Land-Use Change and Socio-Economic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995 Fridolin Krausmann *, Helmut Haberl 1, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube Institute of Social Ecology, Vienna. Alpen-Adria Universität Klagenfurt – Graz – Wien Schottenfeldgasse 29, 1070 Vienna, Austria

E-mail of correspondig author: [email protected]

Key words: socio-economic metabolism; land-use change; land-cover change; driving forces; Austria; agricultural policy; agricultural modernization.

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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Abstract We analyse relations between changes in land use and land cover and socio-economic metabolism for 1950-1995, thereby covering the period during which Austria’s agriculture was industrialized. From 1950 to about 1980 Austria mainly strived to achieve selfsufficiency in terms of agricultural produce. This goal was met in the 1970s, mainly through agricultural intensification. Since then, the main focus of Austrian agricultural policy was to both reduce agricultural overproduction, to preserve the existing farm structure and to keep as much agricultural area in cultivation as possible. Yields rose slowly and subsidized fallow covered substantial parts of cropland area. Austria joined the European Union in 1995, after which agricultural policy was, to a large extent, determined by the EU Common Agricultural Policy. From 1950 to 1995 we observe a continuous trend of declining cropland and grassland areas, fast increases in the area of built-up and infrastructure land, and a slow increase in forested areas. The segregation of cropland cultivation and livestock husbandry leads to a concentration of cropland in fertile lowlands and of grasslands in the lower alpine regions from which crops are retreating. Livestock being fed increasing amounts of cropland produce and imported protein feedstuffs resulted in a break-up of local nutrient cycles and rising inputs of mineral fertilizer. We interpret these changes as a result of the massive input of fossil energy into Austria’s agricultural system, allowing for a surge in transport intensity. We analyse these trends using GIS maps based upon statistic data.

Introduction Changes in land use and land cover are among the most important socio-economic driving forces of global as well as local environmental change (Turner et al., 1990; Vitousek, 1992, Vitousek et al., 1997). Research into land-use and land-cover change is one of two major fields of interdisciplinary research on the human dimensions of environmental change, the other being the approach of socio-economic metabolism; that is, the analysis of material and energy flows associated with human activities (e.g., Ayres and Simonis, 1994; FischerKowalski, 1997; Matthews et al., 2000). Although it has often been noted that there are intimate relations between land use and socio-economic metabolism (e.g., Turner and Meyer, 1994), these relations have seldom been explicitly taken into account when analysing socioeconomic driving forces of land-use change (e.g., Rayner et al., 1994). Some conceptual issues related to this topic have been discussed in a recent special issue of Land Use Policy (Vol. 18, No. 1, 2001; for an overview see Haberl et al., 2001a). In this paper we look at metabolism and colonization in Austria from 1950 to 1995 in order to analyse if and to what extent changes in socio-economic metabolism trigger changes in land use, or – the reverse causality – changes in land use lead to transformations of socio-economic metabolism. The aim of this paper is, thus, to provide an empirical example for the potential contribution of the metabolism approach to land-use research. As an example, we use changes in land use and socio-economic metabolism in Austria 19501995. With 90 inhabitants per square kilometre Austria is rather densely populated. It is a highly industrialized country dominated by mountainous regions (Table 1). The alps, with peaks well over 3,000 metres above sea level, cover a considerable part of the western, southern, and central regions of Austria, while the northern part of Austria is dominated by an ancient granite stock (“Böhmische Masse”) which seldom reaches more than 1,000 metres above sea level. Only a small parts of the country – a strip between the alps and the Böhmische Masse, the north-eastern region of Austria, a small strip in Austria’s east and Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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south-east as well as some larger low-lying basins in the alps – can be considered as fertile, flat lowlands. While industrialization in general began in Austria in the first half of the 19th century, the industrialization of agriculture did not begin before the First World War. Even then, industrialization of agriculture proceeded slowly and soon grounded to a halt in the 1930s and 1940s. After the Second World War, however, Austria began to catch up quickly. This resulted in dramatic changes in the two decades from 1950 to 1970. Therefore, the period 1950-1995 covers a large part of the industrialization of Austria’s agriculture in terms of mechanization, use of agrochemicals, etc. (see Krausmann, 2001; Krausmann and Haberl, 2002). Due to Austria’s mountainous terrain and structurally conservative agricultural policy, however, its agriculture still is less industrialized and less intensive than that of many other central European countries. Table 1 shows some indicators of Austria’s agricultural structure and development as compared to Germany, France, the UK and the EU average. Austrian agriculture is dominated by hill farmers: 60% of Austrian farmland are regarded as unfavourable mountainous regions (”Berggebiete”) by EU agricultural statistics. Average farm size is about equal to the EU average (17.5 ha), but significantly smaller than in Germany (30.3 ha), France (38.5 ha) or the UK (70.1 ha). More than 80% of Austrian farms are smaller than 20 ha. Fertilizer consumption per hectare of agricultural area amounts to only half of the EU average. Average yields of major crops like wheat or barley as well as average milk yield per cow are well under the corresponding values for Germany, France and the UK. The same applies to the structure of the stock farming: the average number of cattle, pigs and poultry per keeper is significantly (factors between 2 and 15) below EU average (Table 1). Table 1. Comparison of Austria’s territory and agriculture to other European countries and the EU average. Data are mostly referring to the time period 1993-1998.

Total area Population Agricultural area as percentage of total area Percentage of arable land of total area Percentage of forests of total area Average size of farms Percentage of farms < 20 ha Percentage of agricultural area in mountainous regions N fertilizer consumption Average wheat yield Average barley yield Average milk yield per cow Number of pigs per keeper Number of cattle per keeper Number of poultry per keeper n.d.

Unit [km²] [1000]

Austria 83,858 8,047

Germany France 356,970 543,970 81,661 58,139

UK EU average 244,100 3,236,400 58,500 371,997

[%] [%] [%] [ha] [%]

41% 17% 39% 15.4 80%

49% 33% 29% 30.3 64%

55% 33% 28% 38.5 49%

71% 25% 10% 70.1 42%

43% 23% n.d. 17.5 80%

[%] [kgN/ha] [t/ha] [t/ha] [l/cow/yr]

60% 36 5.1 4.5 4,591 35 20 139

2% 102 7.0 5.5 5,436 118 55 511

19% 79 6.5 5.5 5,514 157 60 834

0% 77 7.7 5.8 5,727 593 87 1559

21% 69 5.5 4.2 3,711 95 45 426

no data

Sources: Online-Database of the Federal Institute for Agricultural Economics in Vienna (http://www.awi.bmlf.gv.at/); Präsidentenkonferenz der Landwirtschaftskammern, 1998

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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Socio-Economic Metabolism and Land Use: Theoretical Considerations The socio-economic metabolism approach conceptualises the relations between societies and their natural environment as a physical input-output process: materials and energy are extracted from the environment, processed within society, partly accumulated as socioeconomic stocks (e.g., buildings, infrastructure, durable consumer goods, etc.), and, finally, released into the environment, either as wastes and emissions, or as deliberate discharges such as fertilizers or pesticides (Ayres and Simonis, 1994; Fischer-Kowalski, 1997; Matthews et al., 2000). Whereas the metabolism of agricultural societies, above all, their energy system, is primarily based upon biomass (Sieferle, 1997), industrial society’s metabolism heavily relies on area-independent sources of energy such as fossil fuels or nuclear energy (Sieferle, 1982; Smil, 1992) and mineral resources (Ayres and Ayres, 1998). Transitions from the agricultural mode of subsistence to an industrial economy can, therefore, be characterized by fundamental – and interrelated – changes in socio-economic metabolism and land use (Hall et al., 2000; Krausmann and Haberl, 2002). In order to be able to understand the relations between socio-economic metabolism and land use, it is useful to conceptualise land use as “colonization of terrestrial ecosystem;” that is, as an interrelated set of purposive socio-economic interventions aiming at changes in ecosystem processes that render them more useful for society (Fischer-Kowalski and Haberl, 1997; Fischer-Kowalski and Weisz, 1999; Haberl et al., 2001a). Colonization of terrestrial ecosystems can be analysed (1) by describing the socio-economic activities that intervene into ecosystems in order to get the desired results, and (2) by describing the changes in ecosystem processes resulting from these interventions. Examples for the first approach include assessments of the amount of power used to alter ecosystems in desired ways (e.g., Giampietro et al., 1992), the amount of plant nutrients such as nitrogen, phosphorous and potassium applied, etc. Obviously, all these activities are dependent on socio-economic metabolism; above all, on the availability of energy that can be applied to manage agro-ecosystems (Giampietro, 1997). Moreover, it is useful to analyse the efficiency of agriculture; for example, by comparing energy inputs needed per unit of biomass energy harvested (e.g., Pimentel et al., 1973; Pimentel et al., 1990). That is, this approach to discuss colonization of natural processes focuses on the socio-economic point of view: how much effort is invested for what return. The second approach assesses changes in ecosystem functioning associated with land use; for example, changes in production ecology, standing crop (i.e., biomass stocks), or nutrient flows. An indicator that has been used to assess land-use related changes in patterns and processes in ecosystems is the “human appropriation of net primary productivity,” or HANPP (Field, 2001; Haberl et al., 2001b; Krausmann, 2001; Rojstaczer et al., 2001; Vitousek et al., 1986; Wright, 1990). Net Primary Production (NPP) is the net biomass production of green plants (i.e., gross production minus own consumption of the plant) on a defined plot, usually measured for one year. Land use changes the NPP of the vegetation as compared to the potentially prevailing vegetation and reduces the amount of biomass remaining in ecosystems through harvest. Defined as the difference between the NPP of the potential vegetation and the NPP remaining in ecosystems after harvest (Haberl, 1997), HANPP simultaneously accounts for the impact of these two processes on ecosystem functioning. HANPP results in reduced energy availability in ecosystems and is associated with a reduction of standing crop and, hence, of carbon storage in ecosystems (see part II). There is evidence indicating that HANPP could be associated with biodiversity loss (Wright, 1990). The basic idea behind Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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HANPP analysis – comparing potential and actual status – can be applied to changes in biomass standing crop, biomass turnover, carbon stocks (Haberl et al., 2001b), nitrogen flows, water, etc. HANPP is directly related to socio-economic metabolism, because biomass harvest is a crucial input of material and energy of society. This is not only the case in agricultural societies: in industrial societies biomass typically accounts for about 20-40% of the material and energy input (see below). This paper focuses on the analysis of agricultural energy and nutrient flows. Results on HANPP in Austria published elsewhere (Haberl et al., 2001b; Krausmann, 2001) will be re-analysed using insights from these data.

Changes in Austrian Land Cover and Agricultural Policy 19501995 Land-use data were obtained for the years 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1986, 1990 and 1995 on the level of municipalities (n = 2350) as the smallest spatial unit. These data are available as a part of Austria’s agricultural statistics (“Bodennutzungserhebung;” Statistik Austria, 1999) and were obtained by data download from the data bank ISIS of Statistics Austria. This statistics allowed us to discriminate approximately 40 categories of land use. Different types of agricultural areas and grasslands are finely differentiated: 20-25 main crops and 8 types of grasslands are distinguished. Further categories consider built-up area, vineyards, gardens, etc. Agricultural land-use statistics in Austria records areas of all agricultural holdings that farm more than 0.5-1 hectares of land (depending on the farm type, 1 ha = 104 m²). There is some spatial distortion due to the fact that a parcel of land is allocated to the municipality where the owner of the parcel resides, even if the parcel itself is located in another municipality (Bittermann, 1990); however, the error resulting from these inconsistencies is reduced when data are aggregated to higher spatial levels as, for instance, political districts, because in most cases the parcel is situated in an adjacent municipality.

40000 35000

Woodland

30000 Area [km²]

Arable land 25000 Extensive grassland

20000 15000

Intensive grassland

10000

Settlement and infrastructure

5000 0 1950

1965

1980

1995

Figure 1. Aggregated land-cover changes in Austria 1950-1995. Data source: Krausmann, 2000.

Aggregate changes in Austria’s land cover are reported in Figure 1. Relative changes are largest for settlement areas (including infrastructure etc.) which increase rather continuously Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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by 109% from 1950 to 1995. Absolute changes are largest for woodlands (+4,004 km2) and grasslands (-4,187 km²); that is, intensively used meadows and cultivated pastures and extensively used alpine meadows, rough grazing and alpine pastures. There is, however, a significant shift from extensively used grassland to intensively used grassland – the latter even increased by 24% during the observed time period. Cropland shrinks by about 14% or 1,931 km2 from 1950 to 1995. Loss of both cropland and grassland continues throughout the period under consideration, although cropland loss seems to have slowed down since the late 1980s.

100% Percentage of cropland area

90% 80% 70%

Fallow

60%

Alternative & other crops Roots & tubers

50%

Clover, legumes

40%

Maize

30%

Grain

20% 10% 1995

1990

1985

1980

1975

1970

1965

1960

1955

1950

0%

Figure 2. Distribution of cropland area to various crop aggregates in Austria 1950-1999. Sources: Agricultural Statistics, ISIS database of Statistics Austria, own calculations.

Figure 2 analyses a breakdown of cropland to different crop aggregates. It shows that clover as well as roots and tubers – traditional feed and food crops in crop rotation systems, each accounting for about 20% of cropland in 1950 – decreased considerably until the mid-1980s, when both reached about 5% of total cropland area each and remained at about this level afterwards. The area planted with maize increased considerably until the late 1980s and declined somewhat afterwards. The decline in roots and tubers as well as plants used in crop rotation allowed a considerable increase in the area planted with cereals until about 1985, when cereals accounted for more than 60% of total cropland. Since the mid 1980s, when Austria’s agricultural policy stimulated the cultivation of so-called “alternative crops” aiming at a reduction in overproduction, the area used for grain production was reduced sharply. Subsidised fallow, oil seeds (rape seed, sunflower) and pulses (summarily termed “alternative crops” in Figure 2) increased considerably at the expense of grain and also maize (see also Figure 3). These aggregate changes in land use and cover reflect changes in the goals of Austrian agricultural policy, which traditionally has a strong influence on agricultural development in Austria. After World War II, Austrian agriculture was severely damaged and the supply of food and feed depended on imports. Therefore, after World War II, the main focus of Austria’s agricultural policy was to gain self-sufficiency with respect to agricultural produce. To achieve this, agricultural policy sought to foster the industrialization of Austria’s agriculture and to increase production following the so-called “green plan” (“Der grüne Plan”; see Krammer and Scheer, 1978). Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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Despite the political efforts and the massive support by the European Recovery Programme the level of agricultural production of the pre-war years was reached only in 1953. In the 1950s and 60s, due to a protectionist agricultural policy and structural measures, Austria’s agriculture rapidly changed from subsistence to market-oriented production. Within only two decades agriculture became fully industrialized. As shown in Table 2, input of artificial nitrogen fertilizer and number of tractors increased dramatically between 1950 and 1970 (by factors of 6 and 14) while the number of horses and agricultural workers decreased (by 83% and 54%, respectively). Table 2. Changes the Austrian agricultural production system between 1950 and 1995: Development of number of farms, agricultural workers, horses, tractors, cattle, pigs and application of nitrogen fertilizer.

Farms [1000] 433

1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995

Workers [1000] 967 849 721 569 446 359 294 262 219 166

397 362 308 278 264

Horses [1000] 283 236 150 85 47 41 40 45 49 73

Tractors Nitrogen fertilizer Cattle [1000] [1000 t N] [1000] 17 18 2,417 79 29 2,471 120 45 2,466 217 78 2,432 248 124 2,431 292 125 2,442 325 160 2,454 349 161 2,457 355 137 2,415 369 128 2,288

Pigs [1000] 2,525 2,934 2,990 2,639 3,446 3,683 3,706 3,926 3,688 3,706

Sources: Butschek, 1998, Puwein, 1996, Online Database of the Austrian Institute of Economic Research (http://www.wifo.ac.at/), ÖSTAT, 1995

While Austria eventually became self-sufficient in terms of many important agricultural products in the 1960s (wheat and rye) and 1970s (feed grain, meat), agricultural policy failed to react and to effectively slow down production growth, but on the contrary encouraged further intensification and increases in production well into the 1980s, leading to considerable overproduction which could only be sold on foreign markets at heavily subsidized prices (Hofreither, 1994; Mang, 1995; Schneider and Hofreither 1988).

Percentage of cropland area

30% 25% 20% Fallow

15%

Protein fodder plants Oil seeds

10% 5%

1995

1990

1985

1980

0%

Figure 3. Area planted with “alternative” crops and left fallow in Austria 1980-2000. Data source: Krausmann, 2000. Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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In the late 1980s agricultural policy was fundamentally re-oriented with the aim to reduce over-production and environmental pressures caused by intensive production, but also aiming to preserve family holdings and to keep as much area in production as possible – a strategy called “eco-social agricultural policy” (“ökosoziale Agrarpolitik”) (Schneider and Hofreither 1988). Ecological farming was subsidized and taxes were levied on important agricultural inputs, above all, on chemical fertilizers in order to slow the pace of agricultural intensification. In 1986 subsidies were introduced for letting cropland areas lie fallow for ecological reasons and heavily subsidized novel crops, such as rape seed, sunflower, soy bean and pulses were introduced (Hofreither, 1995; Niessler and Zoklitz, 1989). These crops were meant to reduce the import dependency of Austria with respect to vegetable oil for nutrition (self sufficiency 1986: 10%) and protein feed (oil cake), on the one hand, and to contribute to a substitution of biomass for fossil energy carriers for industrial purposes or energy provision (biofuels) (Schneider and Hofreither 1988), on the other hand. These “alternative” crops and subsidised fallow predominantly replaced wheat and barley and accounted for a considerable proportion (up to 25%) of agricultural land in the 1990s (Figure 3). After this reorientation of agricultural policy, yields continued to grow, but at a slower pace than before: While 3-year-averages of the yields of major cereals increased by 53% from 1950 to 1965 and by 77% from 1965 to 1980, they only rose by 5% from 1980 to 1995. However, cropland areas continued to decline, despite considerable political efforts to counter this trend.

Socio-Economic Metabolism in Austria 1950-1995: The Role of Land Use An important thread of empirical research flowing from the socio-economic metabolism approach has been the analysis of material and energy flows on the national level. In this field the international research community has, in recent years, developed material flow accounting (MFA) concepts that are recently being standardized internationally (e.g., Eurostat, 2001; Matthews et al., 2000). For energy flows, an energy flow accounting (EFA) method that is consistent with current MFA concepts has been proposed (Haberl, 2001). These methods account for the flow of materials and energy through a national economy by counting tonnes of materials and Joules of energy that enter or leave the economy at the weight (energy content) they possess when they cross the boundary of the socio-economic system. This can occur either as an import or an export of materials or energy, or in the form of domestic extraction (inputs) or as wastes, emissions, heat dissipation or purposive discharge (e.g., fertilizers) into the environment (outputs). Both MFA and EFA use the same basic concepts of a “Direct Material (Energy) Input” (DMI / DEI) defined as Domestic Extraction (DE) plus imports, and of a “Domestic Material (Energy) Consumption” (DMC / DEC), defined as DMC (DEC) minus exports. Figure 4 analyses the extent to which Austria’s material throughput depends on land use in Austria; that is, on biomass extracted domestically by means of agriculture and forestry, and on imported biomass. Figure 4a shows that the share of biomass in all three total material flow indicators considered here – that is, DE, DMI and DMC – is fairly similar. The contribution of biomass to total material throughput declines from about 40% in 1960 to between 20 and 30% in the 1990s. Figure 4b analyses these biomass flows in more detail.

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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70% 60% 50% DE: biomass / total

40%

DMI: biomass / total 30%

DMC: biomass / total

20% 10%

1995

1990

1985

1980

1975

1970

1965

0% 1960

Contribution of biomass to total material throughput

(a)

(b) 60

Biomass flows [Mt/yr]

50

Direct Material Input (DMI) = import + timber + agriculture DMC = DMI export

40 Agriculture Timber Import DMC biomass Biomass export

30 20 10 0 -10

1995

1990

1985

1980

1975

1970

1965

1960

-20

Figure 4. The contribution of biomass to overall socio-economic material flows in Austria 1960-1995. Unfortunately, no material flow data are available prior to 1960. a) Biomass flow indicators in mass units. The Direct Material Input (DMI) of biomass is calculated as import plus domestic extraction. Domestic extraction is broken down to two main categories of agriculturally produced biomass and biomass from forests (denoted as “timber”). Domestic Material Consumption (DMC) of biomass is defined as biomass DMI minus biomass exports. b) Contribution of biomass to selected material flow indicators: percentage of biomass to Domestic Extraction (DE), DMI and DMC. Data sources: Schandl et al., 2000, Amann et al., 2000.

It reveals that biomass trade – imports and exports – are in a similar order of magnitude and are growing quickly throughout the period considered (1960-1997). As a result, while biomass DMC only grows slowly, if at all, remaining between 32 and 40 Mt (106 tonnes) of biomass per year throughout the whole period, biomass DMI grows by nearly 40%. The contribution of agriculture to biomass DMI falls from over 70% in 1960 to slightly over 50% in 1997, whereas the share of imports of DMI rises from 6% to over 20%.

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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70% 60% 50% 40%

DE: biomass / total DEI: biomass / total DEC: biomass / total

30% 20% 10%

1995

1990

1986

1980

1970

1960

0% 1950

Contribution of biomass to total energy throughput

(a)

(b) 800 700

Direct Energy Input (DEI) = import + timber + agriculture DEC = DEI - export

Biomass flows [PJ/yr]

600 500 Agriculture Timber Import Export DEC biomass

400 300 200 100 0 -100 1995

1990

1986

1980

1970

1960

1950

-200

Figure 5. The contribution of biomass to the overall energy input in Austria 1950-1995. Energy input is assessed as the total energy input of the Austrian society calculated according to methods discussed elsewhere in detail (Haberl, 2001; see text for a short explanation). a) Biomass flows assessed in energy units (calorific values). Direct Energy Input (DEI) is defined in the same way as DMI as imports plus domestic extraction, broken down to agriculturally produced biomass and biomass from forests (“timber”). Domestic Energy Consumption (DEC) is defined as DEI minus export. b) Contribution of biomass to the energetic metabolism of society: percentage of biomass to Domestic Extraction (DE), DIE and DEC. Data source: Krausmann and Haberl, 2002.

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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Figure 5 shows the significance of biomass for Austria’s energetic metabolism for the period 1950-1995. Figure 5a reveals that biomass accounts for something between 55% and 68% of the domestic extraction of energy throughout the period considered. Until about 1970, the share of biomass in total DE of energy declines – while the DE of biomass is rising, see Figure 5b – due to the rising importance of domestically produced technical energy: at that time Austria produced significant amounts of fossil energy, mostly coal and oil, and quickly expanded its hydropower capacities. In later years, however, coal mining declined. Domestic oil and natural gas production was about constant, so that the continued increase in biomass DE lead to an increase in the share of biomass in DE. The situation was very different for DEI and DEC, which show a quick decline of the share of biomass from over 50% in 1950 to levels between 30 and 40% after 1970. There is a continuous upward trend in absolute biomass throughput of the Austrian economy. While domestic extraction rose quickly in the first decades from 1950 to about 1970 and biomass trade was comparably small throughout this first period, biomass imports and exports became ever more important after 1970. Even as the domestic consumption of biomass was more or less stabilized after 1980, biomass imports and exports continued to grow relentlessly – while at the same time the trade balance (imports minus exports) remained negligible compared to the overall flows. Despite this considerable increase in biomass metabolism from 1950 to 1970, the contribution of biomass to the overall socio-economic material and energy flows decreased because other components of socio-economic metabolism – minerals and fossil fuels – increased even more quickly. After 1970 the share of biomass in most material and energy flow indicators remained about constant until 1995. The contribution of biomass to Austria’s material and energy throughput declined considerably, thus supporting the notion that industrialization can be characterized as the replacement of an area-dependent “controlled solar-energy system” by an essentially areaindependent “fossil-energy system” (Sieferle, 1982; Sieferle, 1997).

Energy Flows in Austrian Agriculture The Agricultural production system changed profoundly from 1950 to 1995. Mechanization had only just begun before World War II, and started practically from scrap after World War II. The availability on the world market of agricultural technologies gradually adopted in Anglo-Saxon countries since more than 50 years earlier lead to rapid changes in the period 1950-1970, when mechanization and the widespread adoption of chemical fertilizers and pesticides progressed very quickly (see Table 2). These changes resulted in profound changes in agricultural energy flows reported in Table 3. All energy flows are reported as Petajoule per year [PJ/yr];1 the energy equivalent of combustible materials was converted by using gross calorific values (Haberl, 2001). Note that Table 3 refers to Austria’s agriculture as a whole, including both plant and animal production – in contrast to many studies that calculate energy inputs and outputs for single products or per hectare of cropland (Pimentel et al., 1990). Details on sources and calculation methods are described in the footnotes to Table 3.

1

1 PJ = 1015 Joule [J]. 1 kcal = 4.1868 kJ. 1 kJ = 0.9478 BTU (British Thermal Units). 1 BTU = 1.0551 kJ. 1 toe = 41.8 MJ. Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

12 Table 3. Energy inputs and outputs in Austrian agriculture 1950-1995 [PJ].

1950 Inputs Human labour1 Direct input fossil fuels2 Direct input electricity2 Direct input other fuels2 Imported feedstuffs3 Industrial by-products used as feed3 Hidden flow fertilizer4 Hidden flow fuels and electricity5 Hidden flow feedstuff imports6 Total inputs Outputs Plant products Animal products Total outputs3 Output / Input

1965

1980

1995

2.1 6.3 0.4 3.0 4.4 4.8 1.9 1.0 1.3 25.4

1.2 12.7 1.6 3.0 12.8 5.3 9.1 2.4 3.7 51.7

0.6 22.8 2.9 3.4 8.6 4.8 11.6 5.0 3.8 63.5

0.3 23.9 4.5 3.4 7.3 8.1 7.6 5.4 2.9 63.4

18.5 8.6 27.1 1.07

27.9 16.7 44.6 0.86

33.4 21.0 54.3 0.86

42.2 22.3 64.5 1.02

1

Calculated as food needed to support the calorific needs of workers additional to the basic metabolic rate (Stanhill, 1984) which gives an approximate value of 0.8 MJ/working hour or 6-7 MJ/man day (Leach, 1976). 2 Source: Darge, 2001. 3 Calculated based on food and feed balances as well as foreign trade data of Statistics Austria (ÖSTAT, 1954; ÖSTAT, 1962; ÖSTAT, 1972; Rohrböck, 1992; Wildling, 1997). 4 Calculated based on factors given by Pimentel et al., 1973; Patyk and Reinhardt, 1997. 5 Hidden flows of fossil fuels and other fuels were calculated using factors derived with the “Total Emission Model of Integrated Systems” (Fritsche et al., 1997) available for download at http://www.oeko.de. Hidden flows of electricity were calculated based on the relation between hydropower and thermal power plants in the Austrian electricity system (Bundeslastverteiler, 1996) and data on average thermal power plant efficiency (Bundeslastverteiler, 1994). 6 Hidden flows of feedstuff imports were calculated based on data given by Leach 1976.

Table 3 shows that energy input into Austrian agriculture more than doubled from 1950 to 1965 and grew more slowly afterwards. While direct inputs of fossil energy and electricity continue to rise after 1980, the decreases in nitrogen and other mineral fertilizer input that occur after 1980 lead to a reduction in hidden flows associated with fertilizer use. The input of human labour falls quickly which is, of course, a result of the industrialization of Austria’s agriculture resulting in a substitution of machine work for human labour (see also Table 2). Outputs rise throughout the period under consideration. From 1950 to 1995, output more than doubles. The output / input ratio decreases quickly from 1950 to 1965, falling from 1.07 to 0.86. Afterwards the output / input ratio remains about constant until 1980 and improves considerably until 1995, not because of a reduction of inputs (which continue to grow), but because of continued increases in outputs. The increase in outputs is mostly due to a surge in the output of plant products from 1980 to 1995 that can be explained, in part, by the expansion of growing oil seeds for human nutrition and industrial raw materials at the expense of feed grain (Figures 2 and 3). Because roughly 10 kg of plant biomass are needed to produce 1 kg of animal biomass, the increase in the share of plant products to total outputs from 1980 to 1995 is bound to improve the relation of agricultural inputs and outputs. Another reason for the improvement of the output / input ratio might be improvements in agricultural energy efficiency in the 1980s also found by other authors: According to Pimentel et al. (1990), the ratio output / input in US corn farming from 1975 to 1985 improved from Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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2.3 to 2.9. Evidence for increases in energy efficiency of agricultural production systems since the 1980s has also been found for European agricultural systems, e.g., for Swedish and French agriculture (Bonny, 1993; Uhlin, 1998). Moreover, Austria’s agriculture was able to sustain moderate yield increases after 1980 (see Figure 7), despite a reduction in pure nitrogen input between 1980 to 1995 (see below). Table 4. Work performed (useful energy) in Austria’s agriculture 1950-1995 [PJ].

1950 0.4 0.3 0.8 1.1 2.6

Tractors and vehicles1 Stationary electric motors2 Human work3 Animal work3 Total work

1965 1.8 1.3 0.4 0.4 3.9

1980 3.9 2.3 0.2 0.0 6.4

1995 4.7 3.6 0.1 0.0 8.4

1

Assuming an increasing efficiency of vehicle motors, including losses due to vehicle standstills, low efficiency at partial loads, etc. from 15% in 1950 to 21 % in 1995. 2 Assuming that 90% of the electricity is used in electric motors with 90% efficiency. 3 Source: Darge, 2001.

Table 5. Input of Energy and work per ha agricultural area and agricultural output per worker.

Total energy input/ha agricultural area Total work/ha agricultural area Total output/worker

[TJ/ha]

1950 0.61

1965 1.33

1980 1.77

1995 1.91

[GJ/ha]

62.3

98.1

174.2

244.9

[GJ/worker]

24.8

73.6

187.0

388.4

Source: Own calculations based on data presented in Table 2 and 3.

Work performed in the agricultural sector – a large part of which is “energy used to alter the ecosystem” (Giampietro, 1997) – rose by a factor of 3.2 from 1950 to 1995 (Table 4). Work input per hectare of agricultural area even increased by a factor of 3.9 from 62 GJ/ha in 1950 to 245 GJ/ha in 1995 (Table 5). Table 4 shows that the share of human and animal work shrank from almost three quarters in 1950 to next to nothing in 1995, because machinery was substituted for most physical work of humans and working animals. Almost 100% of work performed in the agriculture sector in 1995 was derived either from oil products, mostly diesel fuel, or from electricity. Table 4, thus, impressively illustrates the importance of commercial energy inputs into agriculture. Animal labour (a process within the agricultural sector which is, therefore, considered as an internal flow of agriculture, not as a socio-economic input into agriculture) which had delivered about 40% of the work performed in the agriculture sector in 1950 became obsolete in the 1970s because it was substituted for by energy inputs from outside of the agriculture sector (tractors, etc.). On the other hand, the output per agricultural worker increased by a factor over 15, reflecting the surge in agricultural productivity of human work (Netting, 1993).

Nitrogen Flows in Austrian Agriculture 1950-1995 Results of our appraisal of nitrogen (N) flows in Austrian agriculture are reported in Table 6. Deposition was calculated assuming a N deposition of 20 kg per hectare (kg/ha) according to the literature (Puxbaum, 1995). The reduction of deposition from 1950 to 1995 is due to the Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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reduction in agricultural area. N fixation was calculated considering symbiontic N fixation based upon area planted with legumes and non-symbiontic N fixation (Braun et al., 1994). N contained in harvest, imported feedstuffs, etc. was calculated based on data on N content of plant material from the literature (Kaas et al., 1994; Götz, 1998). Data on mineral fertilizer use were taken from the Database of the Austrian Institute for Economic Research. Table 6. Nitrogen flows in Austria’s agriculture [1,000 metric tons of pure nitrogen]. See text for further explanation and data sources.

a) Yearly flows in 1000 t pure N a.1 Natural inputs to agricultural areas a.1.1 Deposition a 1.2 Leguminous Crops a.1.3 N fixation - other a.2 N contained in manure a.3 “Imports” of agriculture from the rest of the economy a.3.1 Mineral fertilizer a.3.2 N contained in feed (imports and industrial byproducts) a.3.3 N contained in sewage sludge a.4 Nitrogen extracted from agricultural areas a.4.1 N contained in biomass harvest a.4.2 N contained in grazed biomass a.5 Application of N to agricultural areas (a.2+a.3.1+a.3.3) a.6 “Exports” from agriculture to the rest of the economy a.6.1 Plant products a.6.2 Animal products a.7 Total N inputs of agricultural areas b) Relations between flows Input / output of agricultural areas (a.7/a.4) Mineral fertilizer as percentage of total N input of agricultural areas (a.3.1/a.7) Mineral fertilizer as percentage of total socioeconomic input to agricultural areas (a.3.1/a.5) Socio-economic inputs into agriculture / socioeconomic outputs from agriculture (a.3/a.6) Socio-economic / natural inputs (a.5/a.1)

1950

1965

1980

1995

354.3 82.5 58.5 213.3 136.7 31.3

329.9 79.2 43.7 206.9 160.3 99.6

273.6 73.5 14.9 185.1 173.5 213.4

260.5 68.6 18.8 173.1 173.2 178.8

18.3 13.0

77.5 21.3

159.7 52.4

128 49.1

207.2 183.0 24.2 155.0

0.8 313.2 284.4 28.8 238.6

1.3 335.7 307.2 28.5 334.5

1.7 307.7 279.7 28.0 302.9

37.9

60.0

73.9

85.1

19.0 18.9 509.3

26.5 33.6 568.5

31.0 42.9 608.1

41.2 43.8 563.4

2.5

1.8

1.8

1.8

4%

14%

26%

23%

12% 0.83

32% 1.66

48% 2.89

42% 2.10

0.44

0.72

1.22

1.16

Table 6 shows that natural N inputs to agricultural areas decrease, partly due to the overall reduction in agricultural areas. From a land-use perspective it is interesting to note that more than 40% of the reduction of natural N inputs is due to the reduction of leguminous crops, above all, clover, since 1950. The use of mineral fertilizer is very low in 1950, when it accounted for only 4% of total N inputs in agricultural areas (12% of socio-economic N input to agricultural areas). Mineral N inputs increased 4.2-fold from 1950 to 1965 and about twofold from 1965 to 1980. After 1980 mineral fertilizer use decreased, due to the changes in Austria’s agricultural policy outlined above. The contribution of mineral N fertilizer to total socio-economic N inputs to agricultural areas reached 32% in 1965, 48% in 1980 and

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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declined to 42% in 1995. The application of manure increased by only 27% from 1950 to 1995; all of this increase took place from 1950 to 1980. Throughout the period 1950-1995, N inputs to agricultural areas were substantially larger than N outputs accounted for in Table 6, although this ratio fell from 2.5 in 1950 to 1.8 in 1965 where it remained until 1995. This means that considerable amounts of N must have either accumulated or been lost to groundwater, surface water or the atmosphere (Zessner and Kroiss, 2000). Socio-economic inputs to agricultural areas eventually surpassed natural inputs in 1980. Table 6 shows that the industrialization of Austria’s agriculture led to increased external inputs into agriculture: The total amount of N “imported” by agriculture from external sources (mineral fertilizer, feed imports and industrial by-products) grew by a factor of 6.8 from 1950 to 1980 and decreased somewhat afterwards. N delivered in the form of agricultural products (mostly protein contained in plant and animal products) only grew by a factor of 2.1, resulting in the changes in the relation between socio-economic inputs of N into agriculture and outputs of N from agriculture reported in Table 6: While society was able to gain N from agriculture in 1950, it had to invest more N than it gained after 1965. However we can find significant gains in “nitrogen efficiency” of agriculture since 1980.

Fossil Energy and Land-Use Patterns As we have shown above, the availability of fossil energy has had a profound impact on Austria’s agriculture. Fossil energy input allowed for a considerable increase in yields: From 1950 to 1995, yields of important crops rose by factors between 1.9 and 3.9 (Figure 6). Direct energy input into agriculture allowed the substitution of machine work for human and animal labour (mechanization) – whereas overall work input per hectare of agricultural area increased by a factor of 3.9, as shown in Table 5. 30

25

[MJ/m².yr]

20

Wheat Barley

15

Maize Sugarbeet Hay

10 5

0 1949

1964

1979

1994

Figure 6. Yields of wheat, barley, maize, sugarbeet and hay from meadows in Austria 1950-1995. Source: Krausmann 2000.

These changes also had profound impacts on spatial patterns of agriculture in Austria. In preindustrial agriculture, livestock keeping and cropland agriculture were intimately related. Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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Livestock was not only a means of producing meat, milk, eggs and other animal products: Labour of working animals was an integrated part of agriculture. Probably even more important was the role of livestock in the nutrient cycle, because manure was an important source of fertilizer. Therefore, even in the fertile lowlands there had to be a mix of cropland, grassland and forest (as energy source and for construction wood). On the other hand, even in mountainous regions cropland was necessary to produce plant food for humans (Krausmann, 2001; Netting, 1981; Project Group Environmental History, 1999; Sieferle, 1997; Winiwarter and Sonnlechner, 2000) The input of fossil energy and other external energy sources allowed various concentration processes in agriculture to take place: intensive cropland farming concentrated in the most fertile lowlands and was virtually abandoned in the mountainous regions. Cattle rearing retreated in the intensive cropland regions, leading to a considerable reduction in the area of grassland and the area of cropland used for growing cattle feed in these regions. Cattle manure, formerly an essential source of plant nutrients, was replaced by mineral fertilizer. The input of mineral fertilizer also allowed a strong reduction in the area planted with leguminous crops, such as clover, that were used in crop rotation schemes for their ability to fix nitrogen and as traditional cattle feed. The fattening of pig, poultry and cattle for meat production – which mostly relies on fodder from cropland; e.g., barley, maize, pulses, etc. – concentrated in regions suitable for maize cultivation or fodder cereal cultivation, but less competitive in wheat and rye production. Mixed forms of agriculture – mostly Simmental cattle farming for combined milk and meat production – had to retreat to regions not suitable for intensive, large-scale wheat and maize production; that is, it concentrated in fertile, but hilly, pre-alpine regions and in the ancient granite stock in Austria’s north (“Böhmische Masse”). In the high alpine regions only grassland agriculture remained, dominated by cattle farming (milk production) with some sheep rearing. However, because of low productivity in alpine regions, cattle density is much lower there than in lower-lying pre-alpine regions.

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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Figure 7. Maps of the ratio between cropland and grassland in Austria’s 2,350 municipalities. A ratio of 5 means that there are 5 times as many hectares of cropland in a municipality than there are hectares of grassland (below 1,300 metres a.s.l. – i.e. grassland does not include alpine pastures). Data source: data download from the ISIS databank of Statistics Austria, own calculations

These trends are mapped in Figure 7 which shows that, in 1960 (Figure 7a), regions with a cropland / grassland ratio above 5 were dominant only in the northeast part of Austria. Large parts of Austria were dominated by mixed agricultural areas with a cropland / grassland ratio between 5 and 0.2. Cropland persisted even in the alpine regions of central Austria and many regions were characterized by cropland / grassland ratios near 1. In 1995 (Figure 7b), however, most cropland was concentrated in cropland / grassland ratios above 5. This can be explained by the fact that grassland retreated from the lowlands in which agricultural areas were almost exclusively cropped, while cropland retreated from the alpine regions which concentrated on the rearing of cattle (and, to a certain extent, sheep). While the relation between cropland and grassland in Austria as a whole remained almost perfectly constant at 1 : 1.4 from 1950 to 1995, the spatial distribution between these two Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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land-cover categories changed dramatically. This can be seen by aggregating Austria’s municipalities into 87 minor production zones (“Kleinproduktionsgebiete”) (MiPZs). MiPZs are regions which are relatively homogenous with respect to agricultural structure (e.g., dominance of croplands, livestock breeding, mixed agriculture, vineyards, etc.) and have been defined by official agricultural research institutes (Schwackhöfer, 1966; Wagner, 1990). Cropland increased in 35 MiPZs from 10,620 km2 in 1950 to 11,140 km2 in 1995, whereas grassland area decreased from 5,380 km2 to 2,980 km2 in these MiPZs. The relation cropland / grassland in these 35 MiPZs changed from 1.96 : 1 in 1950 to 3.73 : 1 in 1995. At the same time, cropland area in the remaining 52 MiPZs decreased from 5,796 km2 to 2,696 km2 and grassland area decreased from 18,136 to 16,674 km2, thus changing the cropland / grassland relation in these 52 MiPZs from 1 : 3.13 in 1950 to 1 : 6.18 in 1995.

Figure 8. Cattle density (number of cattle per hectare of agricultural area; that is, cropland, permanent cultures and grassland) in Austria’s municipalities 1960 (a) and 1995 (b). Source: data download from the ISIS databank of Statistics Austria, own calculations.

Figure 8 analyses the changes in cattle farming in Austria. Unfortunately, statistical data do not allow to differentiate between meat production (fattening of oxen and calves) and milk Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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farming. Nevertheless, while absolute number of cattle remain about constant between 1960 and 1995 (see Table 2), Figure 9 clearly shows a process of spatial concentration in cattle farming. A significant reduction in cattle density (number of cattle per ha agricultural area) took place in the lowlands in the northeast and east of Austria as well as in the central region of Upper Austria around Linz (“Eferdinger Becken”) – regions in which strong increases in cropland occurred (Figure 7). Figure 8a shows that, in 1960, there was no municipality where more than 1.5 cattle per hectare of agricultural area were kept. Cattle was kept throughout Austria, even in the fertile lowlands in the northeast and east of Austria. The low density of cattle in the high alpine regions can be explained by the low productivity of high alpine pastures per unit area. In 1995, cattle farming concentrates in the hilly pre-alpine regions of Upper Austria, the lower mountainous regions in Austria’s north and the fringes of the alps, in the north of the alps (Upper Austria, Lower Austria) and in the southeast part of the lower alps (Styria, Carinthia). Regions with more than 1.5 cattle per hectare of agricultural areas abound. Because 1 to 2 hectares of grassland would be necessary in Austria to nourish one adult animal if no other fodder were used, these must be regions in which a considerable part of the animal feed demand is met with cropland products (e.g., silo maize, roots and tubers, clover, etc.). These regions are dominated by meat production rather than by milk farming. Figure 7 shows that these are regions in which mixed cropland / grassland agriculture persisted even in 1995. An evaluation of the data shown in Figure 8 on the aggregate level of MiPZs indicates that cattle density increased in 54 MiPZs, the average density in these regions growing from 0.6 animals per ha of agricultural area in 1960 to 0.9 in 1995 – resulting in an increase in absolute numbers of cattle from 1.5 million animals in 1960 to 2 million in 1995. Today, 85% of the total stock are concentrated in these regions (compared to 67% in 1960). Grassland area was reduced in these MiPZs less than average by 11%. In 33 MiPZs cattle density decreased from 0.55 animals per ha in 1960 to only 0.3 in 1995. These are also regions with dramatic decreases (53%) in grassland.

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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Figure 9. Pig density (number of pigs per hectare of agricultural area, defined as in Figure 7) in Austria’s municipalities 1960 (a) and 1995 (b). Source: data download from the ISIS databank of Statistics Austria, own calculations.

Figure 9 analyses pig density in Austria 1960 and 1995. While the total number of pigs kept in Austria increased by 27% during the observed time period (see Table 2), Figure 9 shows that pig rearing was much more concentrated in 1995 than in 1960. Today, pig farming concentrates in regions best suitable for the production of fattening food; that is, in the southern parts of Austria with large scale maize production, and in the fertile cropland zones north of the alps where feed grain and maize are planted. In these regions, pig density reaches very high values (up to 35 pigs/ha in some municipalities), leading to considerable problems in the disposal of manure. On the other hand, pigs almost disappeared from the wheat producing regions in the east and the grassland dominated hilly landscape on the ancient granite stock in the north. Evaluation on the level of MiPZs indicates that pig density increased in 21 MiPZs, where the average density more than doubled from 1.35 to 3.12 animals per ha agricultural area. The absolute number of pigs almost doubled in these MiPZs, concentrating 83% of the total stock in these regions in 1995. In 66 MiPZs, pig density decreased from 0.5 to 0.3 animals per ha resulting in a reduction of the total number of pigs by more than 50%. Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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In Figure 10 we used data on species-specific fodder consumption and grassland as well as cropland production data to calculate feed balances on the level of Austria’s municipalities in 1960 and 1995. Feed demand was calculated by multiplying livestock numbers by average yearly fodder demand [average dry-matter consumption of feedstuff-categories] derived from Austrian feed balances (e.g., Hohenecker, 1981). Cropland and grassland harvest was assessed by multiplying cropped area (grassland area) by region-specific yield data derived from agricultural statistics.

Figure 10. Feed balances for Austria’s municipalities in 1960 (a) and 1995 (b). See text for explanation.

Figure 10 shows that feed production and feed demand was about balanced in most municipalities in 1960. At that time, only few municipalities existed where either feed demand was much higher than feed production or vice versa. In 1995, the picture changes completely: Large grain-producing regions emerge producing considerably more feed than they consume, above all, the fertile lowlands in the northeast of Austria. Another “feed surplus” region emerged in central Upper Austria (“Eferdinger Becken”). On the other hand, large, coherent “feed deficit" regions emerged in the hilly, pre-alpine regions of Upper and Lower Austria characterized by high cattle and pig densities (see Figures 8 and 9). Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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Figure 10 shows that, in 1995, a large part of animal feed used in Austria must have been transported over considerable distances, whereas transport intensity must have been much lower in 1960. While pre-industrial agriculture, and even Austria’s agriculture in 1950, was predominantly a system cycling large portions of energy, materials, and nutrients in small regional cycles, industrialization basically turned agriculture into a high throughput system. This is true, not only for industrially manufactured inputs such as mineral fertilizers, fuels, electricity and machinery, but also for agriculturally produced biomass. Since biomass contains nitrogen, the pattern described in Figure 10 is obviously also highly relevant for nitrogen flows. It means that nitrogen flows from the mineral fertilizer factories to cropland dominated regions from where it flows – as feed – to regions specializing in meat or milk production or – as plant products – directly to human consumption. The once mainly cyclical flow of nitrogen has, thus, been turned into a unidirectional flow from air to factory to agricultural production system to waste water or sewage sludge (which is mainly deposited).

Fossil Energy and HANPP Changes in the human appropriation of aboveground net primary production (HANPP) in Austria from 1950 to 1995 are analysed in Figure 11 (for reference see Krausmann, 2001). Figure 11a shows that aggregate HANPP remained practically constant from 1950 to 1995, despite a growth of biomass production in Austria from under 300 PJ in 1950 to about 500 PJ between 1980 and 1995. Figure 11b shows that the contribution of built-up land, cropland and forest use to HANPP changed considerably. The share of soil sealing in total HANPP doubled from about 4% in 1950 to 8% in 1995, due to the expansion of built-up land in Austria in this period. The share of forest use in total HANPP also increased considerably (from 13% in 1950 to 26% in 1995), due to (1) an increase in forest areas and (2) increases in wood harvest (from 93 PJ in 1950 to 185 PJ in 1995). The share of agriculture decreased significantly from 83% in 1950 to 66% in 1995, mostly due to the reduction in cropland and grassland area (see Figure 1). The decoupling between biomass harvest and HANPP shown in Figure 11a was made possible by the increase in agricultural yields which in turn has been brought about by the surge in energy and mineral fertilizer inputs into agriculture discussed above. The increased energy availability also allowed to alleviate other limiting factors such as water; for example, through irrigation. The increase in agricultural productivity achieved through these measures was the main reason for the decrease in the amount of HANPP needed per unit of biomass harvested (thick line in Figure 11a): Whereas 1 Joule of harvested biomass resulted in a HANPP of 2.4 Joule in 1950, this ratio dropped to 1.3-1.4 in the period 1980-1995. This is relevant for the interpretation of HANPP. The result of Vitousek and colleagues (1986) that global HANPP amounted to about 40% in the early 1980s has sometimes been misinterpreted as an indication for limits to human population growth. If we appropriate 40% of NPP today, the argument goes, then a doubling of world population will eventually lead to a level of 80% HANPP in about 40 or 50 years, dangerously close to the margin of 100% HANPP which is neither possible nor desirable (Costanza et al., 1998; Meadows et al., 1992; Sagoff, 1995).

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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(a) 3,0

800

HANPP

700

2,5

600 2,0

[PJ/yr]

500

Domestic extraction biomass

1,5

400 300

1,0

HANPP / biomass (secondary axis)

200 0,5

100 1995

1990

1985

1980

1975

1970

1965

1960

1955

1950

-

(b)

Contribution to total HANPP

100% 90% 80% 70% 60%

Forest use

50%

Agriculture

40%

Built-up land

30% 20% 10% 1995

1990

1985

1980

1975

1970

1965

1960

1955

1950

0%

Figure 11. Human appropriation of net primary production (HANPP) in Austria 1950-1995. a) HANPP, domestic extraction of biomass and HANPP per unit of biomass harvested (secondary axis), b) contribution of built-up land, agriculture and forestry to HANPP in Austria 1950-1995. Source: calculated on the basis of data given in Krausmann, 2001.

The result presented here supports, to some extent, the argument of critics (Davidson, 2000) that HANPP is of limited relevance with respect to ecological limits, because it shows that biomass use can be decoupled from HANPP, at least to a considerable extent. The evidence presented here shows that it would be overly simplistic to equate population growth or economic growth with a growth in HANPP. On the other hand, our analysis also indicates that Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

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one should be cautious to interpret this as “progress towards sustainability.” The decoupling between HANPP and biomass harvest was, as we have shown in detail, only possible because new area-independent sources of energy, above all, fossil fuels became available resulting in new sustainability problems (e.g., global warming). A host of environmental problems such as break-up of nutrient cycles, nitrogen leaching, soil erosion, biodiversity loss, and others, were related to these changes in agricultural practice (Mannion, 1995; Smil, 2000).

Conclusions The analysis presented in this paper shows that the concepts of socio-economic metabolism and colonization of natural processes (Fischer-Kowalski and Haberl, 1997; Fischer-Kowalski and Weisz, 1999) provide a useful theoretical framework for the discussion of changes in society-nature interrelations over long periods of time (Haberl et al., 2001a). These concepts are, therefore, useful to link socio-economic and ecological dynamics – a task of paramount importance when the creation of a knowledge base for sustainable development is at issue (Holling, 2000; Stern, 1993). Our results show that there is an intimate relationship between changes in socio-economic metabolism and changes in land use and land cover. Understanding this relation is highly important if one is interested in the interrelation between population growth and land-cover change (Hall et al., 2000; Liverman et al., 1998; Serneels and Lambin, 2001;). For example, our analysis would suggest very different relations between population growth and land-use change in societies characterized by subsistence agriculture and industrial economies. In agricultural societies, population growth leads to an expansion of cropped area, as long as sufficient area is available, followed by an intensification of agriculture based primarily on increasing human workloads (Netting, 1993), while in industrial societies, agricultural yields are primarily raised through fossil-energy inputs also permitting fantastic increases in output per agricultural worker (Hall et al., 2000; Netting, 1993). In Austria, agricultural output per worker increased from 25 GJ in 1950 to 388 GJ in 1995 (Table 5). Moreover, industrial societies can feed their population through food imports even if they do not produce enough food domestically. Our analysis shows that industrialisation changes the function of land use for society’s metabolism: In agricultural societies, land use (above all agriculture and forestry) is the main source of energy and materials used as inputs for socio-economic metabolism. The process of industrialization can be characterized by the substitution of area-independent sources of energy and materials, above all fossil fuels and minerals, for the area-dependent source biomass (Hall et al., 2000; Krausmann and Haberl, 2002; Sieferle, 1982; Sieferle, 1997; Smil, 1992). As a consequence of the availability of area-independent sources of energy, the delivery of net energy is no longer the main function of agriculture for socio-economic metabolism. Instead, other criteria, above all the output per unit area and the output per agricultural worker, or even the production of luxury goods (e.g., a high share of meat in the diet) or industrial raw materials, gain importance. Agriculture changes from a net-energy delivering economic sector to an economic sector actually consuming net energy during industrialization, as shown in this paper and in many other studies before (e.g., Leach, 1976; Pimentel et al., 1973; Pimentel et al., 1990; Stanhill, 1984). On the other hand, the yield increases associated with this transformation mean that biomass production and HANPP can be decoupled to a considerable extent (Krausmann, 2001), contrary to often repeated, but over-simplified interpretations of HANPP as an indicator of ecological limits to growth (Costanza et al., 1998; Meadows et al., 1992; Sagoff, 1995).

Published as: Krausmann, Fridolin, Helmut Haberl, Niels B. Schulz, Karl-Heinz Erb, Ekkehard Darge, Veronika Gaube, 2003. Land-Use Change and Socioeconomic Metabolism in Austria, Part I: Driving Forces of Land-Use Change 1950-1995. Land Use Policy 20(1), 1-20. doi: 10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00048-0

25

Our analysis has shown that this change in the role of agriculture for socio-economic metabolism is associated with profound changes in spatial patterns in agriculture, above all, concentration processes that break up previously integrated chains of production, consumption and decomposition of biomass in nearly perfectly closed, small regional loops and cycles. The segregation of cropland agriculture, the fattening of oxen, pigs and poultry for meat production and milk-producing grassland agriculture in different regions is a phenomenon that not only dramatically alters cultural landscapes and breaks up regional nutrient cycles replacing them with unidirectional throughput systems, but also requires everincreasing volumes of freight transport of intermediary and final agricultural products over ever-increasing distances. Based upon the analyses presented in this paper, part II of this set of articles will discuss scenarios for future development of land use and socio-economic biomass metabolism in Austria. In part II, we focus on the possibly increasing role of agriculture and forestry in supplying industrial raw materials and energy for technical applications, because (1) the use of biomass for energy and industry is currently fostered as a means of reducing CO2 emissions by substituting biomass for fossil fuels (e.g., European Commission, 1997) and (2) domestic demand for food is unlikely to contribute to rising biomass demand in saturated European agricultural markets. That is, we will analyse land-use changes and environmental impacts of strategies using biomass to make socio-economic metabolism more sustainable and, once again, change the socio-economic resource base – and with it, land use and land cover.

Acknowledgements The research presented in this article was funded by the Austrian Federal Ministry of Education, Science and Culture in the research programme “Kulturlandschaftsforschung” (Cultural Landscapes Research; http://www.klf.at). The study is part of the LUCC-endorsed project #33 “land-use change and socio-economic metabolism: a long-term perspective.” The results presented here were derived as part of a project managed by H. Adensam and M. Ichikawa. We thank the other members of the project team, above all, J. Breinesberger, T. Schröck, E. Walter, S. Geissler, M. Koblmüller, and members of the Dept. of Social Ecology, above all, M. Fischer-Kowalski, B. Hammer, H. Schandl, H. Weisz, for support and discussions.

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