many of the government owned media, there are stories of excessive interferences by officials, overbearing influence of non professionals from outside the media, often from the political parties and the tight control sometimes bordering to censorship in the newsrooms. Such scenarios were further exacerbated by the loopholes in their establishing laws, which severally, give the political leadership in the states licence to directly interfere in the content and appointments of officials in the organizations. In the private media, personnel referred to the political and economic interests of owners in the content of their media. To this end, the staffs were expected, in situations where they are not directly instructed, to understand, respect and avoid “friendly fires”. Perhaps, quite fundamental is the precarious economic conditions in the media houses which in a way, led to compromising of independence for survival, personal safety and job protection among personnel. As a result, some of them became subservient to government officials and for the private media, the interests of advertisers and owners. The vulnerability of the system has promoted a subtle trend among some top editorial staff in media houses to secretly take up appointments as professional consultants or public relations experts or advisers to aspirants, candidates and political parties. Explaining the trend, a media activist noted that, this is not to suggest that the so called objectivity precludes journalists from holding political opinions, belonging to political parties and supporting particular candidates, but they should not masquerade their opinions or biases to appear as objective analysis of issues thereby misleading the audiences. Another issue that had affected the performance of the media in the electoral process was the commercialization regime in media houses. Even though the Broadcasting Code insists on free coverage for political parties and their activities, the rule was however, minimally respected by the broadcast media. Because of the monetary charges, some candidates, parties and members of the general public were denied quality access in the media. Other challenges Poor Logistical Support: In most media houses, basic support facilities like vehicles, cameras, laptops and online connection gadgets were hardly available in sufficient quantity. In many instances, reporters relied on commercial vehicles to cover large areas during elections. Because of that, some of them were ‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

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unnecessarily exposed to dangers and abuses by thugs. In some cases, they found it more convenient moving around collectively in unmarked vehicles to avoid being attacked because of what may be perceived as the “sins” of their individual media houses or employers. Journalists and Personal Safety: Most journalists are not covered by any kind of insurance in the event of injury or death. Until recently that the NUJ is facilitating insurance coverage for its members, Journalists were left to their own means and devices as their employers did not provide them with such cover. Some of them have suffered abuses while covering elections, human rights violations, corrupt activities, etc. The managements of media outfits confirmed the claim saying that they lack the resources for such safety cover for their staffs. Misunderstanding of the roles of Journalists and the Media by Politicians: Journalists are finding it increasingly difficult to operate professionally and independently because of the misperception of the place and role of the Journalists in democratic settings by politicians. Many Nigerian politicians want Journalists to be non-critical and report everything about them in a manner they so desire not necessarily based on professional judgments. Thus, the failure of such politicians to appreciate the professional and ethical requirements for news reporting led to frequent clashes with Journalists especially during elections. Lessons Based on the above observations, one can draw the following as lessons to be learnt in the coverage of elections in Nigeria since 1999. } The media is an important partner in the electoral process } Political misbehavior and negative attitudes in the wider society had affected the conduct of the media } Widespread violation of the Electoral Act, the Professional and NBC codes (plurality, access, fairness, sycophancy, commercialization of news, bribery, etc) affected the perception and credibility of the media as an objective fourth estate of the realm } Internal and external pressures mounted on operational staff (threats, attacks, sanctions, promises of appointments, etc) } The media did little of investigative Journalism to dig into the backgrounds and antecedents of candidates and behaviors and manifestoes of parties

•

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organizations, institutions and agencies involved with elections can be very helpful to media performance The media should be more confident in investigating the conduct of politicians, fulfillment of promises by incumbents, behavior of institutions like the Police, INEC, and specific allegations of malpractices and other such negative acts Civil society groups should focus on the performance of the media at various levels Regulators like the NBC should enforce the broadcasting code more forcefully Increased funding by proprietors is essential in enhancing the capacity of the media Careful and informed monitoring of every election process Careful and professional use of language in the media Be guided by the law and the professional codes

Pate, Professor of Mass Communication, Bayero University Kano, (BUK), made the presentation at series of UNDP/DGD engagements on the role of the media in ensuring credible elections and deepening democratic governance REFERENCES Ogbondah, Chris (1994) Military Regimes and the Press in Nigeria, 1966-1993; Human Rights and National Development. Lanham: University Press America. Omu, Fred (1978) Press and Politics in Nigeria. Ibadan: Longman. Oso, L. and Pate U (2010). Mass Media and Society in Nigeria. Lagos: Malthouse Press Pate, U. (2003). “Media Ethics in Political Reporting on the Broadcast Media in Nigeria”. In Nwosu, I (eds). POLIMEDIA: Media and Politics in Nigeria. Enugu: ACCE. Yusuf, B. (2001). “Mass Media in a Constitutional Democracy: The Nigerian Experience”. In Alemika, E. O. et. Al (eds) Constitutional Federalism and Democracy in Nigeria. Kaduna: HRM.

Recommendations • Increase the focus of the media on existing mindsets to address specific negative attitudes • Professional engagement of the media with politicians, civil society

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Chapter 1 SITUATING THE 2015 ELECTION AND POLITICAL REPORTING IN THE CONTEXT OF THE PUBLIC INTEREST By Iyobosa Uwugiaren INTRODUCTION

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igerian journalists require consistent training and retraining in order to discharge their constitutional and social responsibilities effectively.

Part 1: THE MEDIA & THE PUBLIC INTEREST IN ELECTIONS

Though our general elections are few months away, many political observers and monitors believe strongly, and rightly so, that this year would determine the character and direction of the general elections. And, I am quite certain that the main objective of this workshop, (supported by UNDP DGD11), is to ensure professional, ethical, issue-focused and gender-sensitive reporting of the elections and political processes. That will surely set the tone for every discussion which we shall be having in the next two days. This paper is not the conventional academic paper you regularly find in workshops. No, it is not. My intention is to raise issues that are expected to provoke lively discussion so that, at the end of the day, all of us will learn a little thing from one another. The bumpy road to 2015 Our nation's political topography is becoming very bumpy by the day. Political opponents from different parties are engaged in sword fight from all angles, some with short daggers in their pockets looking for whom to stab or crack, just for political relevance and gains. No doubt, the general elections will take place early next year but under a suffocating political atmosphere, the processes that will lead to the elections having commenced already. Soon, parties will select their candidates through primaries; campaigns will commence. So, this year will be full of activities. Already, there is some apprehension over the elections. Unfolding events in the last few weeks or months suggest that, in this period, many of our political stakeholders including the media would do anything for monetary booty or to attract the attention of their paymasters.

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Flip through many national dailies: hardly would a day pass without one finding political messages either responding to a write-up or canvassing positions. In many cases, some of these writers use pseudo-names for their dodgy political messages. I doubt if some of them can even spell their names, but they are ever ready to offer their names for such publications. Never before have we had a more unholy political alliance between the media and political parties than today. Some title editors, political editors and political reporters have become consultants to some political parties and politicians: press releases are today being written by our colleagues for political parties and politicians – the same people and institutions we are supposed to hold accountable to the electorate. This is why we need to remind ourselves once again about our responsibilities and obligations to the society in an election year. With the clear lack of focus and ideologies by political parties, the media have a huge responsibility to provide the necessary information to the people that will enable them take rational decisions.

the ruling class to balkanize the country and it is also not in the interest of imperialists to have Nigeria broken up into pieces'. His worry is that, with the lack of readiness on the part of the INEC as witnessed in the Anambra State governorship election, there are genuine fears that the 2015 general election may lead to violent eruptions across Nigeria. This fear is further fuelled by pronouncements of threats and counter-threats by the different interest groups and opinion moulders from different ethnic groups. However, in spite of this seeming danger, President Goodluck Jonathan has expectedly assured Nigerians and the international community that the 2015 elections would be freer and fairer than the 2011 general elections. He called for international support for the INEC to realize the goal of surpassing the benchmark attained in 2011.

Democracy and the media

To be sure, with the merger of some political parties to form a strong opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), many had thought that our democracy would be better for it by providing the required alternative to the self-styled largest political party in Africa, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). But events in the last few days or weeks have shown clearly that Nigerians may have found themselves between the 'devil and Lucifer'.

For many citizens in civilised democracies around the world, an election is a decisive judgement about the future of their nations. For them, it defines one of the core values of democracy. If the election is free, fair and acceptable, the nation can continue towards democracy and peace. But, if it is the other way round, it can weaken democracy and turn the country back towards conflict or violent crisis or even civil war, as recently experienced in some Third World countries.

Emotional reasoning, dirty propaganda, ethnic and religious sentiments and other mundane issues, rather than issue-based campaigns, have continued to dominate the press releases as well as political messages during the political parties' rallies.

Experience from these countries has shown that the media have been one of the most powerful influences on how an election is perceived in and outside a country. Many experts have argued that, for an election to go well, it must be free and fair. And, the media have been listed as integral parts of good governance and in shaping governance relationships. In fact, the media are so recognised because they assume strategic roles in determining the character of the relationship of the state, citizens and other democratic institutions.

The consequence is that our nation has never in our political history been more divided along ethnic and religious lines than today. With the different geopolitical zones whipping up ethnic issues as part of their mobilisation strategy, with increasing security challenges across the country, especially with the deadly activities of insurgents in the northern part of the country, and as controversy continues to mar the Anambra gubernatorial election, many Nigerians have continued to warn the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to get prepared in order to avoid eruption of violence in 2015. (The Anambra election has since been decided by the Supreme Court in favour of Mr. Willie Obiano of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). For instance, a human rights Lawyer, Mr Femi Falana (SAN), said recently that there were some people who believed that Nigeria would witness another civil war if President Goodluck Jonathan ran for a second term. Did I hear you say 'God forbid'? But the same Falana was quick to warn that 'it is not in the interest of any faction of

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Among other things, the media provide opportunities for the state and the citizen to communicate with each other. In one of its press releases, DFID noted that the role of the media is very crucial to democratic governance because it has been held that 'for governments to be accountable, responsive and effective, citizens need opportunities to communicate their perspectives and needs not only through the ballot box, but also between elections'. These services can be provided only by the media. The media therefore deliver the link for the citizen to engage governments in dialogue. We should not forget that most people in societies receive most of their information through the media. The media shape, in large part, what people think

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of the issues and institutions that affect them. It is critical to the formation of public opinion. The character of the media and their reporting determine the character of public debate in a democracy. A free media is fundamental to any definition of democratic good governance. The public watchdog role of the media can provide a critical check on a government's misuse of power, and enable the electorate to demand good governance. In many societies, state accountability relies upon the independence and ability of the media to investigate and interrogate government policy in the public interest. This means that where the media have an independent status, the required capability and the constructive conditions, they can investigate and interrogate government policy in the interest of the public. They can also defeat and even expose, the government of the day on issues of misuse of power, ineffectiveness and corruption. May we remind ourselves today that democracy's health depends upon public trust and confidence nourished by open access to information, which is accountable to individuals and communities, which in turn have the right to know what the elected government is doing on their behalf. This crucial element of democracy - the right to know - should be provided by the media. We learn from debated issues around democracy that citizens are assigned the right to choose who governs them and are adequately well informed to vote for the wisest, the most honest and the most rational of their fellow citizens. To make a rational decision, the electorate need to have access to useful information. Putting these components of views together, we can safely conclude that, for any nation to have a democratic structure and regime there must be a constitution, citizens' participation and rational choice. Constitutionally, there must be a set of measures and rules governing the conduct of elections, the behaviour of those who win in those elections and the legitimate activities of opposition groups. Those who participate in the democratic process must comprise considerable percentage of the people. Indeed, democracy also presumes that an audience is sufficiently educated and knowledgeable to make rational and effective use of the information circulating in the public domain. This means access to information in a participatory democracy is a fundamental human right. This is where we are challenged as political reporters or editors. The media must be free to tell everyone what was said without undue pressure to twist the truth. It is our job as professional journalists to fully inform citizens of the issues and their choices so they can decide for themselves whom to vote for. We must help to promote fair elections. There must be rules to ensure every citizen has

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a secret vote. All candidates must have equal rights and opportunities to campaign without interference. And we must help to ensure the rules are fair and everyone must respect the results of the vote. Elections as huge challenge for journalists From personal experiences – as a political reporter and an editor -- I know that elections are a great challenge for journalists. We need to know the election rules. We must report fairly on all candidates, parties and issues. We should be the voices of the voters. We must adhere to the ethics of our profession: accuracy, impartiality and responsibility. As journalists, we work with great enthusiasm, under pressure from powerful interests and with very little time, but we must remain focused. I am sure, before the end of this workshop, a set of rules will have been put together to offer us some basic preparation for meeting these challenges. As we know, every nation has diverse election rules and campaign issues, but there are some universal standards for an election to be considered free and fair. There are rights and responsibilities every professional journalist should know about. There are also skills journalists can use to help voters become better informed. Special rules apply when reporting election process. These rules are designed to ensure one party or candidate does not get an advantage over the others and exist in addition to the general rules regarding neutrality. Noble journalism in election reporting For citizens to make well-informed decisions in an election; there must be good and responsible journalism. It must be reliable. It must be trusted. It must have the opportunity to form independent and diverse views. Around the world, journalists have advanced morality and ethics to guide how they will provide the news people can trust. Unfortunately, there are situations and places where journalists have to work under standards that are imposed by governments, media owners, selfish media executives or powerful interests that interfere with professionalism. And these unprofessional conducts are very obvious in the Nigerian media today. Some sections of the Nigerian media operate today as if they are units of a political party. But, in spite of these trials, good reporters should live up to the responsibility of providing credible, useful and accurate information to the electorate that will enable them take rational decision on election days. There are no two ways about it: getting the correct information is the most important part of good journalism. Everything that is reported must be described ‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

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accurately – the spelling of the candidates' names, the words or quotes they use and the exact numbers and descriptions of people, places and things. Candidates and voters can be emotional during elections and so their words must be reported carefully to accurately disclose their meaning and to explain the context without embellishing incomplete meanings. Expectedly, in the news business, reporters will always rush to get it first. But our superior priority should be to first get it right. Voters and politicians will not talk to journalists if they fear journalists will not report their words accurately, or will not describe things as they really are. As media men and women, we have obligations to the people we report about, and to the society to whom we report the news. We have a responsibility to protect our sources when our sources cannot be named - if they give us information in confidence. Many people will not tell journalists the important news about political corruption if they fear their names will be revealed. Responsible journalists must use only authentic methods to obtain the news, which means our work should be guided by internationally accepted professional standards. We must be fair to all parties and balance our stories. Almost every code of good journalism puts importance on fairness. To achieve this, a good journalist will seek to produce a report that is balanced and detailed. To be balanced is to include both sides.

There is another meaning to impartiality. Impartiality also means that the professional reporter is not a leader or supporter in any political group or movement. If a journalist is known as a leading activist, his or her reports will be considered biased and not credible even if they do have fair balance. A journalist's impartiality means that a reporter must not take an active role in any election as a campaigner, offer financial, intellectual or other support to a party or take gifts from a party. Conclusion Our nation is at a crossroads, with the pollution of our nation's political atmosphere by some self-seeking and ethnic-championing politicians. As journalists with constitutional responsibilities, we must rise up to the challenge of holding them accountable to the people. We have no option in this bumpy, narrow but right path. Uwugiaren, Director, Editorial/Business, LEADERSHIP Newspapers Group, made the presentation at a media capacity-building workshop organised by the International Press Centre (IPC) in Enugu, February 18-20, 2014.

When one political candidate makes an accusation in an election campaign speech, a professional reporter will seek reactions from other candidates and include them in the report to create a balanced story. Looking for more than one opinion helps overcome the appearance of favouring only one side. But the balanced report must also be fair. It may give more emphasis or more attention to one candidate over another in a news story because of the significance of the candidate's words or actions at that event or at that time. But, at some other time, in some other story, the balance may change to fairly represent the importance of some other side. It requires more work and thoroughness to achieve a fair balance in every story; it is essential in professional journalism. There are always at least two sides to every story. Please, take note: Even if a journalist works for one media organisation that supports one party, as a professional, the journalist should try to be unbiased and balanced in his/her reporting. Even if a journalist works for the state or government media, his/her stories should include news about the opposition parties. Private media owners and state media should keep political comments and opinions separate from the news. As we say in journalism, 'comments are free, but facts are sacred'.

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Chapter 2

TIPS FOR PUBLIC INTEREST REPORTING OF ELECTIONS “The interest of the public in how to ….remains unabated. How to build families that stay together; schools that teach; neighbourhoods that prosper and government institutions that serve their subjects …Conflict sells – but so does conflict resolution” · Take a cue from the above · Promote peace; discourage discord · Give voice to under-represented groups – women, youths, persons living with disabilities, etc · Use multi-channels to sample public opinion · Document campaign promises prior to elections · Monitor fulfilment of campaign promises after elections · Report what the citizen wants:

-

-

The information that affects him/her The information that s/he needs The Information about his/her locality, interest, etc. The Information that enables him/her to be part of a public discussion The Information that helps him/her make informed decision

THE MEDIA, INEC AND PUBLIC EXPECTATION FOR CREDIBLE ELECTION IN 2015 By Femi Adesina

B

y this time next year, God willing, the 2015 general elections would have been concluded. There would be new administrations in place at both the state and federal levels, and Nigeria would be on a steady march in her democratic journey – all things being equal. Why do I say all things being equal? - Because we all know the potentials of Nigeria for eruption, for cataclysm, violence, sorrow and bloodshed after general elections. It happened in 1965, in what was then known as the Wild, Wild, West, in which we witnessed Operation 'Wetie'. This sparked off series of crises that eventually culminated in military takeover of government. In 1979, controversies trailed the elections that ushered in civilian rule, before things came to a head in 1983. There was blood and gore in many parts of the country, leading again to the return of the military. Fiasco is an understatement to describe the 12 June 1993 election voided by the military, which landed the country eventually in five years of draconian rule by General Sani Abacha. The annulment of the 1993 election was at a huge cost to Nigeria in human lives, as well as in socio-economic losses. Nigeria returned to democratic ways in 1999, not with perfect elections, but Nigerians were willing to overlook the imperfections and let democracy be. Sadly, however, subsequent elections, rather than improve, degenerated in terms of standard and conduct. In 2007, the world was unanimous in condemning what apparently was a travesty of best practices and global standards in electioneering. Even President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua that emerged confessed that the process that brought him into office was flawed. Can Nigeria forget the flare of arson and bloodshed that attended the 2011 presidential election? It was unprecedented in the life of the country. Scores of lives were lost, including those of youths, members of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), who had been engaged in the conduct of elections. It was a most dismal, dolorous epoch in the annals of electioneering in Nigeria.

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Now, we are on the march again. General elections are billed to hold in Nigeria once again in February 2015. Will things be radically different from experiences of the past? Will Nigeria move forward, and keep pace with the rest of the world in decent conduct of election, or will we prove that we have learnt nothing and forgotten nothing? A lot will depend on institutions like the media, the electoral umpire known as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the electorate itself, the security agencies, and many others. In this presentation, we will focus on the Media, INEC, and how they can both rise up to the expectations of the electorate in 2015. In a publication titled The ACE Encyclopaedia: Media and Elections, it was posited thus: “The media are essential to democracy, and a democratic election is impossible without media. A free and fair election is not only about the freedom to vote and the knowledge of how to cast a vote, but also about a participatory process where voters engage in public debate and have adequate information about parties, policies, candidates and the election process itself in order to make informed choices. Furthermore, media acts as a crucial watchdog to democratic elections, safeguarding the transparency of the process. Indeed, a democratic election with no media freedom, or stifled media freedom, would be a contradiction in terms.” What this simply means is that if Nigeria would have credible elections, the media would be at the very centre of it all, interfacing with both INEC and the electorate. The media must be a watchdog of the process. It must be a campaign platform, public educator, and forum for impartial, unbiased debate. Journalists must have unfettered freedom to cover election processes, before, during and after. They must play according to the rules, and work with the electoral commission to meet the expectation of the people. How should the media be comporting itself then, as we count down to 2015? Let us start with the roles the media should play in elections, and we then dovetail into how they need to play the roles. In playing its watchdog role, the media should be keenly involved in beaming the searchlight on political parties, aspirants, candidates, the electoral umpire, the process, and ensuring that the game is played according to the rules. In doing all these, the media must maintain critical balance, impartiality, and non-partisanship. Duties of the media will include, but not limited to: · · · · Page

Education of the electorate on their democratic rights; Reporting on the campaigns and programmes of different parties and candidates; Providing platform for ALL to communicate their message to the electorate; Receiving feedback from the electorate; 19

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·

Providing platform for parties and candidates to debate and ventilate their views decently; · Evaluating the electoral process; · Reporting and monitoring vote counting, and disseminating same as duly released by INEC; · Avoiding incendiary views and reports that may lead to flare of violence and loss of lives. In carrying out these duties, the media is not really expected to re-invent the wheel. The roles and responsibilities are to be carried out within the broad framework of responsible and ethical journalism. It is not as if new rules and regulations are to be designed for electoral duties and responsibilities, rather, they are already encapsulated in ethical journalism. What should the media bear in mind then, if it would effectively play its role in engendering credible election in 2015? As stated earlier, the media is not being asked to re-invent the wheel. Being faithful to the canons of journalism as espoused and adopted by the American Society of Newspaper Editors in 1923 gets the job done. The media must hold the following dear for credible elections in 2015: Responsibility: The journalist must know that the public's welfare is paramount at all times. His discharge of his duties must never erode or corrode public welfare, irrespective of the ownership of the medium he reports for, public or private. Freedom without extremes: Freedom of the press must be demanded and upheld at all times. But freedom must have boundaries. Nothing must be pushed to the extreme. Independence: The media must never become an appendage of politicians, or other interest groups. Sadly, this is a vanishing value in the country today. Accuracy and truthfulness: These are building blocks of ethical journalism. Public accountability must be the watchword at all times. Impartiality: Everyone must be given a voice including the other side. Fair play: Integrity is in question when there is no fair play. In fact, it then becomes foul play. Opposing views should not be silenced, but accommodated. Neither should views be twisted to achieve pre-determined goals. Decency: The media must not pander to base or vicious instincts. Don't instigate

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or inflame passions, as elections are emotive things. All the above are expected of both the traditional media and New Media. Part of the watchdog role of the media is to safeguard the transparency of the democratic process. And that is where it must necessarily be in synergy with INEC, without necessarily being in cahoots with the electoral umpire. How then can the media work with INEC towards realising the expectation of the public for credible polls in 2015? The public has a right to information before, during and after elections. The onus is, therefore, on those charged with manning the communication apparatus of INEC to ensure that the communication channel between them and the media is kept open. Can there be communication without access? If those who interface between INEC and the media are not accessible at all times, then communication will be stifled. Responses must be promptly provided to enquiries, grey areas promptly clarified, unintended misrepresentations clarified timeously, and updates given on different electoral stages. Cultic or arcane things are often shrouded in secrecy. But not issues about election. Transparency is the name of the game, and this reflects in adequate communication. INEC is responsible to the electorate, and the media is the vehicle through which the responsibility is communicated. An effective media relation strategy must, therefore, be in place.

they have brought to the job. Indeed, the position of INEC boss is a cemetery of integrity. The least an occupant of the position can do then is to do his best and leave the rest for posterity to judge. FINAL WORDS Let me borrow the words of Veronica Oakeshott of IWPR programme in Nigeria: “Our mission is to hasten the day when politicians no longer feel they can promise the world and deliver a pittance. When they know their every move is being watched by skilled reporters, they will raise their game, and with it the fortunes of ordinary Nigerians.” That is what can be achieved with synergy between the media and INEC. The typical politician will no longer be able to pull the wool over the eyes of the electorate. And the country will get the kind of election it has long panted for, and hankered after. We will surely get there. The ravening clouds will not continue to be victorious. The hope of credible elections, long deferred, will then become reality. Adesina, Managing Director, The Sun Newspapers & President, Nigerian Guild of Editors, made the presentation at the National Stakeholders' Roundtable on Setting Media and Public Agenda for 2015, held in Abuja on March 26, 2014.

Again, there should be continuous engagement and capacity building. The media has a lot to learn about the processes of elections – rules guiding campaigns, party primaries and election of candidates, conventions, accreditation of journalists, election reporting, publication of results, impartiality, reporting on exit polls, how to avoid inflaming passions, reporting findings by international observers etc. INEC is the repository of most of these information and it is important that there is continuous engagement between the two bodies. Capacity building is really a continuous exercise. The media is trained to ferret out information. Therefore, the electoral umpire must never have dark secrets or skeletons in its cupboards. While the media and INEC should not be adversaries, they are also not expected to be criminally chummy to the point of aiding and abetting any form of opacity. Transparency must be upheld at all times. Electoral umpires are often the butt of criticism and cynicism in Nigeria, no matter how well or hard they have tried to acquit themselves. From Michael Ani, to OvieWhiskey, Eme Awa, Humphrey Nwosu, Sumner Dagogo-Jack, Abel Guobadia, Omorose Akpata, Maurice Iwu and Attahiru Jega, the public simply wants to believe the worst of them, irrespective of their pedigree, and the record of integrity

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AN ACT TO REPEAL THE ELECTORAL ACT 2006 AND RE-ENACT THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION, REGULATE THE CONDUCT OF FEDERAL, STATE AND AREA COUNCIL ELECTIONS AND FOR RELATED MATTERS, 2010

(5) At any public print media, equal coverage and conspicuity shall be allotted to all political parties. (6) Any public media that contravenes subsections 3 and 4 of this section shall be guilty of an offence and on conviction be liable to a maximum fine of N500,000 in the first instance and to a maximum fine of N1,000,000 for subsequent conviction.

Section 99 – 102 99.

-(1) For the purpose of this Act, the period of campaigning in public by every political party shall commence 90 days before polling day and end 24 hours prior to that day.

Limitation on political broadcast and campaign by political parties

101.

(2) A registered Political Party which through any person acting on its behalf during the 24 hours before polling day(a) advertises on the facilities of any broadcasting undertaking; or (b) procures for publication or acquiesces in the publication of an advertisement in a Newspaper, for the purpose of promoting or opposing a particular candidate, is guilty of an offence under this Act and upon conviction shall be liable to a maximum fine of N500,000. 100.

-(1) A candidate and his party shall campaign for the elections in accordance with such rules and regulations as may be determined by the Commission.

(3) Media time shall be allocated equally among the political parties or candidates at similar hours of the day. (4) At any public electronic media, equal airtime shall be allotted to all political parties or candidates during prime times at similar hours each day, subject to the payment of appropriate fees. Page

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Prohibition of Broadcast, etc 24 hours preceding or on polling day

(2) Where an offence under subsection (1) of this section is committed by a body corporate, every principal officer of that body is equally guilty of an offence under this Act.

Campaign for election

(2) State apparatus including the media shall not be employed to the advantage or disadvantage of any political party or candidate at any election.

-(1) A person, print or electronic medium that broadcasts, publishes, advertises or circulates any material for the purpose of promoting or opposing a particular political party or the election of a particular candidate over the radio, television, newspaper, magazine, handbills, or any print or electronic media whatsoever called during twenty four hours immediately preceding or on polling day is guilty of an offence under this Act.

(3) Where any person is convicted of an offence under this section he shall be liable: (a) in the case of a body corporate to a maximum fine of N1,000,000 and (b) in the case of an individual to a maximum fine of N500,000 or to imprisonment for 12 months. 102.

Any candidate, person or association who engages in campaigning or broadcasting based on religious, tribal, or sectional reason for the purpose of promoting or opposing a particular political party or the election of a particular candidate, is guilty of an offence under this Act and on conviction shall be liable to a maximum fine of N1,000,000 or imprisonment for twelve months or to both.

‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

Campaign based on religion, tribe, etc.

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Chapter 3 THE 2015 PUBLIC AGENDA FOR THE MEDIA (OPINION POLL OUTCOME)

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*3.

Age 17 or younger 18 – 20 21 – 29 30 – 39 40 – 49 50 – 59 60 or older

· Priority issues for media reportage - general. For the overwheming majority of the respodents the top five priority issues are:

*4.

Occupation

*5.

Location (State)

Others: ü Food & Agriculture ü Transportation (roads) ü Rural Development ü Science & bTechnlogy ü Women Empowerment

ü Power Supply - 1,759 ticks, representing 87.4%; ü Education - 1,713 ticks representing 85.1%; ü Youth Employement & Job Creation - 1,590 ticks representing 79%; ü Security of lives - 1,250 ticks representing 62.%; and ü Health Care - 1,245 ticks representing 61.9%.

*6. How did you hear about this survey? Facebook Twitter Website SMS Email Other Summary of findings · Gender of respondents Responses were received from 1, 159 males (representing 57.6%) and 853 females (representing 42.4 %) · Age of respondents There were 837respondents in the 20-29 age bracket representing 41.6%. This was followed by 447 people in the age range of 31- 39 (22.2%); 273 in the 18-20 bracket (13.6%) and 239 people in the 40-49 range (11.9%). 73 respondents were younger than 17 years (3.6%) and 24 were adults above 60 (1.2%). · Occupation of respondents The highest response was from the students population which had 983 (48.9%) followed by 550 respondents (27.3%) who were professionals (journalists, engineers, doctors, accountants, etc), the civil servant population was 181 (9%), the self employed 114 (5.7%), private employee 95 (4.7%), artisans, 61 (3%) and umployed people 28 (1.8%).

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– 963 (47.86%); – 618 (30.72%); – 350 (17.40%) – 288 (14.31%) and - 294 (14.12%)

· Priority Issues – Gender The Male Gender: Among the 1,159 Male Respondents the five top priority issues were also as above but with different percentages as follows: ü Power Supply ü Education ü Youth Employement and Job Creation ü Security of lives ü Health Care

- 1,031 (88.96%); - 981 (84.64%); - 906 (78.17%); - 757 (65.31.%); and - 713 (61.52%).

Majority of Male Respondents were youths: 21- 29: 30 – 39: 40 – 49:

438 (37-79%); 288 (24.85%); 178 (15 – 36%)

In terms of occupation, majority of Male Respondents were students and professionals: Students Professionals Civil Servants

– 460 (39.69%) – 382 (32.96%) – 108 (9.32%)

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The Female Gender: Among the 853 Female Respondents, Education came priority issues: ü Education ü Power Supply ü Youth Employement and Job Creation ü Health Care ü Security of Lives and property The majority of female Respondents were also youths: 21 – 29: 30 – 39: 18 – 20:

first among the five top – 732 (85.81%) – 728 (85.35%) – 684 (80.18%) – 532 – (62.37%) – 493 (57.80%)

523 (61.31%) 168 (19.70%) 73 (8.56%)

· Priority Issues – Age The priority issues varied considerably when the data was disaggregated according to age: 17 & Below (73): ü Youth Employement and Job Creation ü Education ü Power Supply ü Health Care ü Security of lives ü Food & Agriculuture

- 65 (89.04%); - 58 (79.45%); - 58 (79.45%); - 51 (69.86.%); - 33 (45.21%); and - 33 (45.21%)

18 – 20 (274 made up of 154 Females & 12 Males) This group retained the general top five priority issues but with higher percentages: ü Power Supply ü Education

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- 236 (86.13%); - 170 (62.04%); and - 151 (55.11%).

· Priority Issues – Occupation The analysis of responses on the basis of occupation presents an interesting picture as civil servants, professionals and the self employed all maintained the same five top priority issues as the general but expectedly with different percentages · Voting pattern of respondents

399 (46.78%) 159 (18.64%) 154 (18.05%)

Most female Respondents were students, professionals and civil servants: Students: Professionals: Civil Servants:

ü Youth Employement and Job Creation ü Security of lives ü Health Care

- 249 (90.88%); - 247 (90.15%);

‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

The opinion poll initially started as a wholly online, new and social media driven project with facebook adverts, twitter, email, IVR/SMS voice alert and website links used as primary channels of promotion. However, the results were not encouraging after the initial two-month period due to a number of reasons including apathy of citizens to democratic governance issues, suspicion about the motive of the poll (mainly assumptions that it was politically driven, as well as suspicion about being used by hackers to access vital computer information, etc) and general time/internet availability constraints. These and some other reasons might have made few people to vote despite the fact that statistics showed that over 5,000 people received the messages requesting them to vote. To overcome this challenge, the use of the questionnaire was agreed upon with much more encouraging results. Location of respondents Although majority of the respondents were located in Lagos, Nigerians in 30 States, the Federal Capital Territory and the Diaspora participated in the opinion poll. Conclusion It is our candid opinion that the media in Nigeria should make use of the outcome of this opinion poll in developing its roadmap for the 2015 elections. Beyond elections however, Editors and Reporters are advised to make use of the findings because of the invaluable insight they provide on the attitudes and opinions of Nigerians on governance and development issues, some of which actually negate old stereotypes.

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point and preserved for at least 90 days after first broadcast.

(POLITICAL BROADCASTS) NIGERIAN BROADCASTING CODE, SECTION 5.2

5.2.12 All partisan political broadcasts, campaigns, jingles, announcements and all forms of partisan party identifications or symbols shall end not later than twenty-four hours before polling day.

CLASS B

5.2.13 In exceptional circumstances, on office holder may, within the 24 hour period, perform a service relating to his office, provided there is no display of partisanship.

CLASS A

5.2.1

Political programmes shall observe the provisions of the Code, and other extant laws relating to broadcasting.

CLASS B

5.2.2

All political broadcasts shall be the product of the broadcaster except advertisements, promos and collaborative productions supervised by relevant organisations like NBC, BON, INEC, NOA.

CLASS B

5.2.14 A broadcaster shall not use any votes obtained at different polling stations of from exit polls, to project or speculate on the chances of the candidates.

CLASS B

5.2.3

All broadcasters shall carry out their civic responsibility of Broadcasting all aspects of political enlightenment.

CLASS C

5.2.15 A broadcaster shall broadcast election results or declaration of the winner only as announced by the authorised electoral officer for the election.

CLASS B

5.2.4

Partisan political broadcasts shall be only those in which the parties Seek to explain their views and policies.

CLASS B

5.2.16 In the interest of fairness and balance, any form of commercialisation of political news is not allowed.

CLASS B

5.2.5

Political broadcasts shall be in decent language.

CLASS B

5.2.17 No political jingle shall exceed 60 seconds.

CLASS B

5.2.18 While a broadcast producer may interact with politicians in the course of his professional duties, this shall not be such, as to lead to the belief, that he is either a member or sympathizer of any political party.

CLASS B

5.2.19 A broadcaster shall avoid adulation and the tendency to glamorize persons or resort to praise singing or denial of access to those of contrary views or political leanings to such persons.

CLASS B

5.2.20 In programmes requiring the representation of Political parties or affiliations, the panelists shall be of comparable status and relevance.

CLASS B

5.2.21 No panelist shall use party logo, insignia, etc, to the disadvantage of other panelists.

CLASS B

5.2.22 A broadcaster shall set up a standing Electoral Complaints Committee to resolve all disputes within 24 hours of receipt of the complaint.

CLASS B

5.2.23 The appropriate decisions, including the grant of a Right of Reply or Apology, shall be implemented within 24 hours, and at the same level of prominence.

CLASS B

5.2.24 The committee's proceedings shall be forwarded to the Commission not later than 48 hours.

CLASS B

5.2.6 Political broadcasts shall be clearly identified as such, and shall not be presented in a manner that would mislead the audience to believe that the programmes are of any other character.

CLASS B

5.2.7

CLASS B

A broadcaster shall, in using political material for news, avoid taking inflammatory and divisive matter in its provocative form.

5.2.8 In adherence to the principles of pluralism, equal airtime shall be provided to all political parties or views, with particular regard to the amount of time and belt, during political campaign periods.

CLASS B

5.2.9 All broadcasters shall regularly broadcast announcements to the effect that every Political party is entitled to air-time during political campaign periods.

CLASS B

5.2.10 At campaign periods, log books shall be kept by each broadcaster at a level not below the level of a “Controller” or its equivalent, showing the allocation of news, programmes and commercial air-time to each party with dates, title and other information as may be requested by the Commission to ensure fairness. 5.2.11 All partisan political broadcasts shall be recorded at transmission

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CLASS A

CLASS B

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Chapter 4 THE MEDIA AND CIVIL SOCIETY: SEEKING COMMON GROUND FOR CREDIBLE ELECTIONS By Nick Dazang

C

oming hot on the heels of the release of the 'Time Table and Schedule of Activities for the 2015 General Elections' by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), this topic is indeed apt and propitious.

Permit me to cursorily look at the Media and Civil Society as separate entities and then proceed to show, crystal clearly, that indeed though they differ markedly, they are kindred spirits and handmaidens by virtue of some of their shared values and modus operandi. Practically all democratic countries in the world have adopted the libertarian system and have embodied them either in their constitutions or fundamental laws. The basis for this libertarian system was developed by philosophers such as John th Stuart Milton and John Locke in the 17 Century. The details were worked out and th put into practice from the 18 Century. The rest, as the well worn saying goes, is history. The Media as we know them today are: the traditional media of your, radio, television, theatre, movies, newspapers, magazines, books and what is referred to as the New Social Media. They are platforms or vehicles through which we communicate to a mass audience – an audience differentiated by race, class, ethnicity, sex, socio-economic status, education, etc. Unlike in pristine times, events which occur in distant lands and climes are now reported and learnt of instantaneously, thus shrinking the world into what the Media guru and prophet, Marshal Mc Luhan once said would be the Global Village. As if this were not enough, the new kid on the block, called the New Social Media have made communication accessible to the uninitiated with grave consequences for ethical behaviour, journalistic cannons and social responsibility. The Media play pivotal functions. Of course, they have their dysfunctions as well! But let me dwell on the savoury and salutary. Among others, the Media inform; they educate; they entertain; they confer status(es) on those who consume their

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fare; they survey or police their environments by holding governments and institutions to account; they set agenda for discussion; and they advocate or crusade against injustice and societal ills. So vital is the press to liberal democracy that Thomas Jefferson once enthused that: “The basis of our governments being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But I should mean that every man should receive those papers and be capable of reading them.” Although Jefferson reportedly suffered great calumnies from the press as a political figure, he held strongly to his conviction that in spite of its shortcomings, the Media should be subject to a minimum of interferences. The Media have played these roles with varying degrees of commitment, dedication, fidelity and aggression. We recall the famous Watergate scandal in which the investigative reportage of the Washington Post, through their intrepid staffers, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, forced the resignation of Richard Nixon. Gay Talese in his book, The Kingdom And The Power, reports how the New York Times, led by the legendary Carr Van Anda became the patron of several explorers, the most prominent being Commodore Robert E. Perry, discoverer of the North Pole in April 1909, and Roald Amundsen, discoverer of the South Pole in December 1911. We recall here how The News magazine exposed the certificate scandal of the former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Salisu Buhari. The Nigerian Media, in spite of constraints, continue to be robust and vibrant. Donald Woods, an anti-apartheid activist, journalism teacher and author of Looking For Trouble has hailed the Nigerian Media as a role model for not suffering fools or humbug gladly. The term “Civil Society” goes back to antiquity. It goes back to Aristotle who referred to it as a “community” in his Politics. It is said to be commensurate with the Greek city-state (polis) which was characterised by a shared set of norms and ethos in which free citizens, on an equal footing, lived under the rule of law. st The Dictionary.com's 21 Century Lexicon defines civil society as “the aggregate of non-governmental organisations and institutions that manifest interests, will of citizens or individuals and organisations in a society which are independent of government” The relations between civil society and democratic political society have their roots in early classical liberal writings like those of Alexis de Tocqueville. Also 20th Century theorists such as Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba have argued that civil society organisations facilitate better awareness and a more informed citizenry, who make better voting choices, participate in politics and hold governments more accountable as a result. ‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

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Robert D. Putnam has argued that civil society organisations are vital for democracy because “they build social capital, trust and shared values which are transferred into the political sphere and help to hold society together, facilitating an understanding of the interconnectedness of society and interest within it”. Just like their peers across the globe, civil society organisations/non-governmental organisations in Nigeria have played crucial roles in advocating for a better society, crusading against official graft, lack of transparency and fighting against social ills. We recall the bold and swashbuckling role the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO) played in exposing prison congestion in Nigeria through its treatise, Behind the Wall and the prison reforms that followed in the wake of its expose. It is against this backdrop that I intend to underline the connection and nexus between the Media and Civil Society. Liberal democratic societies recognize the Media's place as the Fourth Estate of the Realm, keeping the rear after the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary. The Nigerian Constitution additionally mandates the Media to hold the government accountable to the people. Similarly, society recognizes the place of civil society organisations in holding government accountable to the people. In doing this, the Media have found recourse in their reporting and investigative skills and most recently the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act. Civil Society Organisations have also resorted to the FOI Act and are asking pertinent questions about government policies, budgets and expenditures. Even as the Media set agenda for discussion by highlighting major issues of the day in their bulletins and in the manner they cast their headlines, members of Civil Society take advantage of the agenda and occupy its upper reaches: Witness the daily interactive/discussion programmes on radio and television. Not a few of them are dominated by speakers/analysts from Civil Society who make reasoned and cogent contributions. The Media and Civil Society as we have seen above were forged on the anvil of liberal democracy. Apart from the aforementioned, the Media and Civil Society set great store by the conduct of credible elections in Nigeria. Both recognize that there is a correlation between credible elections and good governance. Both recognise that it is only when we get our elections right that we could earn the respect of the international community, begin to insist that other aspects of our national life should be conducted properly and Nigeria can develop and take its rightful place in the group of nations.

Commission prepares to conduct the 2015 General Elections. This is because the two also appreciate that: (i) the 2015 General Elections hold the prospect of stabilizing our democracy; (ii) they hold the possibility of deepening our democracy; and (iii) the nation cannot afford to suffer reverses in the electoral front – instead it must make incremental and steady gains over the improvement recorded in 2011. This realisation has strengthened the resolve of the Media and Civil Society to continue to engage and to be on the same page. It has spurred them to continue to show more than casual interest in the electoral process and to continue to educate millions of Nigerians about the process. Beyond this resolve to continue to engage, the Media, in collaboration with Civil Society should set for themselves as an agenda, for at least the next ten years, the enthronement of credible elections. This kind of collaboration is not new when we recall that it was the Media's steadfast determination to crusade against military dictatorship that gave birth to our return to democratic rule. As it did so, the Media correctly gave visibility to the exertions of pro-democracy activists. The Media and Civil Society can re-enact this scenario for credible elections by beaming their searchlights on critical stakeholders in the electoral process and galvanizing them to play their parts with fidelity and in concert with best practices. Thankfully the Commission, under Professor Attahiru Jega's watch has demonstrated an irrevocable commitment to the conduct of free, fair and credible elections. It has also recognized the need to continue to engage with critical stakeholders and to carry them along. The Media and Civil Society should engage with the Commission to ensure that it delivers on its pledge. They should also make sure that the political class plays by the rules and set their sights firmly on good governance. Dazang, Deputy Director, Voter Education and Publicity, INEC, made the presentation at the National Stakeholders' Roundtable on Setting Media and Public Agenda for 2015 Elections.

This realisation has compelled Civil Society to partner and work with the Media on the one hand and to work with the Election Management Body, namely, INEC, on the other. In this regard, both the Media and Civil Society have shown increased interest in the elections being conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). We expect this interest and collaboration to increase as the Page

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Chapter 5 BETWEEN CONFLICT-SENSITIVE REPORTING AND DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT. By Jide Jimoh Peace is not everything; but without peace, everything is nothing. -Willy Brandt

Introduction

Part 2: THE MEDIA, ETHICS & CONFLICT IN ELECTIONS

T

he role of the media in the evolution of the Nigerian state has been long debated. At the historical level, the media have been credited with a robust contribution to the struggle against colonial rule and the subsequent attainment of independence. Beyond that the role of the media in putting pressure on and engaging military dictatorship and the push for a democratic order is well documented. The literature is replete with studies and accounts Olukotun (2005) Sobowale (1985), Omu(1978) Oso and Pate (2011) among others which harp on different aspects of the media's historic role. The literature also contains references to some inglorious moments of the media as part of the problem with Nigeria. They point to manipulations of the media by regional potentates that partly, if not largely, contributed to events that led to the Nigerian – Biafran Civil War of 1967 – 1970. This point was well adumbrated in the arena of politics. Isola(2010:87) after documenting instances of crass insensitivity on the part of the media that invariably stoked the political violence that engulfed the Western Region in 1965 and Ondo State in 1983 averred that, “the truth about contemporary journalistic practice is also that the structural environment of reporting is restricted by economic and political factors, which are not unconnected to media ownership, political interests and commercial patronage.” Almost in all times and climes, media's role in society have generated controversies. Recent forays into the Gulf Region by the United States of America (USA) in its “fight against terror” exposed the flanks of the media. The media in America have been accused of being lapdogs of the military-industrial complex instead of being watchdogs critical of the excesses of the establishment. They became embedded in the war bunkers and hence were unable to give a detached account of the war, its real motives and the plight of the victims. Having parroted the official position about the presence of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), it became obvious that they have been hoodwinked when no WMD were found with Saddam Hussein after subduing him.

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Apart from being obsessed with the powers- that- be, the media have also been accused of sensationalism, poor analysis, insensitivity, pandering to commercial interests and thereby entrenching cultural and structural violence that causes, conflagrates and escalates conflicts in especially fragile societies like Nigeria. Those who sympathize with the media point to its role, not as arbiters in conflict situations, but a neutral conveyor of information in society including society's strengths and weaknesses. So, when the media strike at the soft underbellies of society, it could be a call to action to redress the weaknesses rather than an obsession with conflicts. The conflicts and frictions are there anyway, they argue. Given the scenario of arguments and counter – arguments on the role of the media in society, it becomes imperative to study much more deeply, the emerging debates and alternative propositions on the traditional role of the media. Secondly, the need to study media's role in particular societies and contexts has become necessary. This paper is therefore a contribution to the discourse, using the concept of conflict – sensitive reporting and its relationship to democratic development in the Nigerian context. Conflict – sensitivity and democratic development The concept of conflict sensitivity in development programming and peace building has been made popular by United Nations Agencies like UNDP, UNICEF and UNESCO. An assessment of the failure of many development interventions, particularly in the Third World, has accentuated the need for critical evaluation of the context and dynamics of development. Consequently, development agencies re-evaluated their strategies. They noted that intentions were not enough, but realities of interventions needed to be mainstreamed into development contexts since “the development programme processes should not only be rights based, results based, gender and environment sensitive, but also conflictsensitive”(IPCR/UNICEF 2006:22). The ramifications of conflict- sensitive programming include, but may not be limited to: · An in-depth understanding of the context/environment in which the intervention (programme, project or policy) is situated; · an understanding of the interactions between the intervention and the context/ environment (along with the peace and conflict dynamics); · knowledge of the indicators for peace and conflicts so as to input conflictsensitivity into the programming design; and · pro-actively engage peace building implementation strategies to minimize negative impacts on the context/environment and maximize the opportunities for peace (IPCR/ UNICEF 2006:22). With the adumbration of these broad principles of conflict-sensitive programming in development work, the concept began to influence interventions in various Page

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contexts including the media and communications context of development planning and execution. The symbiotic relationship between communication and development has long been recognized by scholars in both disciplines. In their famous, “Multi-Track Diplomacy”, Diamond and Macdonald (1996) recognized th communication and media as the 9 track in the management of conflicts But they spoke from the development angle on the need to engage the media in peace processes with the aim of influencing the way media will view, present and promote the peace builders' perspective. From the media perspective, however, the argument for conflict- sensitivity is built on a different but related set of arguments which include, chiefly, that as both a business enterprise and professional calling the media need a peaceful environment to operate. This paper therefore recommends conflict sensitive reporting as being in the enlightened self interest of the media. Conflict sensitivity in medical interventions In the Western literature, conflict- sensitivity has been etymologically linked with medical practice as alluded to in the Hippocratic Oath taken by newly inducted medical personnel. Although, the original Greek phrase, Primum Non Nocere (above all, do no harm) was not stated in the Hippocratic Oath, it contains similar words and the promise “to abstain from doing harm” in medical intervention (Smith 2005). From its medical origin, the Do – No – Harm principle has been adopted in other fields like development studies, conflict and peace building, journalism and many other contexts. In media and conflict reporting literature, the idea of CSJ is traced to Howard Ross in the on-going debate about the merits and demerits of peace journalism. Peace journalism was originally proposed by Johan Galtung when he distinguished between war-oriented and peace- oriented journalism. In spite of the lofty ideals of peace journalism, critics from professional journalism stables lashed at the idea. To them, it is not the duty of journalists to act as “peace keepers” but to report events as they unfold; no matter whose ox is gored. The duty of the professional journalist is to seek out the truth, report it faithfully and objectively while seeking balance and fairness. Proponents of peace journalism and other critics describe objectivity as a myth and that journalists through choice of stories to feature, choice of words and emphasis placed on certain angles of a story are influenced by their personal and institutional biases. Such biases they argue should be in favour of promotion of peace at all times. Other concepts which are variants of the peace journalism

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perspective were suggested by various scholars and practitioners. Notable among them is “journalism of attachment” (Bell, 1997) who criticized what he called 'bystanders journalism”. He posited that journalism cannot afford to be neutral between good and evil, right and wrong, the victim and the oppressor. Reacting to Bell, David Binder of The NewYork Times described Bell's position as a “garbage argument” because, “our job is to report from all sides, not to play favourites” (Riachardi 1996:27). Another concept was introduced by Kempf (2002). Although built on Galtung's idea, Kempf suggested a more critical peace journalism, which he called “deescalation oriented conflict coverage (DEOCC).” He said journalists must be self critical and cautious to avoid dissemination of “peace propaganda” which is as counter-productive as war propaganda. The approach questions war and military logic and respects and covers the opponents' rights. Hanitzch(2004:49) criticized peace journalism and related concepts as being at odds with mass communication theory because peace journalism: · assumes a powerful, causal and linear media effects · looks at audience as a single aggregate of dispersed individuals; · assumes that publishers and journalists can disregard the interests of their specific audience; and · places responsibility on the media to prevent, manage, resolve and transform conflicts. He described the above assumptions as lacking in empirical support, disregarding pluralistic audiences, being unnatural and economically impossible and wrongly places responsibility for conflict management in media instead of political institutions and leaders. Given the criticisms above, among others, the idea of peace journalism was rejected by many scholars and practitioners. In 2003, however, Ross Howard came up with the idea of conflict-sensitive journalism (CSJ) which: · presents balanced reports and only what is known; · chooses words carefully and refrains from emotional terms; · seeks explanation and comment from all sides; and · looks for solutions. (Howard 2003:15) The attraction of CSJ would seem to go beyond its tenets to include its nomenclatural acceptability. Journalists would readily agree to be sensitive in reporting than being asked to learn a new form of reporting. As the saying goes, you do not learn to be left handed at old age. Commenting on the acceptability of CSJ as a concept, media scholar and trainer, Jean lee Patindol recalled that there were stiff resistance from journalists at Page

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workshops to the idea of peace journalism which necessitated “a gradual shift in naming the discipline … from peace journalism to peace and conflict journalism to emphasise that the concept applies to the coverage of conflict and not its exclusion. Currently, the term conflict-sensitive journalism (CSJ) is being used by PECOJON in its trainings. Patindol (2010:199-200) noted that this term has significantly clarified the concept and further focuses on the fact that: · it is more accurate and appropriate to the real work of an ethical, responsible journalism; · the concept applies to the reporting of conflict, not to avoiding it, and · the emphasis is on the challenge for journalists in reporting conflict.

The Nigerian experience There is a long history of distrust between the media and successive governments in Nigeria. A measure of adversarial relationship between media and the political class can be gauged by accusations of bias, mischief, sensationalism, lack of objectivity and general irresponsibility levelled against the media by various government officials during military and civilian governments. Few months into his appointment as the National Security Adviser (NSA) to President Goodluck Jonathan, Col. Dasuki Sambo (Rtd.) commented on the role of the Nigerian press in the several violent conflicts ravaging Nigeria. He said, “My experience with the media has so far not been a good one… In most of the places I visit, the media have been one of the problems and it is all these idea of sensational journalism that everybody wants to publish a story that is not necessarily a story, to make good headlines.” (The Punch, July 6, 2012:1-2) Similar statements can be found in pronouncements of other government officials from the colonial administration to the current Fourth Republic. The media on the other hand see themselves as doing a professional job by reporting what government officials would rather sweep under the carpet. Interestingly, civil society and the general public also sometimes blame the Nigerian media for unprofessional conducts. Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah in an interview with Nigerian Tribune noted that, “the media are constantly misleading people about Christians bombing churches or Muslims bombing mosques. The denomination of the person who is involved in a crime is not important.” (Sunday Tribune, March 18, 2012). In light of these accusations and denials, it is apt to critically examine specific cases of media reportage of specific incidents. This paper has therefore tried to measure the conflict-sensitivity of the media in the coverage of the incessant crisis that has

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engulfed Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria. The JOS crisis Jos was once a largely peaceful city with almost every major ethnic group in Nigeria as residents. It also has a large population of Europeans who cherish the cool weather of the tin mining city. Jos has been known as a colonial creation because the British colonialists had been attracted by the large deposit of tin and other minerals in the area. When the tin mining began, Nigerians and other nationals from diverse ethnic groups were attracted to the city as civil servants, artisans, businessmen and in other sundry engagements. The construction of rail line from the Southern part of Nigeria also boosted the population and popularity of Jos. The first major conflict occurred in Jos in 1932 during the World Economic Depression and the Second in 1945 shortly after the Second World War (Galadima and Olaniyi 2009:197). In both cases, the Igbo trading community was attacked giving credence to the view that the conflict in Jos has its origin in economic struggle for the control of the city between indigenes and non-indigenes. Originally inhabited by the Berom, Anaguta and Afizere people, Jos later became home to Hausa, Fulani, Igbo,Yoruba and other minority ethnic groups across Nigeria. The indigenes therefore regard the later inhabitants as settlers or nonindigenes. Owing to economic reasons referred to above, the non-indigenes are in a clear majority with some of them unable to return to their original places of origin after several generations of sojourning. They therefore demand to be regarded as indigenes with full rights to the economic and political powers and privileges. Between 1994 and 2012 the crisis has increased in frequency and level of destruction of lives and property. But as noted by elder statesmen and former Ambassador Yahaya Kwande: The Hausa have got it wrong in one way and the natives have got it wrong in another way. Hausa got it wrong when they said they are indigenes. If you check the meaning of the word 'indigene' in the Oxford Dictionary, it describes that word as something in a particular place that cannot be found anywhere else in the world! The native are as wrong because if you look into Jos the city, there is no one street that you can find more than one or two Berom. (Kwande: 2012: 25). The remote and immediate causes of the Jos crisis as distilled from various literature list the following (i) ownership of Jos (ii) Indigene ship of Jos (iii) efforts at islamisation (iv) delimitation of election wards (v) blockage of roads during

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worship (VI) indiscriminate use of loudspeakers (vii) Fulani herdsmen trespassing on farmlands (viii) alleged discrimination against Muslims by government and (ix) non-implementation of previous reports (Suleiman 2011: 54) To the list above, we can add the primordial and constructed identities being manipulated by political and religious leaders. Thus, during electoral contests, politicians throw up these identities to garner votes irrespective of the negative implications on the society. This chapter will therefore examine whether or to what extent the media have been culpable on charges of escalating the Jos crisis by the way they cover it. The ethnic, religious and political suspicion that has fuelled crisis in Jos and environs reached a crescendo in July 2012 with the death of a serving Senator, Gyang Dantong and the Majority Leader of the State House of Assembly, Mr. Gyang Fulani after a stampede occasioned by attacks by suspected Fulani herdsmen. The duo had attended the burial of victims of an earlier attack in Maseh village. Following the deaths and the attendant uproar, the Special Task Force (STF) charged with maintaining peace in the state, gave inhabitants of the crisisprone areas a 48-hour ultimatum to vacate their villages to give way to a 'military operation' aimed at flushing out hoodlums terrorizing the villages. The Jos crisis can be best understood from the crisis of nationality and identity confronting Nigeria. Before 1914 when the British colonialists amalgamated the Northern and Southern parts of the country and named it Nigeria, the inhabitants had lived as independent and disparate entities with over 250 ethnic groups whose opinions were never sought before being brought together by colonial fiat. More importantly, the colonial social formation was informed more by its ability to explore and exploit the resources of the territory above all other concerns. Of the ability of colonial policy as basis of conflict in Northern Nigeria for example, Abdu (2010: 67) noted that these policies fostered “social distance among ethnic and religious groups… People of different ethnic and religious backgrounds tend to look more toward their primordial and parochial local groups for cultural, spiritual, social, ethical and linguistic satisfaction.” The trend continued even in postcolonial Nigeria as successive governments pursued programmes that ended up dividing the people the more and created structural and cultural imbalance. It is against this background that the media in Nigeria operate having been sucked into the hegemonic power relations in the country. A critical evaluation of how the various newspapers in Nigeria framed this 'quit order' highlights the near absence of conflict sensitivity in some media reports on the Jos crisis. Such disregard for conflict sensitive reporting, it is argued, can affect

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the conflict trend and, indeed, conflagrate the already volatile landscape. It needs no emphasis to see the dire consequences of this pattern of reporting on the democratic development in Nigeria. Below are headlines from six newspapers on the relocation order: · · · · · ·

“STF orders Fulani out of troubled villages in Plateau” (Sunday Trust, July 15) “Plateau: STF takes over troubled villages, gives 48 hours notice to residents” (Sunday Tribune July 15). “Plateau: STF orders villagers out of troubled areas” (Sunday Punch, July 15). “Tension in Jos as Army plans raids” (Daily Champion, July 16). “Plateau: Get out of troubled villages – STF orders residents” (Sunday Sun July 15). “Plateau villagers ordered to relocate as soldiers declare war on Fulani militia” (Sunday Independent July 15).

Daily Trust is owned by some Hausa/Fulani investors of Northern Nigeria extraction. Based in Abuja, the newspaper is known to rise in defence of Northern and Muslim interests in its reportage and analysis of issues. The Tribune is based in Ibadan, in the Southwest of Nigeria populated by the Yoruba ethnic group. Tribune tends to protect Yoruba interest in particular and the Southern parts of the country in general. The Punch is owned by a Yoruba family and based in Lagos in the Southwest while Daily Champion is owned by an Igbo businessman and politician. It publishes both in Lagos and the South East simultaneously. The Sun is also owned by another Igbo politician and businessman based in Lagos. The Independent is owned by a politician from the South-South part of the country. The Sunday Trust headline above gave the impression that the Fulani were targeted exclusively in the military operation planned by STF. This would give the impression that the administration of Governor David Jonah Jang, a Christian and a 'native' has been manipulating the STF to deal with the “settler” Fulani in the state. Contrary to this impression, the villages are occupied by different ethnic groups spread across two local governments. But beyond the headlines Sunday Trust also featured sources that condemned the move of the government. The paper quoted the Executive Director of a “human rights and advocacy” group, the Network for Justice, Dr. Basher Usman Kurfi who described the quit order on Fulanis as an “open declaration of war by Government against a segment of its citizens”. Kurfi also “observed that the measure has sufficiently demonstrated that an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Fulani of Plateau state is being waged with the tacit support of Plateau State Government under Jonah Jang”. In comparison, Daily champion though carrying an emotive headline “Tension in Jos as Army plans raids” gave a more balanced account of the STF order. Champion reported that though residents had given different interpretations to the order, with some alleging that some specific groups were being targeted, the STF Commander, Major Gen. Henry Ayoola told newsmen that the order was “in line

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with international humanitarian laws and consistent with best global practices” and that “the villages are not inhabited by one tribe.” Trust did not reflect this angle of the story. The Sunday Independent also framed the order as acceptable to residents of Plateau state who have described the move as a welcome development”. The paper quoted the “chairman of the coalition of civil society groups” in the state, Gad Peters who wondered why Fulani herdsmen were still able to “gun down” a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria along with his Plateau Assembly counterpart. The bias here is obviously in favour of the Christians and 'the natives'. Beyond that, it is well known that the Senator and the Assemblyman were not 'gunned down' but died while running, following a stampede. Conflictsensitive journalism is anchored on accuracy among other tenets. Sunday Independent also quoted the chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria in the Jos South Local Government Council who said any act of attacks again against churches in the state would lead to severe consequences as Christians were no cowards. Significantly, no Muslim or 'settler” featured in the sources quoted. The Sunday Independent report shows bias by framing a section on the conflict as culpable. For Sunday Tribune, however, the notice of eviction was given to all residents of the affected areas and not to any particular ethnic group. The only reference to Fulani ethnic group in the area was to the effect that there were suspected Fulani mercenaries from neighbouring Chad and Niger Republics lurking around the surrounding hills ready to wreak havoc on the villages. This is closer to the correct account of the situation. This is to be distinguished from the blanket account of the Trust insinuating that Fulani legitimate residents were targeted for eviction. The account by Sunday punch was similar to that of the Tribune except that Punch totally avoided mentioning any ethnic group in the entire story. Punch quotes the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) as explaining that “the military action may have resulted from incessant attacks by gunmen on some communities in the area.” What can be deduced from this account is the fact that the ethnic colouration of criminals may not matter much as long as legitimate and law-abiding citizens are guaranteed safety and security. The patently sensational “king of tabloids”, The Sun also covered the story. But The Sun's account ran contrary to its known sensational bent as it gave a sober narrative of the relocation order. This deviation can be explained by the fact that The Sun relied entirely on the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) bulletin. NAN as a federal government news agency characteristically refrains from sensationalism in its news coverage. The various newspaper accounts documented above show that the press in Nigeria in spite of its diversity still have challenges. Chief among which is the predilection to report from ethnic, religious and political prisms. This can be accounted for in the light of the media as “agents of power.”(Altschull 1995) Thus,

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the media are corralled into the conflict through appeals to sentiments or outright inducement. Indeed, Oyeniyi (2012:198) noted that “the seemingly religious and ethnic conflicts in Jos, Nigeria, as in other parts of Nigeria vis-à-vis Africa, are mere subterfuges deployed by politicians to cover up other banal, mostly, socioeconomic and political ills.” Unfortunately, the media are unable to see through this subterfuge as they lap up accounts of the hegemonic forces controlling society. A functional analysis of media's involvement in peace building and democratic development can be seen through some seven functions as compiled by Schirch and Bratic (2007): · Media as information provider and interpreter; · Media as watchdog; · Media as gatekeeper; · Media as policy maker; · Media as diplomat; · Media as peace promoter; and · Media as bridge builder. These roles are expected of the media in any democratic setting but it can only be performed by the media when they are sensitive to their critical roles in the democratic development of the society. The media must rise above the hegemonic influence of political, ethnic, socio- economic and other influences. This is no mean task but through continuous sensitization we can improve on our present situation. In the specific case of conflict-sensitivity, the media in general need sensitization to the core demands of the concept. Journalism and mass communication training institutions need to adopt and adapt the conflict-sensitive training manual proposed by UNESCO (Howard 2009) as a way of raising the consciousness of entry level practitioners. Beyond that, the need to penetrate the structural challenges of practitioners has become imperative hence regular trainings and workshops for journalists covering conflicts must be emphasised. It is in the enlightened selfinterest of the media to weigh the effects of their stories on the society before publishing; after all, they need a peaceful and secure political environment to ply their trade. Jimoh, teacher at the Lagos State University School of Communications made the presentation at a media capacity-building workshop organised by the International Press Centre (IPC) in Ado-Ekiti, September 19 & 10, 2013

REFERENCES BOOKS Abdu, H., 2010. Clash of Identities: State, Society and Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Northern Nigeria. Kaduna: DevReach Publishers Altschull, J.H., 1995. Agents of Power: The Media and Public Policy. New York: Longman Bratic, V.,and Schirch, L., 2007. Why and When to Use the Media for Conflict Prevention and Peace Building. Netherlands: Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict. Galadima, D.J and Olaniyi, R. 2009, The Mass Media and Conflict in Plateau State, 20012002 in Yoroms, J.G. and Muazu, A. (eds.) ConflictManagement andthe Media in Nigeria. Kano: Centre forResearch and Documentation (CRD). Howard, R. 2003. Conflict-Sensitive Journalism: A Handbook for Reporters, Vancouver and Copenhagen: IMPACS- International Media Support Howard, R., 2009, Conflict-Sensitive Reporting: State of the Art. Paris: UNESCO IPCR/UNICEF, 2006, Mainstreaming Peace Building in Development Programming inNigeria: A Framework. Abuja: IPCRC Isola O.O., 2010, Mass Media and Election Violence: 1965 and 1983 Experiences inWestern Nigeria. Ibadan: John Archers Lynch, J., McGoldrick, A. 2005. Peace Journalism UK: Hawthorn Press Olukotun, A.,2005. Repressive State and Resurgent Media under Nigeria's Military Dictatorship, 1988-98. Ibadan: College Press and Publishers Ltd. Omu, F.I.A. 1978, Press and Politics in Nigeria, 1880-1937, London: Longman Ltd. Oso, L.and Pate, U., (Eds.) 2011, Mass Media and Society in Nigeria, Lagos: MalthousePress Ltd. Oyeniyi, B.A.2012, “Political Narratives as Historical Realities: Is Jos Conflict an Ethnoreligious Conflict?” in Albert I.O. (ed.) A History of Social Conflict and Conflict Management in Nigeria. Ibadan: Peace and Conflict Studies Programme and John Archers. Patindol, J.L.C., 2010. “Building a Peace Journalists' Network from the Ground:The

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Philippines Experience” in Keeble, R.L., Tulloch, J. and ZollmanF. (Eds.) Peace Journalism, War and Conflict Resolution. New York: Peter Lang Sobowale, I. 1985, “The Historical Development of the Nigerian Press” in Ugboajah F.O. (Ed.) Mass Communication, Culture and Society in West Africa London: Hans Zell Publishers

Oyetimi, K., “Bombings Have Nothing to do with Religion- Kukah”, SundayTribune, March 18, 2012 Dasuki, S. “NSA Accuses Media of Sensational Reporting”, The Punch, July, 6, 2012

JOURNALS Hanitztsch, T., 2004, “Journalists as Peace Keeping Force? Peace Journalism and Mass Communication Theory”, Journalism Studies 5, 488 – 495. Richiardi, S.1996, “Over the line.” American Journalism Review, Vol. 18, 25 – 30. Smith, C.M.,2005, “Origin and Uses of Primum Non Noncere- Above All Do No Harm”,The Journal of Clinical Pharmacology, 45(4), 371-377 MAGAZINES AND NEWSPAPERS Suleiman,T., “Saving the Killing Field”, Tell, March, 28, 2011 pp. 50-57 Onimisi, J. and Adebayo Ismail, I. “STF Orders Fulani out of Troubled Villages in Plateau”The Sunday Trust, July, 15, 2012 0nwuamanam J. “Plateau: STF orders Villagers out of Troubled Areas”, The Punch, July, 15, 2012 Shobayo I., “Plateau: STF Takes Over Troubled Villages, Gives 48hrs Notice toResidents.”Sunday Tribune, July, 15, 2012 Onoja A,“Plateau Villagers Ordered to Relocate as Soldiers Declare War on FulaniMilitia”Sunday Independent, July, 15, 2012 Anon. “Plateau: Get Out of Troubled Villages- STF orders Residents”Sunday Sun, July, 15, 2012 Anon. “Tension in Jos as Army Plans Raids. “Daily Champion, July, 16, 2012 The Nation on Sunday,May, 27, 2012 Suleiman,T., “Saving the Killing Field”, Tell, March, 28, 2011 pp. 50-57

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TIPS FOR REPORTING IN CONFLICT/CRISIS SITUATIONS. The Dos • Seek an understanding of any dispute or conflict; know the history and background from all sides - you cannot report what you are ignorant about • Identify the positions of all parties and their divergent view points • Set your agenda for reporting; disallow any of the parties to determine your agenda. • Report perspectives of the conflict accurately • Ensure sources of information are reliable; depend on witnesses and not rumor. • Crosscheck every information from diverse sources; state the differences where they are not in agreement. • Have empathy with the circumstances and respect the sensibilities of the people. • Give priority to voices seeking compromise, resolution or peace and highlight perceived obstacle to resolution • Highlight the efforts of support agencies while pointing out limitations for assistance or remedy. • Provide information about where help or relief or rehabilitation may be obtained. • Use the social media to enhance rapidity of reports and reach but use information from social media only after crosschecking or certifying. • Use statistic where it helps to situate or clarify your report. • Be careful with casualty figures except you are sure or quoting the right authority. Usage of high figures can be counter productive as they can form a basis for reprisals • Highlight the plight of the most vulnerable, children, the aged the handicapped as well as women. • Situate the conflict you witnessed and reporting in a broader perspective to enable a wider or national understanding. • In all circumstances leave out when you are in doubt

• Do not believe everything you are told till you have cross checked and certified the fact. • Do not allow the aggrieved to overwhelm you as he/she may mislead you. • Do not ally with any party or be used to further their points of view. • Do not resort to exaggerated census of casualties as such may form basis of reprisals and escalations • Do not resort to stereotyping that could deepen hatred. • Do not give gory details of violence as such tend to shock and awe rather than provide additional information. • Do not use headlines that have no bearing with the story; such a sensation is bad Journalism. • Do not give details of movement of forces. • Do not call or identify groups by manes they do not accept. • Do not engage in hate speech or derogatory remarks based on ethnic, creed or faith • Do not compromise your security Courtesy Mr. Bayo Atoyebi, former Executive Secretary, Nigeria Press Council at the media capacity-building workshop organised by the International Press Centre (IPC) in Abuja, November 5 & 6, 2014.

The don'ts • Do not report until you have a full understanding of the basis of conflict. • Do not exclude any of the perspectives or parties to the conflict. • Do not accept information without asking all necessary questions while also crosschecking. • Do not be perceived to be sympathetic to either side as such affects your neutrality and integrity.

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Chapter 6 THE MEDIA AND CONFLICT SENSITIVE IMPERATIVE OF ELECTION REPORTING By Lanre Arogundade Director, IPC

Introduction

T

he role of the media in elections cannot be properly examined without situating it within the context of the conflict sensitive imperatives. The first step in doing this is to revisit the basics of reporting in terms of the definition of news and attempt to relate the answer(s) to election reporting. Deborah Potter, says that news is about what is timely, current, prominent, impactful and stirs controversy. The advent of the Information Communication Technologies (ICTs), has also led to the definition of news as information provided by the 'citizen journalist' via the various new and social media platforms. Furthermore, news is that which serves a purpose: which could be to establish the truth or expose corruption, as in investigative journalism; promote peace and facilitate conflict resolution, as in conflict sensitive journalism and provide information that enables citizens to make informed decisions, as in election reporting. The fundamentals of news as outlined above, can easily be connected with or related to media and elections. To go back to Potter, for example, it is common knowledge that elections take place within time frames during which the regular dissemination of information assumes higher importance, hence, the news has to be current. The competitive nature of elections on the other hand, means that elections provoke controversy and reporting such sometimes lead to further controversies. In a sense, it is the nature and process of elections that actually define the duties and obligations of the media in the process. In this regard, this paper seeks to highlight the challenge of addressing conflict in the performance of these roles. Conflict, media & duties and obligations at elections Conflict is defined as a disagreement or argument or war or battle. It is also defined as an expressed struggle between two or more inter-dependent parties who perceive scarce resources, incompatible goals and interference. The description of

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conflict also involves “using the common imagery of war, blood and violence, physical destruction of lives and property” or “normal everyday occurrences of disagreement, strained relationships and tensions generated by contending interests and opinions”. Taken together or severally, the above definitions point to the fact that elections constitute conflict. This is because the major characteristics of elections are competition for power by diverse interests, which are normally represented by the political parties and candidates. The conflict elements in this competition usually include opposing programs and manifestoes; disagreement over perceived or real problems and possible solutions; dispute over ideas and ideology and clash of personalities. Arising from these elements, the types of electoral conflicts have been identified as including intra-party conflict, inter-party conflict and communal or group conflict with the causes usually including but not limited to lack of internal democracy, sourcing of funds, dictation by political godfathers or godmothers, bias by the electoral management body, manipulation of electoral rules, abuse of the power of incumbency, politically motivated constitutional amendment, politics of area of control or influence and ethnic and religious solidarity/alliances. If it is agreed as demonstrated above, that elections represent conflict, then the news that emanate from the processes cannot be isolated from the necessity of conflict sensitivity by the media. The duties and obligations of the media in elections have generally been categorized in four ways. The first is the oversight role, the second is the public educator role, the third is the campaign/open forum role and the fourth is the conflict management role. For the oversight role, the media is supposed to report on the activities and conduct of the electoral management body in the course of carrying out its mandate while also reporting on the performance of the political parties and candidates prior to, during and after elections. As public educator, the media during elections is expected to provide civic and voter education, while also defending the rights of the citizen to credible electoral information. With regards to providing campaign platform or serving as open forum during the elections, the media among others is expected to perform a range of functions including organization of debate, town hall meetings, social media feedback and political advertising.

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Finally, the conflict management role of the media in elections entails providing early warning signals, acknowledging diversity, advocating for the welfare of electoral personnel, reporting the grievances of parties and candidates, covering electoral litigations and providing peace messages as a matter of public service obligation. In taking a further look at what constitute news as earlier enumerated, as well as the major duties and obligations of the media in elections as highlighted above, it could be easily argued that the media during elections has what can be described as power, potential and stake, in short the two Ps and one S. Of course, there is no agreement on whether the power of the media is perceived or real. Michael Schudson for example says: “the power of the mass media lies not in the direct influence of the mass media on the general public but in the perception of experts and decision makers that the general public is influenced by the mass media”. On the other hand, Thomas Jefferson considered the power of the media as almost being absolute hence he said in 1787 that: “Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter”. The belief in the power of the media has led to the development of various frameworks that seek to ensure that media freedom and the right to freedom expression are protected. Such frameworks include article 19 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil Rights, the African Union charter, etc, all of which impose obligations on the state to ensure media pluralism, diversity and access to information. But much as it has been acknowledged that the media has this power and that the power should be protected, it has also been established that the media in electoral and other conflicts equally have the potential to make or mar. In 2007 for example, the media was held culpable for the escalation of the violent conflict that broke out in the aftermath of the Kenyan presidential elections by fanning the embers of ethnic and racial tension that characterized the elections. Frameworks have therefore been put in place to curtail this potential of the media to either cause or escalate conflict especially during elections. The frameworks additionally acknowledge that the media has a stake in either preventing conflict or halting its escalation based on the reasoning that the media cannot effectively operate under an atmosphere of chaos or disorderliness. Experience has indeed shown that the media is not immune from attacks during conflicts as the on-going Boko Haram crisis readily reveals. The frameworks that address the media potential and stake in relation to electoral conflicts include the Social Responsibility Theory, the Codes of Ethics, the Electoral

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Act and the National Broadcasting Code. The main obligation that the social responsibility theory places on the media is that the media should be self regulating within the frameworks of the law and established institutions while the thrust is that the media should serve as a public trust by giving voice to diverse segments of the population, disseminating information responsibly and being responsible for fostering productive and creative greater communities. It is from this obligation that Denis Mcquail has developed what he describes as the seven principles of the theory that have been evolved elucidated by. These are: · · · · · · ·

Acceptance and fulfillment of obligations to society Fulfilling such obligations through high professional standards – truth, accuracy, objectivity and balance. Self-regulation within the framework of law and established institutions. Avoidance of whatever might lead to crime, violence, or civil disorder or offend minority groups. Media pluralism and diversity; access to various points of view and the right of reply. Right of society and the public to expect high standards of performance Accountability of journalists and media professionals to society, employees & the market.

The various codes of ethics of journalism have been put together in realization that ethics constitutes rules and guidelines designed to regulate human actions while making moral decisions. It is in this wise that the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) issued what it termed the declaration of principles on the conduct of the journalists. The declaration affirms that the first duty of the journalist is to accord respect for the truth and uphold the right of the public to the truth. Pursuance to this, the declaration urges the media and journalists to: · · ·

Honestly collect and publish news; maintain right to fair comment and criticism. Rectify any published information found to be harmfully inaccurate. Be alert to and avoid discriminations – race, sex, sexual orientation, language, religion, political.

In the same vein, the code of ethics of the Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ) mandates reporters to test the accuracy of their information from all sources while ensuring that their headlines, news, photos, sound-bites, etc do not misrepresent. The SPJ code also enjoins reporters to always question the motive of their sources and ensure their sources reliability.

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Just like the IFJ and SPJ codes, the new Code of Ethics of Journalists in Nigeria equally upholds the right of the public to know the truth; thus in the sub-preamble to section 2, the code declares that: “Facts are sacred while opinions are free. The soul of good journalism is painstaking investigation and verification of facts. A journalist and news medium as the chronicler of today's events, and therefore tomorrow's history, should act in the public interest by recording events as simple untailored facts”. The Code recommends that a journalist shall write and present news truthfully and without bias. The section in question also says that a journalist shall strive to give parties in dispute, controversy or an issue equitable opportunity to tell their side of the story. In the specific context of conflict sensitivity, the sub-preamble to section 11 explains in detail why and how the media has a stake in the prevention of conflict. It states: “Violent conflicts undermine societal peace and social development; they also endanger the media and journalists who sometimes are victims. It is the responsibility of the journalist to work for the prevention or reduction of conflict, promotion of reconciliation and advancement of common value of peace without compromising the duty to inform”. Section 11 goes further to require that journalists give fair access and hearing to parties from diverse side of a conflict as well as avoid the use of intemperate language that could inflame passion in the course of reporting conflicts. Indeed, the section cautions the journalist against making negative remarks about the race, nationality, belief and opinion of the parties in the conflict. As for the electoral frameworks, they adequately recognize that a potential source of conflict at election is the denial of media access to parties and candidates; hence, both the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) and the revised edition of the Nigeria Broadcasting Code expressly require the media to give equitable access and opportunity for candidates at elections. In interpreting the objectives of all the cited frameworks, the message that they put forward include the fact that the pursuit of the truth should be at the apex of media and journalistic responsibly during elections and that the media should avoid any act capable of causing violent crisis or conflict during elections. The objectives also require the application of conflict sensitive and diversity principles to the reporting of elections while also challenging the media to inculcate into its electoral duty the promotion of human rights, democracy, justice, equity and peace. The perplexing question is why it remains difficult for the media to meet the

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expectations of these frameworks in the reporting of elections. The first, but rather unfortunate reason, is that many journalists including those who are designated as political reporters and others that are deployed to the field during elections are not aware of the existence of these professional frameworks talk less of studiously studying them and striving to meet their requirements. The second reason is that the first casualty during the outbreak of electoral conflict is the truth, hence journalist always face the difficulty of been able to separate the fact from rumors, mis-information or share propaganda under an atmosphere of confusion and ignorance. The media, for example, often relies on parties' spokesmen for reliable information. Yet, these so-called party publicists are nothing but spin doctors whose sole pre-occupation is the manipulation of information to suit their selfish purposes. The spin doctors would gladly announce that thousands of supporters of party A have defected to party B, yet, at the press conference where such announcement is being made, only about ten of the so-defectors would be present. The spin doctors are particularly active during clashes between party supporters when they are always quick to blame it on others whereas it might turn out that they started the violence in the first place. Beyond the activity of spin doctors, the tendency to spread false information through the social media has become another stumbling block for journalists to establish the truth during crisis or conflict situations. Other challenges faced by the media in reporting electoral conflicts include failure to fully reckon with early warning signals about possible outbreak of violence which would normally require alerting relevant agencies of government about such signals. So also is the propensity by some sub-editors and editors to cast sensational headlines that sometimes exaggerate the fact of a conflict or conceal positive developments during such conflict. It is equally known that journalists in the course of reporting electoral conflicts sometimes come under intimidation by multiple forces including their owners who might be politicians and the security agents who sometimes target journalists reporting for what is usually termed “opposition media” on behalf of their paymasters. Meanwhile, poor conditions of work and inadequate resources do limit the ability of journalists to provide balance accounts of conflicts during elections. There can be no doubt that these challenges are enormous and the task of confronting them will normally require the solidarity, collaboration, networking and partnership of media unions, associations and professional groups. This is because such organizations occupy the strongest position to demand adequate protection for journalists covering elections especially when their rights are violated.

frameworks in the course of covering elections especially those that stress the ethical and conflict sensitive imperative lies with the individual journalist. As it has often been stressed, ethics in the final analysis is a matter for the individual and his/her conscience. The first recommendation to the political or election Reporter therefore is that they should at all times be guided by what Bill Kovach and Tom Rosenstiel describe as the key elements of journalism - obligation to the truth, loyalty to the citizens and discipline of verification. The Reporter that faithfully imbibes these elements would ensure that the objective of his or her coverage of elections or electoral conflicts is the right of the public to know the truth and would not normally let all his or her efforts to get the other side prove abortive, but strive to ensure that the different sides to a political dispute are given the opportunity to be heard. Doing this fulfils the basic requirement of fairness and balance. Such a Reporter would also strive not to be misled by political spokespersons, who, being spin doctors, would do anything to score or gain cheap political advantage. In addition, when the Reporter has to deal with violent conflict he/she would be mindful of so-called eye-witnesses who in reality are ear-witnesses, merely passing on hear-says as authoritatively as they can, giving the impression that they knew something would happen and therefore deliberately positioned themselves to witness the beginning and the end. It is only when such witnesses are deeply probed that they would babble that it was indeed their spouses, relatives, friends that actually witnessed what happened. They believed because they could swear in the name of God that those people would not tell lies or say what they did not see. Related to the above is the need for the conflict sensitive election reporter to understand that sources do also have motives and sometimes such motive could be to mislead the public on who is responsible for what during electoral conflict. This makes it especially important for Reporters to question and subject to scrutiny the motive of any source they are dealing with, not necessarily by ignoring the information, but by verifying with other sources which should normally include experts who could give better interpretation of events. One major responsibility of the journalist covering electoral conflict is that of digging deep to understand the cause and effect of conflict. This cannot be possible if the political electoral reporter is not adept at stakeholder analysis of conflict. In every conflict situation, there are primary and secondary stakeholders, there are those directly involved and those indirectly affected while there are villains and victims. Every conflict has context, processes etc

Fundamentally however, the task of adherence to the provisions of relevant

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Summarily, experts have advised the conflict sensitive political or election Reporter to, at all times: · · · · · · · · · · · · ·

Maintain balance Be impartial Reflect diverse sides Avoid prejudice Promote voices calling for peace, resolution and compromise Provide adequate education Effectively but cautiously use the social and new media Highlight efforts by relevant agencies to avert or deal with conflicts Avoid gory details of violence, should they occur, to avert reprisals Let the aggrieved or affected know where to obtain useful information Do not accept gifts, free travel or other benefits from candidates he/she is covering or hope to cover. Avoid public display of support for who he/she is covering or hope to cover. Shun sensational headlines because news is not sensation but what the audience really wants.

Just as ethics is a matter for the individual journalist's conscience, so also is conflict sensitivity. In this regard, one way by which a political or election Reporter could determine if his or her report has met the criteria of conflict sensitivity and the public interest is to ask what has been described as the pertinent questions. Such questions will normally include but not limited to the following: · How can I as an election reporter be conflict sensitive and help manage electoral conflict? · How can I as an election reporter promote peace in the community? · Is this necessary news? Any public interest in it? · Am I turning my opinion into fact? Will my news escalate or deescalate crisis? · Will my news promote division and inflame passion? · Can the news be reported differently? · Have I expressed enough diverse opinions in my news? · Have I sufficiently identified the issues at stake? · Have I highlighted how compromise can be reached? · Am I merely repeating grievances and not pointing out solutions? · Are there words and comments in my report which can offend people or cause prejudice? · What are the priority issues for the voters? · How do I make candidates respond to these priorities?

· · ·

How do I give equitable access or opportunity to the candidates? How well do I understand the rules and regulations as stipulated in the electoral act? How do I promote the cause of peace when there is violence?

The ability to answer these and many more questions constitutes the major attribute of the conflict sensitive election Reporter. Lanre Arogundade is the Director, International Press Centre, Lagos. REFERENCES D. Potter, What is News? (Handbook of Independent Journalism, 2008) 1 The BBC English Dictionary H. Agberemi, et al, Conflict-Sensitive Journalism: Reporting Religion-Related Conflicts (Lagos-Nigeria: International Press Centre (IPC) & Heinrich Boll Foundation, 2006) 17-22. L. Arogundade, Conflict and Election Reporting – Issues and Guidelines, (Lagos-Nigeria: International Press Centre (IPC), International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and LO/TCO, (2003) 34. M. Schudson, The Power of News, (Harvard, 1996) 121 H. A. Washington, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, (Cmbridge: Library Collection, 2011) 100. The role of the media in the Kenyan elections was examined in great detail in Conflict Sensitive Journalism, A handbook by Ross Howard, published by International Media Support, 2008 The media victims of Boko Haram attacks include Zakariya Isa, Nigerian Television Authority, killed on October 23, 2011, in Maiduguri and Enenche Akogwu, Channels TV, killed on January 20, 2012 in Kano D. McQuail, D. Normative Theories of Mass Communication - Social Responsibility Theory of the Press: A Postwar Compromise. (Thomson Wadsworth, US: Mass Communication Theory: Foundations, Ferment and Future, 2006) 113 - 114 The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has over half a million members in about one hundred countries across the globe. The Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ) was established in the united States in 1909 and has over three hundred chapters The new Code of Ethics of Journalists in Nigeria is awaiting publication and dissemination. Section 100 if the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) requires state media to give equitable access to parties and candidates in elections. The revised Nigeria Broadcasting Code (Fifth edition) was published in 2012 with the guidelines for political broadcasts outlined in chapter five. B. Kovach and T. Rosenstiel, The Elements of Journalism, (New York: Crown Publishers, 2007)

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Chapter 7 RECKONING WITH GENDER FACTOR IN ELECTION REPORTING By Kate Azuka Omenugha, Ph.D Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka “One of the fundamental rights of citizens is the freedom to obtain information through the mass media. That implies that all those who play a role in social, political or economic life should be able to make their voices heard through the media. In an electoral context, the need to preserve pluralism of information takes on fundamental importance, for citizens have the right to be able to take stock of the political options, the candidacies and their proposals. To ensure that this indeed happens, it is fundamental that all candidates have access to the media in equal conditions and with no discrimination whatsoever. Only to the extent that the citizenry are able to receive sufficient and rigorous information from all options will we be able to speak of a free and informed choice when casting one's vote, and of substantially democratic elections.” (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2011)

Part 3: THE MEDIA & THE GENDER FACTOR IN ELECTIONS

“The media are essential to democracy, and a democratic election is impossible without media. A free and fair election is not only about the freedom to vote and the knowledge of how to cast a vote, but also about a participatory process where voters engage in public debate and have adequate information about parties, policies, candidates and the election process itself in order to make informed choices. Furthermore, media acts as a crucial watchdog to democratic elections, safeguarding the transparency of the process. Indeed, a democratic election with no media freedom, or stifled media freedom, would be a contradiction in” (The ACE Encyclopedia, Media and Elections, 2013, p. 1)

INTRODUCTION

I

t is a truism that election is about democracy. It is equally a truism that media are essential to democracy, and a democratic election is impossible without the media. No statement can be truer than to say that to go into the realm of democracy is to go into the realm of access, participation, transparency, accountability and informed choices and decisions. These are the hallmarks of good governance in any society. However, notwithstanding the widespread democratization of most countries of the world, including Nigeria, and the continued struggle of feminist movements in Nigeria and elsewhere, “women who constitute about 50% of Nigeria population still remain systematically alienated from politics and decision making process in the country” (Oni & Joshua, 2012, p.4).The resultant ripple effect is that women's political representation in Nigeria is

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still at a disconcerting level; making the possibility of achieving the critical mass of 30% women's representation in the country's parliament, an illusion.

Newspaper Result of the monitored stakeholders for March 2011

The media as the bastion of democracy must at all times give fair coverage and equitable access to opposing parties, candidates, voters, etc. irrespective of ethnicity, class or gender. At election time, this call is most urgent as the media is a forum where electoral competition is played out. Yet, over time, gender seems not to matter for the journalists. Worldwide research evidence suggests the following stoic relationship between gender, media and elections: ·

·

· · · · · · ·

Women and men tend to be treated differently by the media. Generally, women politicians have a difficult relationship with the media and they often say that women politicians are less accessible than their male counterparts. Men and women tend to have vastly different experiences of participating in the political processes. Often they are encumbered by a lot of factors – social, cultural, religious, economic, etc. These are often carried into the media. Men are more visible and dominant in both media and elections. Men rule and are given more voice and visibility by the media. Less women politicians means less news stories focusing on women. Gender stereotypes prevail in both, but seem to dominate in negative representation of women. Media coverage of female candidates, reveal that even when there are a reasonable number of women candidates they are often neglected by the media. Women's voices are largely absent from the political discourse during elections both as voters and candidates. Women who have run for election have complained of unfair media treatment. Women's less visibility in the media impacts on their political success.

Newspaper Result of the monitored stakeholders for April 2011

Example from Nigeria The Institute of Media and Society (IMS) conducted a study that monitored media coverage of electoral issues in the 2011 election, and the findings were revealing.

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In the broadcast media, the story is the same. The paucity of time allotted to female politicians in broadcast media was very evident. Newspaper Result of the monitored stakeholders for May 2011

Newspaper Result of the monitored stakeholders for the three months (March – May 2011)

In April, male politicians were allocated a whopping 31hrs, 30mins, 56secs while items on female politicians were aired with just 1hr, 50mins, 7 secs by all the nine TV stations. In May, the total time allocated to all the 139 relevant items on male politicians was 5 hours, 12 minutes, 42 seconds, which translates to an average of 2 minutes, 15 seconds per report on male politician. Female politicians, as in the previous month did not enjoy such good attention: they were allocated just 55 minutes, 27 seconds of the 43 relevant broadcasts on female politicians which give an average time allocation of 1 minute, 13 seconds per report on female politicians. * (IMS 2011, p.56). We could go on and on, but the fact is that the media seem complicit in providing unfair playing ground for competitive election between men and women through the manner of reports or annihilation of gender issues in election time. The media as strong agenda setters is unequivocal. As agenda setters, the media determine “issues and individuals they consider newsworthy day after day…whether a candidate is present or absent, and the type of coverage they get when they are present, all condition their chances of getting elected, since the voters extract the information they need for making their political decisions from the media” (ACE Electoral Knowledge Network (2013)).The media is central to putting gender on the agenda in public sphere. Scholars such as Adu (2008), Anorue, Obayi & Onyebuchi (2012) and Oyinade, Daramola & Lamidi (2013) are also of the opinion that the problem of marginalization of Nigerian women from mainstream politics should be an issue constantly reported by the media with the view of projecting views that would favour gender equality. This is particularly important during elections. Herein lies the necessity of reckoning with gender factors in election reporting. Stakeholders/ issues in election reports and understanding gender perspective

Source - Media coverage of electoral issues in 2011 elections: IMS

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In any election, there are players whose activities form the foci of media reports. They include: 1. The political parties 2. The candidates 3. The electorate 4. The Election Monitoring Body (e.g.INEC) 5. The government 6. The civil societies, NGOs and monitoring groups 7. The media

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In reporting these players and the issues surrounding them, the media role of information, mobilization, interpretation, reproduction of predominant cultures, entertainment, etc are played out. The media reify their roles as: watchdog; civic educator; campaign platform; public voice, analyst and interpreter. Gender perspective to a great extent influences how the media perform these roles; what they report, which frames they give to the reports, etc. Looking at issues from gender perspective implies an awareness of the culturally defined roles of men and women and being able to cast light on the inequalities women face due to the roles that have been culturally assigned to them and that are then routinely reflected in the media. It includes, applying a gender 'filter' - that is raising the awareness of journalists and media outlets as to their importance as agents of social change for building more equitable societies, and helping them move away from visions of reality that highlight men while failing to portray the presence and contributions of women in the different areas of life. What are expected contents of the media coverage at election times? The following eight key components have been suggested by Media Monitoring Africa (MMA) to be covered by the media at elections time: 1. Adoption of a citizen's agenda: Focus on key issues of importance to lives of citizens. These issues relate to Poverty, Service Delivery (Health, Education, Welfare, Housing, Public Utilities such as water and electricity, etc.), Youth Unemployment, Safety/Crime, Gender Equality, and Children.

etc. 7. Encouragement of voter registration and voting (importance of voting). 8. Election Day follow-up: safety, behaviour (voters, parties and INEC), results etc. Reckoning with gender in election reporting – what gender issues? The fundamental gender issue to be addressed in election reporting is how to discourage gender discrimination, while promoting equal access and participation. It involves how to eliminate any kind of inequality that might constitute discrimination for some or give others an advantage. Women needs and concerns need to be appropriately addressed. There needs to be a conscious effort to address this through empowerment reporting. Empowerment reporting will identify marginalized groups and give them consistent coverage. Certain questions need to be raised and addressed: what factors are keeping women from participation in elective positions? Do men and women have equal opportunities to get their messages across through the media? How many women are given speaking rights in comparison to men? Do we use any cultural filters in our reports that are not favourable for gender equality? How do we report for change in gender equity? Using some of the roles of the media, we suggest what they may do to address gender issues in reporting: ·

Media as watchdog: As watchdog, the media can hold a lot of people accountable. For example, is INEC properly addressing access for female voters? Are political parties practicing gender stereotyping and discrimination? Nigeria is signatory to many conventions that seek to empower women and eliminate all forms of discrimination against them how well is Nigeria complying with them?

·

Media as civic educator: The media can increase its use of a range of images of women and men in different roles, challenging stereotypes. They can educate the electorate on the need to have more women in elective positions. They can improve civic and voter education at all levels to include an understanding of gender equality and participation of women and men.

·

Media as campaign platform: The media in their interactions with political parties can encourage parties to put forward female spokespeople and use a range of images of women and men. They can seek out female politicians and give them voice on political issues. They will strive to provide equal access to both male and female contestants, provide a fair playing ground for the contest of power.

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Media as public voice, analyst and interpreter: The media can encourage

2. Fairness towards all political parties 3. Unpacking of manifestos and engaging with party representatives with regards to important issues and exploring validity of responses and solutions proposed. 4. Representation of the concerns of the marginalised; in particular women and children, and specifically rural women and children. 5. Role and responsibilities of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The INEC has a very large and important role to fulfill, particularly as a non-partisan institution that must remain impartial and competent in the eyes of citizens. The role and responsibilities of the INEC must be understood and its performance reported on in order for the institution to be held accountable to its mandate, and so that the final results are credible. 6. Explanation of voting system on a timely basis, including: voter registration, provincial and national election systems, how voting should proceed on the day, Page

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dialogue that includes a diversity of voices, and provide analysis that uses women as experts and includes a gender lens on a range of topics. This involves specifically exploring issues as they affect women and the possible consequences of the continued exclusion of women in the helm of political affairs. The media can report and analyse the monitoring of media reports of women candidates by NGOs to raise awareness and public consciousness as well as to make them conscious as agents of social change. Call to action: Specific actions to be taken to mainstream gender in election reports 1. Journalists should make efforts to seek out the views of women and a better understanding of women politicians and the challenges that they face in the media. 2. Giving women politicians platform by producing programmes which seek to empower them 3. Writing articles that will empower women politicians. 4. Featuring experienced women politicians who are role models. 5. Profiling women both in print and electronic media. 6. Giving news coverage to women aspiring to elective positions 7.

Telling the story from the voters' perspectives apart from candidates. E.g. ask voters about their aspirations or their stance on voting for women candidates.

8. Take photos of the women and interview them in the electronic media 9. Portray positive image of women 10. Interview both men and women in political parties 11. Strike a balance between reporting achievements for women and men. 12. There should be a deliberate shift to recognize activities and achievement of women in other sectors and not only in politics. 13. Create new programmes and columns dedicated to women Conclusion Women face a lot of cultural, structural and institutional obstacles in political competition. These are compounded by the lower levels of coverage of women candidates. In the social media, women politicians more than male politicians have been victims of sexist attacks. All these cast aspersions on the female politicians, suggesting doubts on their suitability for leadership. Page

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Sarah Palin, the Republican's nominated Vice President in the US 2008 elections, was often stereotyped as a sex object and overly feminized by her opposition. Photo (above) came out during her campaign that showed a young man/potential voter staring in between her legs from the calf down. The photo displays only a part of Palin's body and in doing so objectifies her as a sexy, sexual object and not a powerful, smart and driven woman running for Vice President of the United States. In Nigeria, female politicians are framed as people of questionable moral character, calling up the society's different moral expectations for male and female. At best they are portrayed as iron ladies, at worst as sex objects or seductresses. I cite example below on a media presentation of a female candidate in Nigeria: In the words of Valentine Obienyem, media aide to Governor Peter Obi, 'Indeed, the story goes… can sleep with a gateman if that will enable her to get at the oga. Another story was told of how she once went in the company of a friend to see an important man. Immediately on getting there, and right in front of the friend, she started undressing the man. When the friend asked her why she was so brazen, she told her that she had to hurry up before her weapon (charm) expired!' ‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

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What do you make of this? The media must attempt at just not increasing the quantity of reportage on women politicians, they must make a close scrutiny of the frames they are given. A principal question they need to address when they want to write about a female politician is: Will I write this if it were to be a Male Politician? As journalists and media professionals, we need to constantly have the gender lens on in writing our stories. This is what the concept of gender mainstreaming advocates for. According to Sarikakis (2014, p.66), the purpose of gender mainstreaming has been seen as integral in bringing about substantial structural change across the axes of employment and production of information and cultural content, literacy and access to this content by women, and the qualitative change of content from patriarchal and sexist to emancipatory and diverse. This is an urgent call not just on the part of the media but on the part of other key political/election stakeholders we have earlier seen above. Omenugha, Professor of Mass Communication at Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, made the presentation at the media capacity-building workshop organised by the International Press Centre (IPC) in Enugu, February 18-20, 2014 REFERENCES ACE Electoral Knowledge Network (2013).ACE Encyclopedia: Media and Elections: www.aceproject.org. Adu, O. (2008). The missing link: Women's, representation and participation in Nigeria's electoral politics and their effects on Nigeria's development. Retrieved November 2, from http://thesis.haverford.edu/dspace/bitstreamhandle/10066/1460/2018Aduo.pdf

TIPS FOR GENDER-SENSITIVE REPORTING OF ELECTIONS · · · · · ·

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Change the narrative Investigate & increase coverage and reportage of women concerns Avoid the repetition of negative gender stereotypes Highlight gender issues that inform the public on the status of women, their rights, their challenges, and their achievements Ensure that reporting is balanced and gender-responsive by portraying how current issues markedly or disproportionally affect women. In light of women's historical marginalization, give women leadership a boost and fair advantage through consistent positive profiling of women leaders. Build pipelines for steady information such as Gender Desk of INEC & CSOs

Courtesy of Ayisha Osori, CEO, Nigerian Women Trust Fund, at the media capacitybuilding workshop organised by the International Press Centre (IPC) in Abuja, November 5 & 6, 2014. -

Anorue, L. I., Obayi, P.M.& Onyebuchi, C.A. (2012). The Mass Media, Gender Balance and Politics in Nigeria: An Assessment. International Journal of Language, Literature and Gender Studies Bahir Dar, Ethiopia, 1 (3), 14-35. Institute of Media and Society (n.d).Media Coverage of Electoral issues in 2011 Elections in Nigeria: DGD Llanos, B. and Nina, J. (2011).Election Coverage from a Gender Perspective- A Media Monitoring Manual.International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Oni S. & Joshua S. (2012). Gender Relations in Nigeria's Democratic Governance. Journal of Politics & Governance, 1(2), 4-15. Oyinade, R. B., Daramola, I. & Lamidi, I. (2013). Media, gender, and conflict: the problem of eradicating stereotyping of women in Nigeria. Singaporean Journal of Business Economic and Management Studies, 2(1), 27 – 41. Sarikakis, K. (2014). Power, patriarchy, profit: barriers to gender mainstreaming in media policy. In A. V. Montiel (Ed.), Media and Gender: A Scholarly Agenda for the Global Alliance on Media and Gender (UNESCO & IAMCR), 66 – 69. Page

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Chapter 8 PROFESSIONAL AND ETHICAL REPORTING OF ELECTIONS: UNDERSTANDING THE CONTEXT AND IMPERATIVES FROM A GENDER PERSPECTIVE By Abigail OGWEZZY-NDISIKA

Dept of Mass Communication, UNILAG

INTRODUCTION The role of media particularly during elections is immense. It provides voters with unbiased information regarding political parties and their candidates so that the society would empower politicians out of informed choices As such, people should be empowered with valid information to participate in elections. Anything to the contrary, apart from acting outside the ambit of the law which could result in law suits, will destroy the credibility of the journalists and media outfits, and portray them as unprofessional in covering elections and their processes. Elections in democratic settings affect everybody either directly or indirectly and the expectation is that whenever there is fair, balanced and inclusive participation of all people in the election of leaders without discrimination on the ground of sex or any other factor, the society will progress. Furthermore, journalists owe their audiences moral responsibilities, which are though ethical and referred to as soft laws but are now codified. The codified laws deal with the moral principles or norms for action. The issue of good and bad as well as fairness, balance and rights among others (especially if related to elections) are fundamental journalistic principles applicable in all regions of the world. So, why do journalists act ethically or unethically? In one view, journalism ethics comes down to individual conscience and integrity. This of course raises the problem of 'human error' given the fact that not everyone is a saint, which has resulted in some case of ethical failure. However, as a matter of fact, we have to accept that there are various incentives at work, not all of which spur journalists to act within the rules particularly when elections are involved. Although some journalists behave unethically in the course of their duty, but

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others see it as a moral necessity to preserve the integrity of the profession and give every citizens opportunity, irrespective of gender or status to ventilate his or her views. Thus, a professional journalist operates within the confines of the specified legal and acceptable framework. Therefore, there is need to examine the Nigerian media ethics in relation to elections in Nigeria with reference to the gender issue which is a fundamental factor in media and elections debate. The journalism code of ethics states in part: “Truth is the cornerstone of journalism and every journalist should strive diligently to ascertain the truth of every event. [Again, it states that] Journalism entails a high degree of public trust. To earn and maintain this trust, it is morally imperative for every journalist and every news medium to observe the highest professional and ethical standards. In the exercise of these duties, a journalist should always have a healthy regard for the public interest” (Nigerian Press Council. 2009: Para 1 and 2). In essence, in the coverage of elections in Nigeria, are there cases of unethical practices? Why do journalists act ethically or unethically particularly in relation to gender and its related issues? Therefore, this paper discusses media ethics drawing from the Nigerian Press Council Code, National Broadcasting Code and relevant sections of Electoral Acts 2010 against the backdrop that journalists are the holders of public trust. Hence, it is important to evaluate ethical issues from a gender dimension, especially for the purpose of elections. It is hoped that the argument and submission in this paper would further challenge and stimulate stakeholders in the media, ethics, election and gender in Nigeria to provide and strengthen sustainable and gender sensitive governance and democracy. at Nigeria, Owens-Ibie (2003:393), stated that While the media in Nigeria are acknowledged as key actors in the struggle for Nigeria's independence and the process of democratisation, critics have charged sections of the press with irresponsibility. These critics see the press as interpreting the freedom of the press along the lines of Verment Royster's phrase – “the right to be irresponsible” So, although journalists are responsible professionals whose aims and ideals should coincide with the best interests of the society but in today's society this is not always the case, as certain media personnel and institutions have fashioned themselves to

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the order of the day and due to poverty, fear, intimidation and other factors Socio-political and Economic Context of Media and the Code The diversity and outputs of the media, whether broadcast or print, during election are deeply influenced by several factors such as socio-political and economy contexts of the media, its ownership and editorial independence. These factors and other can determine the level of ethical or unethical practices the media engage in relation gender aspects of election coverage. From a contemporary political and economic perspectives, the global economic meltdown has increased the crave for profit by media barons who own media outfits; the commercialisation of news and influence of political big wigs have increasingly brought the issue of media ethics to the fore. Hence, the need for media ethics rises as news reporting becomes driven more and more by the free market rather than the truth”. The development of technology and logistics which characterised the evolution of modern journalistic practice simultaneously enhanced information flow; and the frontiers of information became increasingly unbounded, Another factor is the operational environment of the mass media and the working condition of journalists” particularly with regard to poor salary structure and irregular payment of salary. According to the findings of African Media Barometer (2011: 5): Working conditions for journalists in both state and privately-owned media organisations are simply deplorable. Not only are salaries very low, but they are also paid intermittently with a cross section of the private media journalists being owed arrears of up to ten months. Thus, this unfriendly environment coupled with other factors discussed earlier makes them susceptible to corruption and violation of ethical standards of the profession especially during electoral processes Again, looking at Africa, new media of Africa are torn between two alternatives, neither of which is very attractive because the kind of freedom that is allowed for the press under the Nigerian constitution leads to numerous problems. So, as forms of communication evolve, avenues of news reporting increase, and the scope of media influence expands, media ethics becomes an increasingly important issue in modern society. For instance it has resulted in both illegality and unethical practices, which is a breach of “soft laws”. A recent case in Britain exemplifies this th assertion. On the 9 of September 2010, Tom Watson MP to the UK Parliament said:

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Here we sit in Parliament, the central institution of our sacred democracy, between us some of the most powerful people of the land, and we are scared. They, the barons of the media (…) are the biggest beasts in the modern jungle. They have no predators, they are untouchable, they laugh at the law, they sneer at parliament, they have the power to hurt us and they do so with gusto and precision.” (Tambini, 2010, Para.4) In this recent case, hacking into private voicemail is only one extreme form of ethical problem for journalists. Ethical codes do more than reflect and codify what is illegal. They establish a higher standard of responsible journalism. The phone hacking scandal was a breach of the law, and also of self regulatory codes. Whether such practices have been curtailed by the legal and self regulatory fallout remains to be seen. What is clear is that large sections of the press (there is evidence to suggest that most of the newspaper industry) were involved. Nigeria's mass media have in one way moved in the direction of limited commercialism on the one hand and intense political competition on the other as a result of owners' political ideology and or affiliation. In addition, the government has taken an entirely different approach. They see a necessity to control their news media, restrict commercialization, limit political competition, and suppress or discourage the expression of political opinions at variance with those of the ruling group or party gate keeping without consideration for public interest. Historically drawing from the media gate keeping theory, some factors that affect media output are timing, ownership patterns, management policy, size of media, audience needs and preferences, editor's perception of and views of contemporary reality, legal considerations, professional ethics (emphasis ours), ideological perspectives and political orientations. Others are the influence of advertisers, appraisal of offering by competition, availability of photographs or film footage (Folarin, 1998). Only the factors relevant to this paper shall be discussed. Ownership of the press is diverse. The early newspapers were mainly privately owned, however, government knowing the power of the press, went into establishing newspapers and gained the upper hand in ownership. While examining the Nigerian media, Olurode (2007:6) asserted “the ownership base of newspaper Page

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was once skewed in favour of government but is today concentrated in private hands. As the industry and the country progress, the ownership of print industry now has turned into the hands of private-individuals who have either political influence, economic sway or both with some little state-government ownership that is gradually dying. On the broadcast media, the ownership, prior to the deregulation and commercialisation policy of 1992, the industry was solely under the control of federal and state governments. However, the deregulation policy which is part of the overall economic Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) has given private individuals who are mainly male opportunity to open private media stations. Though citizens are given that freedom but the Section 39 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria empowers only the President to give the license of broadcast media station through the National Broadcast Commission. So far, all the major broadcast media stations in the country are owned and controlled by men. At the beginning, the privately owned press has been on the side of the people. However, lately some newspapers, even the privately owned “have been labelled as pro-government and others as anti-government and yet others as balanced. So, whether private or public, media outfits may be described instead of many voices many, many worlds; perhaps two voices one world. Ownership of media organisation affects access and usage; and whose voice would be heard during elections. Publicly owned media carry news favourable to the government. They avoid criticism of government actions, and suppress news that would reveal government secrets. The privately owned media tend to be freer and do more investigative reporting of government activities. Again, privately owned newspapers reportage of the government of the day may be a function of the ideological perspective and political orientation of the newspaper, which in most cases may have to do with the political affiliation.\so the ideological and political choices are recognised as inherent not just in partypartisanship but in the total operation of “news values' and of standards of reporting. It determines what and what not to make public; in what proportion, and with what emphasis. Another important factor that is part of the general socio-political economy of the media industry and it affects the ethical operation of the media during election and indeed many issues in Nigeria is religious affinity of owners and of course ethnic

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and regional lineages. Generally Nigerians have such biases and most if not all media owners relatively try to champion and protect a course which hardly can be divorced from religion and region despite the fact that the broadcast and print ethical codes frown at such issues. According to African Media Barometer (2011: 27), “ethnicity and religion remain highly sensitive and divisive issues in Nigeria, and this is often reflected in the media” particularly during election. Some religious doctrines and ethnic practices do not allow women to actively participate in governance, though the Constitution allows that and various professional ethics demand media to give fair reportage of both males and females, but some media practitioners violate this. Again editor's perception of reality is another factor that could affect media output. “Editors sometimes have or are expected to have a better grasp of a given social situation and to decide how best to report it…” . This shows that because of the transitional nature of Nigeria's democracy, some editors hide under the guise of preserving our democracy by not investigating actions of the ruling and publishing it for the electorate. Also, editor's idiosyncrasies could affect the editorial content of a newspaper. Furthermore, the influence of advertisers also affect media output. The privately owned media depends so much on revenue from adverts. Hence, there is the tendency to demur to the feelings of the advertisers, especially the big ones This may account for why the PDP has been receiving a lot of coverage. “He who pays the piper dictates the tune”. The journalists will tend to get a means through which they can augment the little they get and politicians who dominated the political environment and indeed the media business are mainly males. So, they can get their views heard and strategically boxed out females' voices during election Part of the reasons why females have been invisible in almost all aspects of media contents that transcends to covering election, are the socio-political and economic context where the media operate. For instance, an observation of the media in Nigeria showed that men owned hundred per cent of the media (both print and broadcast), and only a few newspaper has a female editor in all the key national media houses that can take reportorial decision. Majority of the political reporters are male, in fact, the GMMP (2010) reports showed that 80% of reporters in Nigeria are males. Thus women are systematically excluded from reporting hardcore issues such as election. Indeed, the stated factors so far affect the ethical performance of journalists when it comes to the coverage of elections..

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MEDIA CODES OF ETHICS AND ELECTORAL ACT 2010: WHAT DO THEY SAY? Concerns about the role and responsibilities of the media personnel have become an increasingly important part of public debate; and has generated discussion on pressing ethical and moral questions for journalists and the media. A generic documentation of general ethical standards of Journalistic conduct in Nigeria is contained in the Code of Ethics for Nigerian Journalists drawn up by the Nigerian Press Council. It emphasizes the importance of factual, accurate, balanced and fair reporting as well as promoting the universal principles of human rights, democracy, justice, equity (emphasis ours), and peace. According to the Code of Ethics for Nigerian Journalists, a journalist should neither solicit nor accept bribe, gratification or patronage to suppress or publish information; demand payment for the publication of news is inimical to the notion of news as a fair, accurate, unbiased and factual report of an Event. Essentially, the Nigerian Press Council code of ethics for journalists examined basic notions such as truth, virtue, privacy, rights, offense, harm, and freedom. It looked at the questions of impartiality and objectivity, the ethics of journalism, the regulation of privacy and media intrusion and the justification for censorship. This is against the backdrop of the observed disregard for ethical standards by some sections of the press. Hence, the Nigerian Press Council in furtherance of its statutory functions to foster the achievement and maintenance of the highest professional standards in the press published the Code of Ethics for the Nigerian Journalists. Below are the highlights: The highlights of the code include editorial independence (that the content of news should be the responsibility of a professional journalist); accuracy and fairness (that the ultimate objective of good journalism and the basis of earning public trust and confidence is factual, accurate, balanced and fair reporting); privacy (avoid invading the privacy of individuals unless it affects public interest); privileged/non-disclosure by observing and not disclosing the source of information obtained in confidence; decency (good self presentation in a manner that conforms with public taste, and should refrain from using offensive, abusive or vulgar language); discrimination (avoid making pejorative reference to a person's ethnic group, religion, sex, or to any physical or mental illness or handicap); reward and gratification (journalist should neither solicit nor accept bribe, gratification or patronage to suppress or publish information); violence, (journalist should not present or report acts of violence, armed robberies, terrorist activities or vulgar display of wealth in a manner that glorifies such acts in the eyes of the public); children and minors (journalist should not identify, either by name or picture, or interview children under the age of 16 who are involved in cases concerning sexual

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offences, crimes and rituals or witchcraft either as victims, witnesses or defendants); access to information (should strive to employ open and honest means in the gathering of information. However, exceptional methods may be employed only when the public interest is at stake); public interest (should strive to enhance national unity and public good); social responsibility (promote universal principles of human rights, democracy, justice, equity, peace and international understanding); plagiarism, (should not copy, wholesale or in part, other people's work without attribution and/or consent); copyright, (acknowledge reproduced work; press freedom and responsibility, (should strive at all times to enhance press freedom and responsibility) (Nigerian Press Council, 2009). Additionally, Sunday and Tommy (2011: 65) said there are issues of fakery (publishing false stories) and wraparound (where the entire front and back pages of newspapers are covered with political adverts particularly during elections). The adverts are usually very expensive which female politicians cannot afford. Similarly, the National Broadcasting Code provides extensive guidelines for political coverage by broadcasting stations and contains a range of sanctions, which may be imposed on a station for any breach of the guidelines contained in it. These include the revocation of its licence if it commits a serious breach of either the technical or non-technical aspects of the Code, reprimand or warning, light or heavy fine, reduction of broadcast hours or suspension of licence, depending on the gravity of the offence. Section 5.4.0 of the National Broadcasting Code, regulates the coverage of electioneering campaigns. Section 5.4.6 which states that “In adherence to the principle of pluralism of ideas and opinions, equal opportunity and air time shall be provided to all political parties or views, with particular regard to amount of time and belt during electioneering campaign period.” Also Section 5.4.12 provides that “in the interest of fairness and balance and to prevent the monetization of political broadcasts, any form of commercialization of political news or coverage is prohibited.” Further, Section 5.4.15 stipulates “it shall be the duty of broadcast stations to highlight the activities of government. But it shall not be reduced to glamorizing government functionaries or resort to praise singing or denial of access to those with contrary views or political leaning.” While Section 5.4.19, directs that “a station shall set up a committee to examine all complaints and appeals from political parties and the general public on political broadcasting during electioneering campaigns, and make appropriate decisions, including the granting of a right of reply.”

the Director-General of the NBC within 24 hours. Section 8.7.2 provides that a station is free to sell airtime for the purpose of political campaigns provided that all messages are in the form of spot announcements or jingles not exceeding 60 seconds and that no station can be involved in the production of such announcements or jingles; no voices of members of staff of any station are used in political jingles; and all jingles conform to the standards of truth, decency, good taste and morality. These provisions operate alongside internationally agreed standards and norms for election reporting as well as various journalists' codes of ethics. In addition to general standards of journalistic conduct contained On the other hand, the relevant provisions of the 2010 Electoral Act governing the use and conduct of the media during electioneering campaigns are contained in the Section 100 of 2010 Electoral Act signed (as amended). The section provides as follows: State apparatus including the media shall not be employed to the advantage or disadvantage of any political or candidate party or candidate at any election; Media time shall be allocated equally among the political parties at similar hours of the day; At any public electronic media, equal airtime shall be allotted to all political parties or candidate during prime times at similar hours each day, subject to the payment of appropriate fees; and At any public print media, equal coverage and conspicuity shall be allotted to all political parties” (Electoral Act 2010: 63). The various documents reviewed above simply state that an essential ingredient of the democratic process is that all the contending parties and candidates in an election should be able to communicate their points of view fairly and equitably to the electorate so that the people can make informed choices during the elections. This requires that besides the ruling political party or candidates who have the advantage of incumbency, parties and candidates in opposition should have access to the mass media. Looking at the professional codes and the provisions of the Electoral Act it is very clear that the laws have given all participants irrespective of their party affiliation and gender equal right of participation. However, a cursory look at the industry in the previous elections, the intricacies and financial implication involved in making “payment of appropriate fees” in radio, television and print media, the female candidates are pushed to the disadvantage position and there is no adequate measures by any government agency to punish any media house for such systematic and unethical violation of codes during elections in Nigeria.

The code further provides that the committee's proceedings shall be forwarded to

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Fair Media Access for Political Parties and Candidates: A Challenge The challenges to operating ethically and professionally included weak human resource capacity in various media houses leading to the lack of professionalism. In fact, while graduates from certain institutions which lack well trained staff and accreditation suddenly emerge as editors in private media houses, some radio stations also engage people with no training whatsoever as presenters, there will be unethical practices that denied many people access to the media. Also, the weak governance structures of media houses and poor remuneration amongst others are major challenges. Again, certain actions of government in negating positive developments within the political process has a dampening effect on the spirit and drive of journalists who would otherwise pride themselves in reporting factual information, especially the release of election results. Furthermore, inadequate understanding of the electoral process, including the rules governing each stage of the electoral process is a serious unethical practice. Also, the large number of political parties and candidates especially men in the various elections, pose logistic challenge to the media of how to fairly allocate time “equally among the political parties at similar hours of the day” for each of them to explain their programmes and policies to the electorate. Notwithstanding, it is difficult to excuse the lopsidedness of media coverage of the campaigns and elections. In the campaigns for the presidential elections, in particular, the then President Olusegun Obasanjo and his ruling Democratic Party (PDP) dominated the media throughout the period of the campaigns and elections. The trend was maintained in the subsequent elections in 2007 and 2011 that produced late Umaru Musa Yar'adua and incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan respectively. The imbalance is more glaring in the state governments' media. There was a huge imbalance between the coverage received by the ruling parties in states and other political parties and candidates both in terms of the amount of the coverage and the quality of coverage. On the other hand, Ogwezzy-Ndisika (2011:59) argued that: “Although the media promote female actresses, musicians, beauty queens and society ladies; yet they pay little or no attention to the plight of women in the political arena.” Thus they are not given fear media access as candidates as well as fear media access after winning election. She further noted that frontline female politicians such as Binta Garba, Gbemisola Saraki, Temi Harriman, Jumoke Okoya-Thomas, Lola Abiola, Sharon Daboh, Ruth Jummai Ango, Abike Dabiri have all been subtly or directly blackmailed and ridiculed by the Nigerian mass media, on account of their failed marriages, while Page

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their notable contributions to elections were deliberately ignored and denied access to the media platform. Another issue is that the ability of many female politicians during election at various times has been an object of ridicule in the Nigerian media, either by way of questioning their capacity to deliver in the positions they hold in government, or by way of inconsequential investigation into their private social life. Editorial Content: How engendered? Generally in politics women are very invisible particularly in the editorial content of the media during elections. Women are unseen, unheard and unread. OgwezzyNdisika, (2011) stated that it is simply not what the media say, or how they say it, that creates stereotypical perceptions of women. Equally important is what they do not say and there are indications that women have been excluded or silenced in many media forms. Globally, empirical data from the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) in 2010 showed women invisibility in news. The report submitted that there is “an increase of 6 percentage points in women's presence as subjects in the news” adding that “at the current rate of change, it will take more than 40 years to reach parity” (GMMP 2010: V). This data was generated from all regions of the world and in all media categories, particularly on broadcast television and radio. Entirely, the data exposed that women are grossly under represented and occupy less central roles than men in the editorial content. The study dealt with topics on Politics and Government; Economy; Science and Health; Social and Legal news; Crime and Violence; Celebrity, Arts and Media, Sports; and, the Girl-Child and found little change in the hierarchy of priorities of the news media agenda. Stories on politics/government (29%), crime/violence (19%) and the economy (18%) dominate the news agenda. Social/ legal, celebrity/arts/sports and science/health stories lag behind with an average of 13%, 11% and 9% respectively of the total number of stories combined across the three mediums (GMMP 2010: VII). Out of the political stories, which of course election is involved, women's presence “increased from 14% to 19% during the period while in stories on the economy there was no change, remaining at 20%. Just like the 2000 study in 70 countries (including Nigeria), which aimed to assess the situation five years on and at the start of the 21st century and revealed that women account for 41% of the presenters and reporters of the world's news and they featured more in stories on arts and entertainment (35%) or celebrity news (26%), the 2010 report showed that “only 24% of the people heard or read about in print, radio and television news are female. In contrast, 76% more than 3 out of 4 – of the people in the news are male.” Though there is improvement in the last nineteen years (1995-2014) “when only 17% of the people in ‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

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the news were women”, but there is slow progress on women's presence in the news media particularly in relation to election in the developing nations like Nigeria where news remains predominantly male affair. The report further showed that 95 per cent of stories from Nigeria do not highlight issues concerning inequality in any forms, despite the fact that it is ethical for media to ensure that equality in its reports, and 96% of the stories reinforced stereotypes against women. To show the level of imbalance as an ethical issue, the centrality of female in all news stories is 11% and only 3% showed women as focal point in politics. Even in developed democracies there is gender gap in election coverage. According to Klos (2013), there is gender gap in the coverage of American 2012 presidential election. The data shows that 69.4, 18.8 and 11.7 per cents of the reports in the print media from January to November, 2012 were men, women and unknown respectively. In the television, 77, 18.4 and 4.7 per cents were men, women and unknown respectively (Klos, 2013: 12). Thus, since this gross inequality and unethical media related issue exists in an advanced democracy like the US, the Nigerian case and indeed other emerging democracies is more alarming. Although African Media Barometer report (2008:33) stated that “women candidates and aspirants received less coverage than men while more negative stories on women were featured, some women politicians featured only as 'wife of…” but in its (2011:26), another report by the same organisation asserted that “there is an increasing awareness in the Nigerian media on the need to give women a voice. Women are increasingly being sought for interviews, and the number of specialized programmes and reports that depict women in a negative way are steadily decreasing.” However, in a monitoring activity of media coverage of electoral issues in the 2011 general elections which involved the gathering, documentation and analysis of data from the contents of print and broadcast media (newspapers, radio and television) during March, April and May 2011 across the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria, the Institute for Media and Society (2011a:1) found that “female politicians were far behind their male counterparts in media coverage, across all the three media genres. For example, newspapers devoted to women politicians just 5.73 per cent of the total space used in publishing reports on male politicians.' Furthermore, the results also show that: In all aspects of media reporting of the [2011] elections, female politicians were seriously relegated to the background by the newspapers as well as the radio and television stations. The number of published relevant items or aired relevant items with female politicians as subjects or sources (was) very low when compared with male politicians. The media also gave so little space and time (duration) to female politicians to the Page

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extent that in no month did the female politicians get as much as 10% of what was given to male politicians. The above also corroborates the finding of a study conducted by Media Rights Agenda on 2007 general elections in Nigeria, which “showed women as sources in only 5 to 10% of the cases on State owned broadcast media during the 2007 elections” (African Media Barometer 2008: 33). This has effects as there are at least two ways in which 'absence' in media content affect people's understanding of the world, and women's place in it particularly in election cases. Ogwezzy-Ndisika (2011:55) quoting Gallagher (1981:72) stated that perhaps the most important image is, in fact, a 'non-image': it is the absence of women in the media output which becomes the most striking, once it has been highlighted”. The Report on the Fourth World Conference on Women captured this view. It stated that although the media have been recognized as a useful instrument in advancing the status of women and fostering equality between men and women, “print and electronic media in most countries do not provide a balanced picture of women's diverse lives and contributions to society in changing world” (A/CONF. 177/20 chap. 1. J, Para: 236). Women have been underrepresented, excluded or silenced in many media forms. This might account for why some feminists accuse the media of failing to provide accurate and gender balanced coverage and reports when it continues to exclude half of the world's population as news subjects. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION From the discourse above, it is obvious that professionally ethics is a factor that affects media output during elections. Although, objectivity, balance, fairness, social responsibility, etc. are ethical terms that are bandied about among journalists and media scholars if not upheld in the discharge of their duties could negatively affect election outcomes, even from a gender perspective. Therefore, this paper concludes that since, the media have been endorsed as the guardian of the public sphere; and that a strong and credible media and communication sector is critical to election outcomes and promoting good governance; fostering open and inclusive dialogue on public policy options and providing channels for governments and citizens (both females and males) to engage with each other; and also provide an essential space in which freedom of expression can be exercised and alternative, dissenting, and minority voices heard upholding ethical standards in the discharge of their duties is imperative for a free and fair election in Nigeria. While acknowledging the arduous task before the Nigeria media in reporting electoral process, Nigerian journalist should hold ‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

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tenaciously to the ethics of their profession which among other codes, underscores the need for accuracy, fairness, respect for the privacy of others, decency, avoidance of rewards and gratification as well as protect the right of all Nigeria citizens. Instead of promoting vested interests or hidden agenda, they should simply uphold the tenets of journalism in their reports if they really consider themselves as part of this nation and champions of democracy. So, ethical infractions which have become common among practitioners should strongly be condemned by journalists; and of journalists who commit ethical should be effectively sanctioned. RECOMMENDATIONS Practice There is no doubt the media play the role of watchdogs of the Nigerian society. Thus it is the primary duty of the media to help the people get enlightened and politically be informed. This duty does not only make the people have informed choices to elect good leaders irrespective of their gender but also hold government liable and accountable whenever some of its actions or inactions infringe the law. They must allow the citizens have access to information to enable them participate effectively in the democratic processes, in general and in the electoral process in particular. Moreover, the media should take part in undertaking voter education, which should never be taken as the duty of the government alone; and in the discharge of their duties operate within the ambit of the code of ethics governing the profession of journalism. They should know that accurate electoral reporting entails proper and adequate understanding of the electoral process, including the rules governing each stage of the process. This means media practitioners must know the legal framework within which the country's institutions perform their duties. Besides, journalists in reporting the electoral process should be armed with relevant tools such as the Constitution, 2010 Electoral Act and Nigerian Press Council's Code of Ethics. These documents are vital not only for them to operate legally and responsibly but also help them to confidently publicize infringements to the law whenever they happen. The media have a great duty to examine all the contending parties and the candidates in terms of their ideologies, agendas as well as to reflect the needs and aspirations of the people to the parties and politicians. They should never favor some elites or some parties and deny others access to explain themselves. They must provide a level playing field for candidates in an election by ensuring fairness and balance to the extent that no candidate is disadvantaged or given unfair

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advantage over the others. So, media practitioners should not hastily paste information provided to them by the various sources. They should first and foremost try to investigate and verify it as well as check and cross check, since little mistakes may bring about unprecedented harm to the nation. Nigerian media should know that they operate in a complex environment where extraordinary ethnic and religious diversity prevail. Under such a situation, their slight error might lead to a serious damage. Hence, they have to be extremely careful in their election reporting and most importantly try to be as compassionate as possible. They also have to balance their stories whenever a third party is mentioned in them or try to get up relevant confirmation from the pertinent body if the story is likely to affect the lives of many. The media should draw the attention of everybody to vote and not otherwise. The experience we have in the past is the great majority of the “private” media directly and indirectly trying to convince the public to boycott the elections, which is not good. The media should set the agenda genuinely telling the people as to what is desirable and what is not; view INEC as its partner and not as its foe; ensure that the content of what they publish or broadcast is not influenced by the political parties or any vested source. They should refrain from publishing one sided press statements provided by political parties to their likes; should not report any speculation about electoral results before their announcements made by INEC. They should know their breach to the ethics of journalism impacts negatively on the electoral process in the sense that it misleads the public to make wrong choices of candidates at elections or may lead to violence. So, in any election in Nigeria, Nigerian journalists should hold high the ethics of their profession. They, among others, must be fair, unbiased, accurate, complete, factual and professional in their reporting. Creating the Enabling Environment - Media Policy and Regulation The Media Policy and Regulation should be examined from different perspectives – policy, ownership, regulation and others. In the area of policy there should be establishment of independent and autonomous regulatory mechanisms devoid of political interference supported with parliamentary appropriated funding; transparent decision making processes for licensing, renewal of licenses, and frequency allocation; available judicial review in cases where applications for licenses are rejected or revoked; and representative and independent governing bodies for the regulatory mechanisms with open and transparent appointment processes and security of tenure for the members.

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Ownership, government - state ownership of broadcast media should operate within the framework of public service broadcasters, with independent governing boards whose editorial functions should be insulated from political interference. State participation in the print media sector should in no way undermine the freedom of expression provisions in the national constitutions; institutions such as universities and other journalism training institutions should be encouraged and allowed to own and operate media organizations for the purpose of training prospective journalists to consolidate the gains of the deregulation of the broadcast sector; community media (particularly radio) should be encouraged and assisted to flourish. Community media may serve a geographical community, especially in poor/rural communities, or promote specific community interests particularly the females and other marginalised and disadvantage groups can be heard during election process and broad political debates in the country. Media owners should pay journalists well to avoid brown envelop temptation and the money should be paid timely with the view to promoting higher standards of ethical practice, The mandates of regulatory bodies should be extended to cover the technical aspects as well as content of broadcast media. In addition, they may require the print media to register but this should not be for the purpose of licensing or permitting them to operate. Also, the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act should be enforced; and existing antimedia laws and other pieces of legislation which inhibit media freedom and independence should be reviewed or repealed by involving all stakeholders.

Ogwezzy-Ndisika, PhD, of the Department of Mass Communication, University of Lagos,made the presentation at the media capacity-building workshop organised by the International Press Centre (IPC) in Enugu, February 18-20, 2014.

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Chapter 9 EKITI & OSUN 2014 GOVERNORSHIP ELECTIONS: REVIEW, OBSERVATIONS, LESSONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS. By Dr. Bisi Olawunmi Introduction he Ekiti and Osun states' governorship elections held on June 21, 2014 and August 9, 2014, respectively. They were perceived as test runs for the 2015 general election which is barely five months from now. The outcomes of the elections provide materials for a critical review, in an attempt at sign posting their implications for the 2015 exercise. From the topic, the main thrust of this exercise is media news coverage of the elections and the observations on journalists' performance, the lessons to be drawn and suggestions arising there from. I intend to make the session as interactive as possible with a view to achieving cross fertilization of ideas. Perhaps it would be helpful to begin with some general assumptions about democracy and news reporting as well as the political actors involved in elections so as to better situate the discourse with reference to the role of reporters. Democracy, basically, is a form of government where the peoples' will is expected to prevail. It is elections, as periodic renewals of the mandate of those running representative government on behalf of the people, which affirm and entrench the people's sovereignty; their authority over their agents – the politicians who are the main political actors. Voting in elections is, therefore, a strategic exercise that must be knowledge-based to ensure that right choices are made. Ill informed choices, based on ignorance, can have disastrous consequences for the peace, stability and progress of any country. In a democracy, the media is the main institution better placed to educate the electorate, in a dispassionate manner, on the issues of public governance. And, the news reporter is the point-man in empowering the people through information. Where role expectation is properly articulated and played, the reporter becomes the lubricant who oils the wheel of progress in society by providing information which enhances harmonious relationships among the various groups in the polity and between them and those in leadership position in public governance. It needs to be emphasized that in multi-ethnic, multi-lingual society like Nigeria, elections present complex situations and the state of harmony or disharmony among the various ethnic groups have serious consequences for election outcomes. A cursory survey of media content will establish the reality that a factor of the acrimony that trails elections in the country is ethnic-based, indicating

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Part 4: CASE STUDY: MEDIA COVERAGE OF ELECTIONS

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that the media, largely, has not succeeded in welding these disparate groups together, effectively. The Ekiti, Osun Governorship Elections - A Post Mortem The elections in the two states were keenly contested and the outcomes have been subject of analyses, reviews and projections as to their implications for the 2015 general elections. In the June 21, 2014 Ekiti governorship election, a former governor and candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Mr. Ayodele Fayose, comprehensively defeated the incumbent, governor Kayode Fayemi of the All Progressives Congress (APC), winning in all the 16 local government areas. The media, or more appropriately reporters, treated the other 16 contestants as mere footnotes. Many commentators described the election result as APC taking a tsunami hit, politically, with projections that it presaged what is likely to happen, not only in the then pending August 9, 2014 Osun governorship election, but in the 2015 general elections. This media projection created ferment in the camp of Senator Iyiola Omisore, the PDP governorship candidate in Osun state. There was manifest expectation among Omisore loyalists of a self fulfilling prophesy of a PDP sweepstakes in Osun, going by media projections. The gubernatorial contest in Osun state was, like in Ekiti, framed as a two-way race between Governor Rauf Aregbesola and Senator Omisore. Governor Aregbesola's victory appears to have halted the PDP electoral tide. Observations on the Elections' coverage Observations on the coverage of the elections in the two states will be treated holistically based on five broad headings: 1. Lack of media focus on issues 2. Abdication of the agenda-setting function of the press 3. Not much evidence of researched and media generated stories 4. Excessive focus on claims, charges, accusations and counter accusations 5. Biased framing, gender insensitive and slanted stories A general shortcoming of the media in the reportage of the elections was the failure to sharply define the issues and get the candidates to address them. This amounts to abdication of the media's pivotal agenda-setting function where it identifies issues of public interest that the candidates would have to frontally address. One would have expected that reporters based in the two states, who are expected to be conversant with what agitates the people, could have found a way to confront the candidates with them. For instance, what are the specific plans of the candidates, especially the two front-runners, for provision of housing; improving health care delivery; making education affordable; improving internally generated revenue and curbing corruption. There was no evidence of researched stories, which provide background, context and perspective as well as comparative analyses of the administrations of Fayose

and Fayemi, considering that both have had the opportunity to rule the state for at least three years each. What amount of revenue did they generate? What was the debt profile of their administrations? How many jobs were created? What is the level of infrastructure provided ? It is observed, for example, that the attention paid to the Ekiti governorship election largely reflected a partisan media interest as indicated in the following three tables on the number of news stories, articles and columns carried by six selected newspapers content analyzed.

Table 1. Ekiti state governorship election news stories by selected newspapers for the month of June, 2014 Newspaper

NUMBER OF STORIES

THE NATION THE NIGERIAN TRIBUNE THE PUNCH THE GUARDIAN THE SUN THE VANGUARD Source: Field data 2014

121 113 131 83 22 56

Table 2 Number of feature articles on the Ekiti governorship election in the selected newspapers for June 2014.

NEWSPAPER THE NATION THE NIGERIAN TRIBUNE THE PUNCH THE GUARDIAN THE SUN THE VANGUARD

NUMBER OF ARTICLE 31 32 17 16 21 15

Source: Field data 2014

Table 3 Number of Columns in the selected newspapers on the Ekiti governorship election in June, 2014.

NEWSPAPER

NUMBER OF COLUMNIS

THE NATION THE NIGERIAN TRIBUNE THE PUNCH THE GUARDIAN THE SUN THE VANGUARD

25 21 11 3 13 15

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Tables 1 to 3 above seek to establish, in statistical numbers, the level of involvement of the newspapers content analyzed in the Ekiti state governorship election. Given the noted sympathy of The Nation newspaper for the APC and that of the Nigerian Tribune for elements in the PDP, it is no surprise that the two newspapers led in the number of stories, articles and columns devoted to the Ekiti governorship election where the candidates of the two parties were the media-anointed main contestants. It is a measure of The Nation's intense interest that it started carrying virtually daily front page headline teasers three months to the two elections – for example, from March 2014 to the June 21, 2014 Ekiti election. Media ownership would appear to be a factor in the rather partisanship of the news coverage of the Ekiti and Osun elections but the partisanship was more pronounced with Columnists some of who were more strident in their denunciations of opponents of their preferred candidates than the publicity secretaries of the parties. Perhaps the most rabidly partisan Columnist in the stable of The Nation is Femi Orebe who wrote what could be described as emotion-laden three opinion pieces, consecutively in the three weeks leading to the election : Ekiti/Osun 2014 – PDP to import Niger Delta militants ( June 1, 2014) ; Ekiti 2014 : Of Sophists and Despots ( June 8, 2014) ; Ekiti 2014 : PDP demonic plans shall fail ( June 15, 2014 ) and the day after the election, June 22, 2014 captioned ;: 'God is our bulwark against principalities and powers'. One of Fayemi's endorsers, Prof. Olatunji Dare, who teaches Mass Communication at Bradley University, Peoria, Illinois in the United States was ruthlessly indicting of those of them Columnists who wrongfully called the election for Fayemi, giving himself the harshest whipping. “Personally, I will not be surprised if, henceforth, they reflexively dismissed those of us who got Ekiti wrong as “failed analysts” or even more damnably as “failed and discredited analysts”, Prof. Dare declared in his June 24, 2014 column titled 'Ekiti : The morning after'. He had conceded: “The problem was that we analysts attended for the most part to people like ourselves; we read for the most part what they wrote and heard for the most part what they said. So, for all practical purposes, we did not see what is out there . . . and believed what we wanted to believe about the candidates”. There are other 'failed' analysts who sought damage control by latching on Fayemi's concession of defeat speech in superlative terms: 'Exemplary Fayemi', enthused Mohammed Haruna in his June 25, 2014 column. But, the Fayemi's recant got him wrong footed, again. Some others made a 360 degree turn to hail Fayose : 'Fantabulous Fayose' thundered the headline of Femi Macaulay in his June 30, 2014 column in The Nation newspaper. A senior citizen Columnist, Prof. Segun Gbadegesin, who similarly wrote off Fayose, admitted that he never visited Ekiti state since Fayemi assumed office to know the level of development as well as get a feel of the people's opinion of the Fayemi administration. These confessions again highlight the important role of reporters to provide authentic, on the ground, situation reports which can appropriately provide material not only for analysts but for the general public. The Punch newspaper was a bit more balaced than both The Nation and the Nigerian Tribune. For example, in its June 2, 2014, edition, the paper carried this headline on page 6 : Fayemi'll win, campaign organization boasts, with the director-general of his campaign Bimbo Daramola predicting a win of not less than 80 percent. On June 18, 2014, it carried this story: Fayemi will Page

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regret June 21 election - Fayose Another observation on the Ekiti and Osun elections is that of biased framing where the media practically screened out other contestants outside the 'anointed' candidates of the APC and PDP. The media has a responsibility to seek out the other candidates and offer them platform. Blacking out the other candidates on the excuse that they were not staging events is indicative of 'feeding-bottle' disposition of many reporters - waiting to be fed information. Similarly, women were hardly mentioned in the news and analyses, in spite of the fact that they generally constitute the overwhelming majority at election campaigns. There are women leaders in the parties and 'Iya Olojas' prominent in campaigns who could have been brought into the news net as a way of recruiting them into leadership positions, which is one of the functions of the media. The slant in news stories and opinion pieces, reflected in headlines and captions, highlighted the lack of appropriate focus on issues. The preponderance of accusations and counter accusations, to the neglect of germane issues, were indicative of the muddling of the campaigns' messages. Some samples of the headlines and captions are instructive: The Guardian, July 24, 2014 materials

The Punch, April 22, 2014 The Nation, July 8, 2014

The Sunday Sun, July 20, 2014 : Ekiti election The Punch, August 17, 2014:

The Punch, August 8, 2014:

The Nation, August 13, 2014:

The Nation, May 27, 2014:

The Nation, July 11, 2014

APC gets tribunal's nod to inspect Ekiti electoral Stakeholders pledge peaceful poll in Osun Akinwusi, Akinbade condemn inducing voters with foodstuff, others NYSC charges corps members on best practice (on Osun election) Planned procession for Ige triggers APC, PDP war. APC to mobilize against fraud in August 9 election LP candidate to PDP: stop dropping my name Omisore promises to fix rural roads FAYEMI YELLS - You've' not heard the last about '. . . read my speech again. I did not accept defeat' PDP accuses APC of plotting 'Arab Spring' p. 6 Obanikoro plans to harm APC members, says Aregbesola pg 5. Consequences of rigging election will be grave – Oyegun p.20 Focus on your manifesto, group tells candidates p. 20 Why Osun politicians are after us, by DSS P. 7 Five injured in attack on Osun APC members . PDP: they assaulted us p20 Fayemi to voters : beware of evil alliance p.9 Lawmaker dumps PDP . No rigging, governor warns p.9 APC accuses Omisore of unveiling plan for troops p.8 Ekiti election was rigged, alleges Oni . p 7

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The Nation July 3, 2014

The Punch, July 28, 2014 The Nation, April 23, 2014 :

Fayemi's wife: poll 'rigged from source' p. 7 The problem with Omisore, by lawmaker Labour candidate promises industries We'll conduct local govt. election, says SDP. PDP plans to bribe NYSC members, APC alleges p. 22 PDP 'unleashes terror on APC members in Egbe' Fayemi challenges Fayose to debate over comment

What's on the electorate's minds? From the samples above, it can be observed that the few attempts made at articulating some agenda were swamped by the cacophony of non issues. The broadcast media outlets were not content analyzed for this presentation. However, studies have shown that most government- owned broadcast media are excessively pro the ruling party, hence there is a sort of predictability in the reportage of political campaigns. Lessons Several lessons can be learnt from the media coverage of the Ekiti and Osun states' governorship elections. Coverage, in this context, refers to news stories, articles and columns since they all project messages to the public which had potentials to influence the electorate and consequent election outcomes. Reporters based in Ekiti state, in retrospect, should admit that they were unable to project the actual reality of the political situation, on the ground, for the public, particularly outside Ekiti state to have an authentic scenario of the electoral contest. This largely contributed to the shock that many felt by the crushing defeat of the incumbent, Dr. Kayode Fayemi. The reportage on Osun election, while not substantially different with regard to neglect of issues, at least had the redeeming aspect of conveying a neck-to-neck closeness in the election, which actually was reflected in the result, in spite of the over 100,000 votes which separated Governor Aregbesola from the loser, Senator Omisore. Reporters and Columnists have opportunities to begin to deflect electioneering from violent, confrontational language by the choice of words in their stories and columns and by highlighting some of the friendly linkages among the candidates, who anyway belong to the same 'political class', rather than fanning embers of acrimony, perhaps for attention grabbing, catchy headlines. Journalists must learn that by pandering to the politicians, they end up diminishing themselves, both before the same politicians and also the public. Instances like when Governor Aregbesola visited former Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola, a then PDP chieftain, at the latter's Okuku country home on Monday, April 21, 2014 to celebrate Easter with him should be spotlighted as part of the process of de-emphasising violence in politics. The picture of a beaming trio of Oyinlola, his wife Omolola and Aregbesola during the visit and published in The Nation newspaper of Wednesday, April 23, 2014 are the kind of images which may gradually be re-orienting the public against 'cut-throat' politics. Perhaps, the most telling lesson is for Columnists, many of whom were shown up as rabid partisans, blindly peddling wishful thinking in arcane analyses with the rigour of research expected of writing at that high level, taking flight. That virtually all the Columnists on the stable of The Nation newspaper called the election for Fayemi, often in fawning, flattering terms and in landslide proportions indicates the depth to which informed column writing and interpretative writing have sunk among many in privileged editorial positions. The lesson for Columnists, especially those with The Nation, is that prostrating, or being perceived as prostrating, before ownership and special interests, is self denigrating. Columnists and other Page

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opinion writers also need to hasten slowly in showering precipitate accolades for politicians' actions or statements. For instance, many Columnists and other writers who had glowingly commended Governor Fayemi for his grace in conceding defeat and congratulating the winner, Fayose, were to suffer a hit when Fayemi recanted. Mohammed Haruna's column titled 'EXEMPLARY FAYEMI' takes the cake for praise writing, except that Fayemi turned out not being that exemplary in this instance, after all.. Recommendations 1. Following from the observations, it is recommended that reporters and Columnists should imbibe professionalism which, to a significant extent, will earn them a level of editorial independence and reduce the over bearing influence of ownership, advertisers and other sundry players in editorial content. Many mobilize journalists simply to take advantage of the media to benefit from the visibility it offers and its status conferring role. 2. Reporters should be more discerning in the coverage of and write-ups on elections. They should not parrot just any statement, claim or accusation. The dictate of verification is a must in professional practice. 3. Reporters should not totally surrender the agenda-setting function to politicians and the political parties and other influence peddlers. 4. Reporters should be financially empowered by their organizations in the coverage of election campaigns, including hazard allowance due to the risks, physical stress and inconveniences of election campaigns. A situation where candidates and/or political parties finance reporters election coverage compromises the independence, credibility and integrity of reporters and the news stories they file and by extension that of the medium. 5. Reporters and other editorial staffers should embrace social science approach of seeking information through research. There is an overwhelming dependence of reporters on staged events and easily available sources that needs to be redressed. It is a trend that makes reporters and other journalists vulnerable to media manipulators and publicists. 6. Given the strategic importance of credible media performance for national development, public agencies, non- governmental organizations as well as multi lateral agencies should collaborate with professional media associations in capacity building programmes which are more streamlined as against being ad hoc, as is currently the practice. 7. The Nigerian Press Organisation (NPO) should make it mandatory for media organizations to maintain virile Quality Control Units to reduce the embarrassing shoddiness in media content which impact negatively on media image. Overall, while press coverage of the Ekiti and Osun governorship elections could not be said to have lived up to expectation, given the inadequacy of bringing issues to the front burner as well as the rather rabidly partisan tone of news and analyses. However, the pressures imposed by poor funding or no funding of reporters' election campaign coverage and ownership are realities that the editorial leadership of the media must urgently address, ahead of the 2015 general election. Olawunmi, of the Department of Mass Communication, Bowen University, Iwo, Osun State-Nigeria, made the presentation at the media capacity building workshop for the south west in Ado-Ekiti on September 17 and 18, 2014. ‘Advancing Media role in Elections and Democratic Development’

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