Fair Share in Yemen
“Fair Share” in Yemen* Capacity Building for Achieving the Millennium Development Goals
Edit Schlaffer, Ph.D.,1 Ulrich Kropiunigg, Ph.D.,2 Elaine Hargrove, B.A.,3 Stephen Kalin, B.A.,3 Andrea Schrott, Ph.D.,4 and Yassin Shaibany, Ph.D.5
1
Director, Women without Borders, Vienna, Austria
2
Associate Professor, Institute of Medical Psychology, Medical University of Vienna, Austria
3
Researcher, Women without Borders, Vienna, Austria
4
Statistical Analyst, StatistikAmbulanz, Leobendorf, Austria
5
Associate Professor, Department of International Law, Sana’a University, Sana’a, Yemen
* This research project was made possible through a grant from the OPEC Fund for International Development (OFID), Vienna, Austria.
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Fair Share in Yemen
ABSTRACT Background: During the last few decades, demographic changes within Arab countries and globalizing trends around the world have produced a clash of traditional values and modern standards which demand new thinking and a new orientation. Objectives: Our survey was aimed at gauging the attitudes of Yemeni university students on a wide range of issues, but with a specific focus on views toward men and women as well as the future. Our research sought to determine young people’s openness to shifts in traditional gender roles and to develop an overview of the issues they face on a daily basis. Methods: The Women without Borders research team developed a 134-item questionnaire, which was translated into Arabic and distributed among 600 respondents at Sana’a University in Yemen during the first half of February 2011. Results: The findings from our survey confirmed much of the current literature on Yemen’s challenges in the fields of development, gender equality and youth issues. They also reflect three important trends within Yemen’s educated youth: 1) women are still largely restricted to the private sphere and discouraged from participating in public life; 2) many women exhibit the influence of a traditional upbringing but express a desire for more openness in many aspects of their lives; 3) men, while more conservative than women on nearly all issues, demonstrate a considerable tolerance for progressive initiatives. Conclusions: The study suggests that opportunities exist in Yemen for engagement with educated young men and women through gender equality training, human resource development, and professional skills training.
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Fair Share in Yemen
TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction
p. 4
Background; The Gender Gap in Education; Traditional Gender Roles; Violence Against Women; Psychological Aspects; Family Planning; Female Participation in the Labor Market; Women in Politics; Dreams of the Youth; Fair Share in Yemen 2. Methods
p. 12
Subjects; Instruments; Procedure; Statistical Analysis 3. Results
p. 14
Demographic Description: Sex and Age Distribution of Respondents; Educational Background by Gender; Family Situations by Gender; Parents’ University Education: Faculty Attendance; Post-Graduation Plans, Reasons for Studying Views on Gender Culture and Society: Views on Culture; Physical and Mental Health, and Domestic Violence Psychological Aspects: “Open My Heart and Thoughts;” Role Models; Cares and Concerns; Care Index; Worries and Anxieties; Worry Index; Reading Materials; Free Time Family and Career Planning: Dream Career vs. Reality; Preferred Number of Children; Career Planning; Career Preferences Wish List 4. Discussion
p. 53
5. Acknowledgments
p. 56
6. Bibliography
p. 57
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Fair Share in Yemen
INTRODUCTION Background The Republic of Yemen, a predominately Sunni Muslim country located on the southwestern corner of the Arabian peninsula, ranks 133 out of 169 on the United Nations Development Program’s 2010 Human Development Index (HDI) and 134 out of 134 on the World Economic Forum’s 2010 Gender Gap Index (2011). With a population of 23,5 million and a GDP of $26,3 billion in 2009, Yemen is categorized by the United Nations as one of the Least Developed Countries (United Nations Development Programme, 2011). Its economy, focused primarily on agriculture and petroleum exports, is extremely vulnerable to climate change and international oil prices. In 2008, unemployment was estimated at 15% in society at large and 53% among youth. A Yemen expert cites unemployment and corruption as the key issues facing young people (Jennings and Khan, 2007). As students at one of the top universities in Yemen, the men and women surveyed in the current study are not representative of the entire society. They are more educated and literate than most, yet they still struggle with many of the same economic, political and social challenges as the majority of Yemenis. The absence of effective governance combined with cultural and economic factors excludes Yemeni women from most of the important decisions in their lives including those related to education, family planning, personal health, professional careers and political activity. Their lack of formal education, high rate of illiteracy and broad unawareness of their rights make women financially dependent on their husbands and male relatives (Manea, 2010). Additionally, civil society organizations in Yemen indicate that the country’s tribal culture and traditional religious powers dominate societal decision-making institutions and legislative authority, marginalizing women at all levels (Sisters Arab Forum, 2007). The Gender Gap in Education Access to basic education and the gender gap in education remain serious challenges in Yemen. The government has devoted significant interest and resources to this issue, drafting strategies and creating sectors for girls and women in the various education ministries. However, while “the government has paid great attention to girls’ education and considers education to be a cornerstone of economic development, [its…] policies have so far failed to produced the expected results” (Manea, 2010, p. 14). A report prepared by civil society organizations in Yemen acknowledges only “modest results” in closing the gender gap in
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Fair Share in Yemen education and laments the lack of an assessment process to identify the reasons for such failure (SAF, 2007, p. 15). The 2010 Gender Gap Index reports that 66% of girls enrolled in primary education compared with 79% of boys, which constitutes one of the largest gender gaps in the world (Jennings et al., 2007). In addition, 26% of girls enrolled in secondary education compared with 49% of boys, and only 6% of women reached the university level compared with 14% of men (World Economic Forum, 2011). The literacy rate, a catalyst for advancement in nearly all fields, is just 43% for Yemeni women compared to 79% for their male compatriots (WEF, 2011). While these statistics clearly demonstrate the gender gap in access to education in Yemen, they are a marked improvement on the past. The 2010 IFES/IWPR Status of Women in the Middle East and North Africa Project surveyed 2,500 Yemeni men and women on a wide range of issues. The results from Yemen reveal that education rates are increasing among the younger generation of Yemeni women. Whereas 98% of women above the age of 65 have no formal education, only 29% of women aged 18 to 24 have not received any schooling (IFES, 2010a). The survey also demonstrates that rates of education for women in Yemen vary significantly among geographic regions and social classes. At least half of women have some formal education in the Midlands region (Sana’a, Ibb, Taiz), the Southern region (Aden, Al-Dhale, Abyan, Lahj) and Eastern region (Mareb, Shabwah, Aldaiba, Hadramout, Almaharah), while in the Western region (Al-Hodeidah, Hajjah, Al-Mahweet, Raimah) almost 75% of women have no schooling. In addition, women from higher income levels generally have more schooling than women from lower income levels, as do those who live in urban areas, small towns and large villages compared with those who live in distinctly rural areas (IFES, 2010a). The lack of access to education for Yemeni girls and women is the result of many factors, some related to gender and others reflecting broader societal challenges. Yemeni law stipulates compulsory and free education for children, yet there are no monitoring mechanisms to ensure universal enrolment or penalties for parents who deprive their children of an education (SAF, 2007). There are no school fees for boys until grade three and girls until grade six, but uniforms and basic school supplies are beyond the reach of many Yemeni families. Poor households also perceive a high opportunity cost in sending their children to school and often prefer that they contribute to the household income by working on the family farm or in the informal labor market. Those rare students who manage to reach the university level face high competition for limited places. A 2010 UN report notes that the current capacity of both public and private universities in Yemen is about 60.000 students, falling far short of the roughly 280.000 students who complete their secondary education each year (UNDP, 2011).
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Fair Share in Yemen These challenges to accessing education are compounded for girls and young women by issues that are mostly unique to females. Women usually marry at an earlier age compared to men and must abandon their studies to tend to their husbands and children (SAF, 2007). Because of Yemen’s conservative, male-dominated social norms, young women are often unaware of the significance of education, and their families are wary of the long distances some of them must travel between home and school (SAF, 2007 and Jennings et al., 2007). Many young women also fear coeducation, which is a near inevitability given the limited number of segregated schools and classrooms in Yemen (SAF, 2007 and Jennings et al., 2007). Statistics from Yemen’s Ministry of Education for the 2006-2007 academic year indicate that there were 1.433 schools for male students (9% of total), 1,203 schools for female students (7,5% of total), and 13.354 co-educational institutions (83,5% of total) at the primary and secondary levels (Women’s National Committee, 2009). Co-education is similarly common in both public and private universities, with the notable exception of one private Islamist university, Al-Iman (Manea, 2010). In addition, women constitute just 20% of teachers at the primary level, 21% at the secondary level, and 17% at the university level (WEF, 2011). The lack of trained female teachers is an obstacle to female education as well as an indicator of the challenges women face in accessing education and employment opportunities. Female students who overcome these obstacles face additional hurdles inside the classroom. No formal restrictions exist on the subjects women can study in university, but they are expected to focus on the social sciences as opposed to the natural sciences. During the period from 2005 to 2008, two thirds of female students were admitted to the arts (theoretical) section compared to one third in the applied science section (WNC, 2009). Regardless of specialization, there are also concerns about the effectiveness of the educational curricula in Yemen to the development of professional and life skills. The curricula fail to train students in valuable job skills like English and computers or instill them with the values of citizenship, leadership, innovation and creativity (Jennings et al., 2007). Instead, they adopt a masculine discourse that entrenches traditional stereotypes of women and reaffirms negative gender roles (SAF, 2007). Extracurricular activities reinforce this bias, because women are directed to home economics, sewing and embroidery and discouraged from participating in most sports, which carry a social stigma for girls (SAF, 2007). Traditional Gender Roles Tribal traditions and patriarchal social norms present immense challenges to women in Yemen and subject them to various forms of violence and discrimination on a regular basis. In a 2010 survey, NGOs in Yemen working on women’s issues identified “the conservative or male-dominated mentality that restricts a woman’s role to marriage, child bearing, and 6
Fair Share in Yemen serving the husband and the family as one of the main issues facing women in Yemen” (IFES, 2010c, p. 2). The Yemeni constitution, laws and government enforcement mechanisms enable and reinforce these discriminatory practices. Inappropriate application of shari’a, the lack of an anti-discrimination clause in the constitution, and the gap between the law and its implementation deprive women of their due rights and benefits (WNC, 2009). The gap between promise and practice is clear in the policies of the current administration. The government of Yemen has created plans to address the desperate situation of the country’s youth and women. In the period from 2006 to 2009, national strategies were developed in several sectors including Children and Youth, Secondary Education, Vocational Education, Higher Education, Reproductive Health, Microfinance, and Instruction to Reinforce National and Cultural Identity (WNC, 2009). The Seventh National Report on the Implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) notes optimistically that “women issues, particularly discrimination against women, have received wide deliberation among most government institutions” (WNC, 2009, p. 10). Despite these seemingly good intentions, international donors and civil society actors report limited technical elaboration, a lack of implementation, and the absence of effective monitoring mechanisms. Violence Against Women Yemeni women confront violence in their homes, places of work and in public. Little reliable data is available on the prevalence of domestic violence, and no shelters exist for victims. The Personal Status Law imposes no penalties on perpetrators, and women are unlikely to report abuse because of social stigma, police insensitivity, and the absence of qualified female social workers (Manea, 2010). Some women accept such treatment as legitimate on religious grounds, and violence related to honor is more likely to be handled by families or tribes than through official channels (Manea, 2010). Similarly, sexual harassment in the workplace is not prohibited by law, and few statistics exist on its prevalence (Manea, 2010). There is also no law against female genital mutilation (FGM), though government and private health facilities are forbidden from practicing it (Manea, 2010). Nonetheless, FGM occurs in four of Yemen’s 21 governorates, and a study conducted by civil society organizations in Yemen found that over 70% of women in these areas support the practice on religious and cultural grounds (WNC, 2009). The World Health Organization considers Yemen one of the countries with the least reported cases of AIDS (WNC, 2009). Though 2.550 cases were detected in 2008, the WHO predicts that 50 to 100 more cases lie behind each detected case (WNC, 2009). HIV/AIDS patients face discrimination by society and health workers (SAF, 2007).
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Fair Share in Yemen Psychological Aspects Even more than general medical care, mental health and psychological services in Yemen are limited. Mental health disorders are more commonly associated with myth, superstition and witchcraft than serious medical practice (Saleh, 2008). The mental health field suffers from scarce resources, social stigma, and the lack of experienced specialists. As of 2008 there were 45 private mental health clinics in Yemen, where electroshock therapy is widespread and potentially effective psychopharmacological drugs are limited by high costs (Saleh, 2008). Several telephone hotlines for psychological aid exist in Sana’a and Aden, one of which was the first documented service of its type in an Arab country (Saleh, 2008). One hotline received over 4.000 calls in 2007, 72% of which were from females. Reported problems fell into the following categories: mental disorders (35%), disturbances of childhood and adolescence (10%), school difficulties (10%), emotional problems (9%), family violence (6%), sexual concerns (4%), and other problems (26%) (Saleh, 2008). Two studies on gender differences in anxiety and depression in Islamic countries returned seemingly conflicting results for Yemen. A 2006 survey of 512 male and female students at the University of Aden found that females tended to be higher on the anxiety scale, a result echoed in most of the other Islamic countries surveyed (Alansari, 2006a). Alansari presents one possible explanation: women who are stereotyped as helpless and dependent will worry and avoid a wider range of situations. Changing gender roles in society would presumably be reflected in a narrowing of the gender distribution; a comparison to earlier studies does not demonstrate any such change, so Alansari concludes that gender roles are stagnating. Another study by Alansari finds no significant gender differences in rates of depression in Yemen (Alansari, 2006b). Alansari had expected higher rates of depression for women in most Islamic countries, due to limited opportunities for women to express themselves and higher risk for sexual and physical abuse, which are major risk factors for depression. He contemplates whether the way in which females overcome these obstacles may lead them to conceal their anxieties, fears and worries, thus obscuring any measurable symptoms of depression. Young people, more than half of whom are unemployed, spend their free time in a variety of ways. A 2008 USAID assessment report of Yemeni men and women ages 15 to 24 finds that they spend most of their time in the streets or shopping, in qat sessions or in internet cafes (Education Development Center). Their primary purpose in going to all these places was to meet and make friends and talk with them about a range of topics. There was no significant difference in these responses by gender, though the females reported significantly more restrictions in leaving their home, a place that both males and females generally described as a depressing place.
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Fair Share in Yemen Family Planning Excluded from school at a young age, most Yemeni young women work in their father’s house until they marry and begin their own families. Husbands and male relatives exert near complete control over women’s movements and decisions. The Personal Status Law of 1999 legalizes child marriage, a practice that affects both boys and girls across Yemen but particularly girls from rural areas (Manea, 2010). Local and international attention was concentrated on this issue recently after an eight year old girl named Noujoud married a 32 year old man against her will, then sued for divorce at the age of 10 and received an annulment. In 2009, the Yemeni parliament approved an amendment to set a minimum age limit for marriage at 17 but postponed its enactment in the face of Islamist opposition (Manea, 2010). In addition to psychological trauma, child marriage severely impacts girls’ physical health due to high rates of teenage pregnancy, short birth intervals, high fertility rates, and inadequate reproductive healthcare (IFES, 2010b). Early marriage also limits young women’s access to education, employment and empowerment. Those Yemeni women who get married as adults (the mean age is 22 years) still face many challenges (WEF, 2011). The Personal Status Law and dominant social customs discriminate against women on issues related to marriage, divorce, and child custody. Women’s freedom of movement and access to the labor market and state services are severely restricted by the required consent of their closest male relative (Manea, 2010). Husbands and male relatives usually exclude Yemeni women from decision-making on healthcare, reproductive rights and family planning. Contraceptive prevalence of 28% contributes to a high fertility rate of 5,20 births per woman (WEF, 2011). Because of maltreatment, poor public health facilities and a shortage of qualified female health workers, only 36% of births are attended by skilled staff (WEF, 2011). As a result, the infant mortality rate is 53 per 1.000 and the maternal mortality rate is 430 per 100.000 (WEF, 2011). High fertility rates have created a youth bulge in Yemen, which has led to rising poverty, malnutrition, high rates of preventable disease, low levels of school enrollment, high illiteracy rates and rising unemployment (Jennings et al., 2007). Female Participation in the Labor Market Yemeni women participate in the labor force at a rate of 21%, compared to 74% for men (WEF, 2011). Social norms usually dictate that women work in the fields of teaching, public administration, medicine, handicrafts or agriculture (Manea, 2010). Women cannot join the army or work in professions seen as the domain of men, such as construction, auto repair and taxi driving (Manea, 2010). Yemen’s tribal culture and patriarchal customs account for much of this discrimination and inequality in economic participation, as they discourage 9
Fair Share in Yemen women from leaving the privacy of their homes to receive an education and eventually enter the labor market. Illiteracy, inadequate training opportunities and discrimination in the labor market and the family setting compound the problem (WNC, 2009). Nonetheless, unemployment is a challenge for all Yemeni youth because the education system fails to provide students with the knowledge, namely English and computer skills, to fill market needs (Jennings et al., 2007). Nepotism and corruption present additional hurdles to desperate youth. Women in Politics The same challenges that Yemeni women face in entering the labor market impede their participation in the political arena, namely illiteracy, a lack of training opportunities, official and social biases towards their participation, and unawareness of their political rights (WNC, 2009). Despite constitutional protection of all citizens’ political rights, female representation at all levels of government reflects the belief, common among both women and men, that women cannot engage fully in public life. In the most recent parliamentary elections in 2003, 11 women competed against 1.385 men for the 301 seats in the House of Representatives (the lower house of parliament), and one woman won (Manea, 2010). Women have never held more than two seats in this body (IFES, 2010b). The local elections in 2006 saw 131 women vie with 28.498 men for roughly 7.000 seats in local councils around the country. Thirty seven women, comprising 0,5% of the body, were elected (Manea, 2010). That same year, three women applied to run for president but none obtained the requisite 5% approval from parliament for a nomination (SAF, 2007). In addition, only two women were appointed to the 111-seat Consultative Council (Manea, 2010). One area where women have begun to close the gender gap is the leadership of political parties. Women comprise 38% of Islah’s General Secretariat, the top leadership of the main Islamic opposition party, though none of them were nominated for president in 2006 (Manea, 2010). Despite constitutional guarantees, female participation in Yemen’s political system remains very low. Women make up 6,1% of government ministers, 1,7% of ambassadors, 0,9% of deputy ministers, 3,6% of general managers and 8,2% of judges (Manea, 2010). Yemen’s National Women’s Committee thus considers women’s participation “nominal” and having “no impact on women’s empowerment or contribution to economic and social development” (WNC, 2009, p. 19). Women’s underrepresentation in media and the intimidation of women journalists and activists perpetuates the current situation.
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Fair Share in Yemen Dreams of the Youth A survey of Arab youth conducted recently in Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE provides valuable insight into the hopes and concerns of young people in the Middle East (ASAD’A Burson-Marsteller, 2011). Interviews with 2.000 young men and women between the ages of 18 and 24 revealed several important findings: they want to live in a democratic country; they are concerned about the rising cost of living and unemployment; and they are increasingly worried about the gap between rich and poor and the direction of their country. Yemen faces many of the same challenges as the countries where the survey was conducted, often in greater degrees. Neglected politically, economically and socially, Yemen’s youth and women are not active members of the decision-making process in their country. Their sense of marginalization and hopelessness has been mobilized in the first ten weeks of 2011 as young people have taken to the streets to protest unemployment, corruption and a lack of accountability. The government’s violent crackdown has not swayed the youth’s resolve to change their country. Whatever the outcome of the current political turmoil, Yemen’s youth and women are taking control of their futures and are clearly on the move. Fair Share in Yemen In recent years, two interrelated trends have appeared in many developing countries: the population growth of young people and the increased access to education for young people—both men and women. This educated youth bulge poses significant challenges to economic and political stability, as the rate of educated youth rapidly outpaces available job opportunities. Countries in the Arabian Peninsula, and Yemen in particular, are no exception to these trends. On the whole, young Yemenis are much more educated than their parents, yet the public sector cannot absorb them quickly enough and the private sector requires skills that they do not have. With high levels of maternal fertility rate, unemployment and political instability, Yemen’s demographic shifts pose an acute problem. The current study seeks to identify the priorities, challenges, fears, concerns and hopes of young Yemenis as well as areas of inequality between males and females in a society that faces tension between tradition and modernity as it rapidly becomes part of the globalized world.
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Fair Share in Yemen
METHODS Subjects We used cluster sampling to collect our data. Over 600 students from fourteen different faculties at Sana’a University filled out the questionnaire. After controlling for completeness of answers and considering rejections, additional respondents were chosen from the same faculty. Altogether, 599 questionnaires are included in our analysis. Instruments The “Fair Share” questionnaire was developed by a sociologist from Women without Borders (E.S.) and a psychologist from the Medical University of Vienna (U.K.). The questionnaire was originally written in English, and was then translated into Arabic by an Arabist from the University of Vienna. It was already in use for a survey named “Bridging the Gap”, carried out in three Middle-Eastern countries (United Arab Emirates, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia) in 2008 (Schlaffer, Kropiunigg et al. 2009). Both the English and the Arabic versions were sent to our field workers in the region to ensure the correctness of the Arabic version of the questionnaire and to adapt it for its use in Yemen. The questionnaire consists of 134 questions comprising six scales: “Your Education,” “Your Views on Gender,” “Your Culture,” “Me and My Leisure Time,” “Family and Career Planning,” and “My Wish List”. The questionnaire also included questions about health issues, psychological problems and one “step ladder” to determine where the students “stand at the moment” with regard to the best or worst life they can imagine. (Reliability scores [Cronbach’s α] are given individually for each scale in the result’s section.) Procedure Our field worker in Sana’a (Y.S.) coordinated the dissemination and collection of the questionnaires. He ensured a representative distribution among the 14 faculties, and employed eight students to physically distribute and collect the questionnaires. He briefed the student employees to ensure that respondents would have complete anonymity. No part of the questionnaire bears their names. Distribution of questionnaires began on January 27th, 2011, and they successively collected over a series of weeks until February 17, 2011. An Austrian colleague who was in Sana’a at the time then carried the paper questionnaires back to Vienna, where they were statistically processed.
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Fair Share in Yemen Statistical Analysis All analyses were performed using program package SPSS 17.0; figures were compiled using Microsoft Office Excel 2007. The level of significance is set at α=5%, a star (‘*’) marks significant results. Percentages represent, if not marked differently, valid percentages; if it appears to be relevant, the percentage of missing data for a specific variable is noted. Frequencies (nominal data) were analyzed by crosstabs and Χ2-Tests (Fisher´s exact Test if possible, in other cases Pearson´s Χ2). The Wilcoxon Signed Ranks Test was used for checking group differences for dependent samples and ordered data; the Mann-Whitney-UTest was used for independent samples and ordered data. In the case of scaled data and two groups, means were compared by t-tests (for dependent or for independent data); the general linear model was used for more than one dependent variable and scaled data (if possible). Reliabilities for scales were calculated by Cronbach´s α.
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Fair Share in Yemen
RESULTS Demographic Description Sex and Age Distribution of Respondents The respondents ranged in age from 16 to 34 years, with a mean age of 22,2 years (σ=2,2). More than half of all respondents were between the ages of 21 and 23 (see Figure 1). 323 (54%) of our respondents were female, 270 (46%) were male (see Figure 2).
Figure 1: Age of respondents (in years, %)
Figure 2: Sex of respondents (%)
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Fair Share in Yemen Educational Background by Gender Figure 3 depicts the type of childhood education that respondents received, separated by gender. Most students attended a state-run school (78,8%), and only 1,7% attended a religious school. A significantly higher percentage of males attended a state-run school than did girls (83,7% of males vs. 74,9% of females; Χ2-Test: p=,006*), while more females than males attended a private school (22,0% of males vs. 15,9% of females; Χ2-Test: p=,039*). Very few students indicated that they attended a religious school, and there were no genderrelated differences (Χ2-Test: p=,271).
Figure 3: Types of School Attended as Children (%)
Marital Status by Gender 79,5% of all respondents described their marital status as “single” (76,0% of male students; 82,3% of female students), 10,8% are engaged (11,4% of male students; 10,4% of female students), 9,2% are married (12,5% of male students; 6,3% of female students), less than 1% of female students are divorced, and none are widowed (see Figure 4). The gender differences in marital status are significant (Χ2-Test: p=,025*), because women are more often single and less often engaged or married than men.
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Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 4: Marital Status (%) Family Situations by Gender 6,3% of the respondents already have one or more children; a significantly higher percentage of men have children than women (9% of men, 4% of women; Χ2-Test: p=,020*). The number of children ranged from one (63% of students who had children had only one child) to 8 (only one student); the female respondents have between one and four children, the men between one and eight. 95% of the students have brothers, and 92% have sisters. The respondents have between one and 13 brothers (mean=3,6; σ=2,1 [for those who have brothers]), and between one and 11 sisters (mean=3,2; σ=1,7 [for those who have sisters]).
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Fair Share in Yemen Parents’ Education Extreme differences (statistically significant) can be found between the respondents’ mothers´ and fathers´ levels of education (Wilcoxon Signed Ranks Test: p=,000*): 42% of the students’ mothers did not receive any schooling as opposed to only 16% of fathers, while 38% of fathers achieved a university education in contrast to only 10% of mothers (see Figure 5).
Figure 5: Highest education of parents (%).
45,3% of all students say that it is a financial problem for their family to send them to university (answer possibilities were “yes” and “no”). Significant gender differences appeared, as there was 55,7% accordance among males and 37,3% accordance among women (Χ2-Test: p=,000*).
University Education Faculty Attendance The respondents are in their first through fifth years of study, and the mean is 3,1 years (σ=1). They are studying in ten different faculties (see Table 1) and 18 different departments (see Table 2).
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Fair Share in Yemen Table 1: Faculties (%) Faculties
Total %
Male %
Female %
Art
3,5
4,9
2,5
Commerce and Economics
14,3
16,1
13,1
Education
13,5
12,7
14,1
Engineering
7,8
8,2
7,3
Languages
7,0
4,9
8,6
Law and Shari’a
14,6
20,2
10,2
Literature
8,9
6,3
10,9
Media/Publications
9,0
10,4
7,3
Medicine
17,9
14,6
21,1
Science
1,4
1,1
1,6
Invalid response
2,0
0,7
3,2
The most popular faculties among male students are Law/Shari’a, Commerce/Economics, Medicine,
and
Education,
while
the
women
prefer
Medicine,
Education,
2
Commerce/Economics, and Literature. Gender effects are present (Χ -test: p=,000*). Table 2: Departments (%) Departments
Total %
Male %
Female %
Accounting
7,8
9,2
7,0
Architecture
4,0
3,2
4,3
Business Management
5,2
5,5
5,0
Civil Engineering
2,1
4,1
0,7
Economics
0,8
0,9
0,7
Electrical Engineering
2,1
2,8
1,7
General
7,3
8,8
6,3
Geography
0,4
0,0
0,7
Journalism
2,1
3,2
1,3
Law and Shari’a/Legislation
3,1
0,5
5,0
Languages
20,5
19,4
21,0
Literature
1,7
0,0
2,7
Media
4,0
4,1
4,0
Medicine
20,8
18,0
23,3
Natural sciences
8,6
9,2
8,3
Politics
2,7
3,7
2,0
Public relations
2,1
2,8
1,0
Social sciences
4,8
4,6
5,0
The most popular departments among male students are Languages, Medicine, Accounting and Natural Sciences, and similarly the women prefer Medicine, Languages, Natural Sciences and Accounting.
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Fair Share in Yemen Post-Graduation Plans In response to a question about their plans after graduating from university, more students report that they are undecided (37,6%) than any other single option. 32,9% hope to stay in Sana’a, while 18,9% hope to go abroad after graduating and only 8,0% hope to return to their home districts. Female students less often want to go abroad than men (14,4% vs. 24,4%), less often want to go back to their home districts (6,3% vs. 10,3%) than men, and more often want to “stay” in Sana’a (41,7% vs. 22,1%); gender differences are significant (Χ2-Test: p=,000*), see also Figure 6.
Figure 6: Where will you go after finishing university? (%) Reasons for Studying The respondents were asked to give eight reasons for studying, see Figure 7. Gender differences (Χ2-Tests) were relevant for two statements: I am “interested in my major” (61,9% male vs. 53,9% female; p=,025*) and “my parents expect me to” (51,1% male vs. 58,2% female; p=,050*). Very rarely, students filled in free-form answers for why they are studying. The most frequent responses were “to help my country” (2,7%) and “make someone proud” (1.8%), followed by “help society” (1,7%), see Table 3.
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Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 7: I study because (I want/I am)… (%)
Table 3: Reasons for studying at the university level I study because
Total %
Male %
Female %
To broaden my horizons
76,0
75,6
76,1
To improve my reputation
46,1
48,5
44,6
To be independent
52,9
49,6
56,3
Interested in my major
57,6
61,9
53,9
To get a good job
75,5
72,6
77,7
Knowledge is power
69,8
67,0
72,4
My parents expect me to
54,8
51,1
58,2
To become rich
43,6
43,7
44,3
To help my country
2,7
3,7
1,9
To make someone proud
1,8
1,5
2,2
To become famous
0,7
0,0
1,2
To achieve my goals
0,5
0,4
0,6
To help society
1,7
2,2
1,2
To have a good position in society
0,7
0,0
1,2
To support my family
0,3
0,7
0,0
Islam encourages to study
1,2
1,9
0,6
To prove myself
0,3
0,0
0,6
It´s the purpose of life
0,5
0,7
0,3
It´s my dream
0,2
0,4
0,0
I want to make the Islam more popular
0,2
0,4
0,0
To make the right thing in the world
0,2
0,4
0,0
To find friends
0,2
0,4
0,0
Answers in free form:
20
Fair Share in Yemen Respondents were asked to comment on 13 statements regarding education. Four answer categories were provided: “disagree (1)”, “moderately disagree (2)”, “moderately agree (3)” and “agree (4)”, see Table 4 and Figure 8. The statements with highest means are “It was my own decision to go to college” (3,6), “Teachers should let us develop own opinions” (3,6), “After graduation I want to continue with further studies” (3,4), “Later I want to study abroad” (3,3) and “There is little discussion of own ideas in our faculty” (3,0). Gender differences were present (t-tests for independent samples) for “It was my own decision to go to college” (higher mean for women), “During my school time I have often been subject to corporal punishment” (higher men for men), “Later I want to study abroad” (higher mean for men), “I want to start a family” (higher mean for men), “After graduation I want to continue with further studies” (higher mean for men) and “Expectations for women to excel are higher than for men” (higher mean for women; very large difference). Table 4: Views on education Men
Women
Gender differences
σ
Mean
Mean
p
Total Sample Statements regarding education
no.
n
Mean
Mode
It was my own decision to go to college
16
588
3,6
4
0,8
3,5
3,7
,008*
My family decided the subject I study
17
589
1,7
1
1,1
1,6
1,7
n.s.
I am satisfied with the quality of my education
18
581
2,9
4
1,1
2,9
2,8
n.s.
Teachers should let us develop own opinions
19
576
3,6
4
0,8
3,7
3,6
n.s.
During my school time I have often been subject to corporal punishment by teachers
20
591
1,8
1
1,1
1,9
1,7
,021*
Teachers are open to all sorts of questions
21
582
2,4
3
1,0
2,4
2,3
n.s.
There is little discussion of own ideas in faculty
22
576
3,0
4
1,1
2,9
3,0
n.s.
There is little space for activities other than learning during college/university years
23
573
2,9
4
1,2
2,9
2,9
n.s.
Later, I want to study abroad
24
581
3,3
4
1,1
3,4
3,1
,002*
I want to start a family
25
578
2,7
4
1,1
2,9
2,6
,001*
After graduation I want to continue with further studies
26
580
3,4
4
1,0
3,5
3,3
,011*
Education in my country is good enough for my future job plans
27
581
2,0
1
1,0
2,0
2,0
n.s.
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
21
Fair Share in Yemen Expectations for women to excel in their studies are higher than for men (1)
28 (2)
582
2,9
4
Mode: value marked most often; σ: standard deviation; (4) independent samples; no significance found
1,1 (3)
2,5
3,3
,000*
p: group comparisons by t-tests for
Figure 8: Statements regarding education (means), 1=disagree, 4=agree
22
Fair Share in Yemen In constructing the ‘free-thinking scale,’ we used questions 19, 21, 22, 23, 26 from Table 4; however, Cronbach´s α was rather small (α=,21), which leads to the conclusion that those questions explain different aspects in the domain of free thinking and are therefore poorly inter-correlated. Additionally, items 18 and 27 correspond to “quality of education,” but show a rather small reliability (α=,21) and correlation (r=,12). Respondents were asked to indicate which of four possibilities they believe education is a means to achieve. The question was phrased in the following manner: “Especially for me, education is a means to achieve…”; they also had the opportunity to fill in a free-form answer. 43,6% of respondents believe that gaining an education leads to “knowledge;” 41,2% hope to achieve greater “power in society;” 16,2% of respondents view education as a means of gaining “independence;” and 11,7% hope to gain more “money.” A comparison between male and female students shows gender differences (Χ2-Test) for “knowledge” (52,2% for men, 36,5% for women; p=,000*) and “independence” (8,1% for men, 22,9% for women; p=,000*), but no differences for “power in society” (39,3% vs. 43,0%) or “money” (11,9% vs. 11,8%), see Figure 9.
Figure 9: Education is a means to achieve... (%)
Free form answers about what education is a means to achieve included “my goals” (0,7%), “better society” (0,8%), “self-confidence” (1%), “a change” (0,8%), “to follow and understand Islam” (0,8%), “equality of men and women” (0,2%), “heaven” (0,3%), “my dreams” (0,5%), “solution for the problem of education” (0,8%) and “a better life” (0,7%).
23
Fair Share in Yemen
Views on Gender Nineteen out of the 21 statements regarding opinions about gender roles showed gender differences; men held more conservative views than women on all statements. The reliability for these 21 statements only reaches Cronbach´s α=,40. Table 5: Gender roles in society Men
Women
Gender differences
σ
Mean
Mean
p
Total Sample (1)
(2)
(3)
Statements regarding gender
no.
n
Mean
Mode
Woman's priority should be caring for the family
30
592
3,1
4
1,1
3,4
2,9
,000*
Man's priority should be providing for the family
31
589
3,4
4
0,9
3,3
3,4
n.s.
Mothers and daughters should have same authority as fathers and sons
32
583
2,4
1
1,1
2,1
2,6
,000*
Men and women should be equally educated on their rights
33
585
3,7
4
0,7
3,7
3,8
,042*
Boys' education is more worthwhile than girls'
34
590
1,8
1
1,1
2,1
1,6
,000*
I am happy that more girls attend university
35
585
3,5
4
0,9
3,2
3,7
,000*
Higher education for women is mainly a waiting period before marriage
36
577
2,2
1
1,2
2,5
2,0
,000*
Girls waste their education by not going into a profession
37
577
2,6
3a
1,1
2,6
2,6
n.s.
Allowing women to work undermines our religious practices
38
585
2,0
1
1,2
2,4
1,7
,000*
Women should be given the chance to compete head-on and excel
39
583
2,9
4
1,2
2,4
3,2
,000*
More women making it into society as "new leaders"
40
587
3,0
4
1,1
2,5
3,3
,000*
Men receive more support than women
41
575
2,5
1a
1,2
2,3
2,7
,000*
Women need to be more visible in politics and government
42
576
2,5
1
1,2
2,1
2,8
,000*
We need progressive men
43
568
3,6
4
0,8
3,4
3,7
,000*
Only men and women together can make positive changes
44
573
3,4
4
0,9
3,3
3,5
,002*
Women should have more access to sports
45
577
2,3
1
1,2
1,9
2,6
,000*
Women should not play sports
46
575
2,3
1
1,2
2,6
2,1
,000*
Men should not play sports in the presence of women
47
580
2,3
1
1,2
2,6
2,1
,000*
24
Fair Share in Yemen Both men and women should bring an income into the home
48
583
3,0
4
1,1
2,6
3,2
,000*
I feel that I have the courage and strength to overcome all the challenges that might be associated with the working life of women
49
578
3,3
4
0,9
3,1
3,5
,000*
I feel that I have the courage and strength to promote women in society
50
585
3,4
4
0,9
3,1
3,5
,000*
(1)
(2)
Mode: value marked most often; σ: standard deviation; (4) independent samples; no significance found
(3)
p: group comparisons by t-tests for
Statement numbers 32, 33, 35, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49 and 50 were recoded to generate a “gender conservatism” score. By then calculating a sum-score (standardized to the range 0-100), a new score identifying the degree of accordance to conservative gender statements was developed, in which a score of “0” means “no conservatism” and “100” means “highest degree of conservatism.” The “gender conservatism” scores range from 5 to 92 among the sample group, with a mean of 37,6 (σ=15,2). Men showed considerably higher “gender conservatism” scores than women (t-test for independent samples: p=,000*): the mean for men is 46 (σ=14,6), the mean for women is 32 (σ=12,8). Figure 10 shows the score distribution for the total sample, Figure 11 for male and female students.
Figure 10: Distribution of “gender conservatism score” (0 to 100), total sample (cases)
25
Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 11: Distribution of “gender conservatism score” (0 to 100), male vs. female students (cases)
The respondents were asked how they “see the changing roles of men and women in our society” (six answer options were provided, questions 51a to 51f), see Table 6 and Figure 12. The majority of the respondents view the changing gender roles as an “opportunity” (52,2% of men and 68,7% of women) and as part of a “new wave of Arab modernization” (53,7% of men and 61,6% of women); only 16,7% view these shifts as a “burden.” Gender differences (Χ2-tests) were found for “opportunity,” “Arab modernization,” and “part of a positive global trend” (30,6% of men vs. 61,0% of women). Table 6: Changing gender roles in society I see the changing roles of men and women in our society as
Total %
Male %
Female %
a personal opportunity
61,4
52,2
68,7
a burden in my life
16,7
19,3
13,9
a challenge for my country
37,1
38,9
35,6
the new wave of Arab modernization
57,9
53,7
61,6
part of a new policy of our country
45,1
44,8
45,5
part of a positive global trend
51,1
39,6
61,0
26
Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 12: I see the changing roles of men and women in our society as... (%)
Culture and Society Views on Culture Students were asked to agree or disagree with nine statements on culture (four answer categories; 1=disagree, 2=moderately disagree, 3=moderately agree, 4=agree) (Questions 52-60). Table 7: Views on culture Men
Women
Gender differences
σ
Mean
Mean
p
Total Sample (1)
(2)
(3)
Statements regarding culture
no.
n
Mean
Mode
Young generations in my country and in the West should connect in order to learn from each other
52
586
3,2
4
1,1
3,2
3,2
n.s.
It hurts me when others criticize my country / my people
53
586
3,5
4
0,9
3,5
3,6
,043*
The culture of my country should stay the way it is right now
54
582
1,8
1
1,1
1,9
1,8
n.s.
I am interested in politics
55
578
2,9
4
1,2
3,2
2,6
,000*
27
Fair Share in Yemen My culture is superior to all other cultures in the world
56
582
2,2
1
1,2
2,3
2,1
n.s.
In regard to women rights there will be substantial changes within the next five years
57
579
2,9
3
1,0
2,7
3,1
,000*
Media should promote positive role models
58
585
3,4
4
0,9
3,2
3,6
,000*
A woman's goal should be to be an educated wife and mother
59
583
3,5
4
0,9
3,6
3,4
,005*
An uneducated man has more power than an educated woman
60
583
2,1
1
1,2
2,3
1,9
,000*
(1)
(2)
Mode: value marked most often; σ: standard deviation; (4) independent samples; no significance found
(3)
p: group comparisons by t-tests for
Observed agreement with the statements was extremely high for “it hurts me when others criticize my country/people” (mean 3,5), “a woman´s goal should be to be an educated wife and mother” (mean 3,5), “media should promote positive role models” (mean 3,4) and “young generations in my country and in the West should connect” (mean 3,2). Students hardly agreed with the following statements: “an uneducated man has more power than an educated woman” (mean 2,1) and “the culture of my country should stay the way it is right now” (mean 1,8), see also Table 7. Gender differences (t-tests for independent samples) can be seen in “it hurts me when others criticize my country/people” (p=,043*; higher mean for women); “I am interested in politics” (p=,000*; higher mean for men); “substantial change in regard to women rights within the next five years” (p=,000*; higher mean for women), “the media should promote positive role models” (p=,000*; higher mean for women); “a woman's goal should be to be an educated wife and mother” (p=,005*; higher mean for men) and “an uneducated man has more power than an educated woman” (p=,000*; higher mean for men). Students indicated which of six social issues “[they] should be more aware of.” 14% of students also took advantage of the opportunity to provide a free-form answer (question 61). Most respondents agreed that the following issues should garner greater awareness: “HIV/AIDS” (89.5%), “unemployment” (87%) and “domestic violence” (86%), see Table 8. Gender effects were found for “domestic violence” (higher mean for women), “health issues” (higher mean for women) and “unemployment” (higher mean for men). A summary of the number statements results in a kind of “Awareness Index” with rather high reliability (Cronbach´s α=,803). This index has a possible range from 0 to 7 (including the possibility of one free answer). Mode and median are 7 and mean is 6.0 (σ=1,6), which suggests that all of these topics are present in the social discourse but respondents are eager for more information about them. There are no gender effects (t-test for independent samples: p=,209), see Figure 13. 28
Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 13: Awareness-Index (Range: 0 - 7, %) Physical and Mental Health, and Domestic Violence Students responded to 19 statements regarding their leisure time, psychological state, and proximity to domestic violence (four answer categories; 1=disagree, 2=moderately disagree, 3=moderately agree, 4=agree) (Questions 62-80), see Table 8. Table 8: Mental Health, Psychological Problems, and Domestic Violence Men
Women
Gender differences
σ
Mean
Mean
p
Total Sample Statements regarding Physical and Mental Health, and Domestic Violence
no.
n
Mean
Mode
I am an ambitious person
62
587
3,7
4
0,7
3,7
3,7
n.s.
I can overcome all obstacles in my future work field
63
583
3,5
4
0,7
3,5
3,4
n.s.
I feel satisfied with my character
64
581
3,7
4
0,7
3,7
3,7
n.s.
I find my life agreeable
65
582
3,3
4
1,0
3,3
3,3
n.s.
I live my life according to my principles
66
580
3,6
4
0,7
3,6
3,6
n.s.
People who live a religious life will not suffer from psychological problems
67
583
3,2
4
1,0
3,3
3,1
,006*
Psychological problems are common among my fellow students
68
581
2,9
3
1,0
2,8
2,9
n.s.
Need for psychological counseling among people my age
69
573
3,4
4
0,9
3,4
3,5
n.s.
I have personal problems which I cannot discuss with
70
574
2,7
4
1,1
2,7
2,7
n.s.
(1)
(2)
(3)
29
Fair Share in Yemen others I would need psychological support
71
581
2,8
4
1,1
2,7
2,8
n.s.
I have witnessed domestic violence
72
579
2,2
1
1,3
2,3
2,1
n.s.
I have experienced domestic violence
73
573
1,8
1
1,2
1,8
1,8
n.s.
I solve my psychological problems on my own
74
584
3,3
4
1,0
3,3
3,3
n.s.
I have psychological problems that need treatment
75
577
1,7
1
1,1
1,7
1,7
n.s.
I feel physically fit
76
573
3,4
4
0,9
3,5
3,4
n.s.
I would like to do more sports
77
576
3,0
4
1,1
3,3
2,7
,000*
I am happy with my body shape
78
578
3,4
4
0,9
3,5
3,4
n.s.
I wish I looked different
79
578
2,3
1
1,2
2,4
2,3
n.s.
I have too few opportunities to relax
80
582
2,9
4
1,1
2,9
2,9
n.s.
(1)
(2)
Mode: value marked most often; σ: standard deviation; (4) independent samples; no significance found
(3)
p: group comparisons by t-tests for
The students agreed most strongly with “I am an ambitious person” (mean 3,7), “I feel satisfied with my character” (mean 3,7), “I live my life according to my principles” (mean 3,6) and “I can overcome all obstacles in my future work field” (mean 3,5). Lowest accordance was found for “I have experienced domestic violence” (mean 1,8) and “I have psychological problems that need treatment (mean 1,7). It is interesting to note that only two of the 19 statements above show gender differences: more men would like to play sports, and more men think that “people who live a religious life will not suffer from psychological problems,” see Table 8.
Figure 14: Domestic violence, need for psychological support/treatment (cases).
30
Fair Share in Yemen Two hundred thirty three respondents (39%) have witnessed domestic violence (87 moderately agree, 146 agree), and 161 respondents (27%) have already experienced domestic violence (63 moderately agree, 98 agree). 362 respondents (60%) say that they would need psychological support (163 moderately agree, 199 agree with the statement) and 130 respondents (22%) indicate that they have psychological problems that require treatment (54 moderately agree, 76 agree). See Figure 14.
Psychological Aspects “Open My Heart and Thoughts” The students were asked to respond to the following statement: “I open my heart and thoughts to the following three people in my life,” and were asked to list three individuals (in order of relevance). To analyze the given answers, the responses were then categorized into ten groups (Tables 9, 10 and 11). “Family members” constituted the largest group (for positions 1, 2 and 3, 35,6%, 48,4% and 30,6% respectively), and female family members were listed more frequently than male family members. “Friend” was cited second most often (23,0%; 27,9%; 23,7%); all other categories are very small, see Figure 15. For positions 1 and 2, significant (Χ2-Test) gender effects were found. Table 9: I open my heart and thoughts to the following people – Position 1 (%) I open my heart and my thoughts to the following people – Position 1
Total (1) % n=524
Male (1) % n=222
Female (1) % n=297
Family member (sum)
60,9
57,7
63,1
Family member (not specified)
4,2
3,3
4,6
Male family member
21,1
30,0
13,3
Female family member
35,6
24,4
45,2
Friend
23,0
21,1
24,8
God
2,3
1,5
3,1
Teacher
0,7
1,1
0,6
Counselor
0,5
0,4
0,6
Doctor
0,1
0,4
0,0
Boss
0,0
0,0
0,0
0,0
0,0
0,0
Muslim scholars (1)
% of all students/male/female in the sample (not valid %);
(2)
(2)
p
,000*
Χ2-test for gender-effects
31
Fair Share in Yemen Table 10: I open my heart and my thoughts to the following people – Position 2 (%) Total (1) % n=481
I open my heart and my thoughts to the following people – Position 2 Family member (sum)
Male (1) % n=204
Female (1) % n=272
48,4
44,1
52,3
Family member (not specified)
3,0
3,7
2,5
Male family member
12,2
17,4
8,0
Female family member
33,2
23,0
41,8
Friend
27,9
27,4
27,9
God
0,0
0,0
0,0
Teacher
2,7
3,0
2,5
Counselor
1,2
1,1
1,2
Doctor
0,0
0,0
0,0
Boss
0,2
0,0
0,3
Muslim scholars
0,0
0,0
0,0
(1)
% of all students/male/female in the sample (not valid %);
(2)
(2)
p
,000*
2
Χ -test for gender-effects
Table 11: I open my heart and my thoughts to the following people – Position 3 (%) I open my heart and my thoughts to the following people – Position 3
Total (1) % n=371
Male (1) % n=167
Female (1) % n=200
Family member (sum)
30,6
26,7
33,8
Family member (not specified)
3,7
3,7
3,4
Male family member
12,0
12,6
11,5
Female family member
14,9
10,4
18,9
Friend
23,7
26,3
21,7
God
0,3
0,4
0,3
Teacher
3,8
5,6
2,5
Counselor
3,0
2,6
3,1
Doctor
0,3
0,0
0,6
Boss
0,2
0,0
0,0
0,0
0,4
0,0
Muslim scholars (1)
% of all students/male/female in the sample (not valid %); significance found
(2)
2
Χ -test for gender-effects;
(2)
p
n.s.
(3)
(3)
no
32
Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 15: I open my heart and my thoughts to... (%). Role Models 68% of respondents (72% of male students and 66% of female students) have a role model; no gender effect was found (Χ2-Test: p=,062). The students’ responses can be divided into three categories: “people known personally” (family, teacher, friend), “public people” (which includes responses such as politician, religious leader) and “concrete public persons,” see Figure 16 and Table 12. 18% of all students view someone they know personally as their role model, although female students do so more often than male students (male: 9%; female: 25%; Χ2-test: p=,000*). A total of 11% of students see a public person (unspecified) as their role model, although this percentage is much higher for male students (14%) than for female students (7%). 23% regard one concrete public person as their role model; here the percentage is again much higher for male students (32% vs. 15%).
33
Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 16: My role model is... (%). Table 12: Role models Total (1) % n=371
Male (1) % n=167
Female (1) % n=200
my father
5,8
7,0
5,0
a family member
2,8
1,1
4,3
one of my teachers
8,5
0,7
14,9
one of my friends
0,7
0,4
0,9
My role model is someone I know (sum)
17,8
9,2
25,1
a public local man
5,0
7,8
2,8
a business man
0,8
1,5
0,3
a politician
2,0
3,3
0,9
a religious leader
1,0
1,1
0,9
a scientist
0,7
0,7
0,6
an artist (musician/actor)
1,0
0,0
1,9
My role model is an unspecified public figure (sum)
10,5
14,4
7,4
Specific public figures. not known personally Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, President of Iran
0,2
0,0
0,3
My role model is…
(2)
p
People known personally
,000*
Public figures (categories)
,004*
34
Fair Share in Yemen Ahmed Al Shaqiri, former PLO leader
0,2
0,0
0,3
Ali Abdullah Saleh, President of Yemen
2,7
4,1
1,5
Amr Khaled, Islamic preacher (Egyptian)
1,8
1,1
2,5
Bashar Al Asad, President of Syria
0,2
0,4
0,0
Che Guevara, revolutionary leader (Argentinean)
0,3
0,4
0,3
Dr. Tariq El Sweedan, Muslim Brotherhood leader (Kuwaiti)
0,3
0,0
0,6
Hamid Al Ahmar, sheikh/opposition leader (Yemeni)
0,2
0,4
0,0
Hasan Al Bana, founder of Muslim Brotherhood (Egyptian)
0,2
0,4
0,0
Hasan Nasrallah, Secretary General of Hezbollah (Lebanese)
0,8
1,1
0,6
Ibrahim Al Hamdi, former President of Yemen
0,3
0,7
0,0
Ismail Hania, Hamas prime minister (Palestinian)
0,2
0,4
0,0
King Talal, former King of Jordan
0,2
0,4
0,0
Mahatir Mohamed, former Prime Minister of Malaysia
0,2
0,0
0,3
Mohammed bin Rashid, Prime Minister of UAE
0,2
0,0
0,3
Muammar al Gaddafi, Ruler of Libya
0,2
0,0
0,3
Omar bin Abdul Aziz, Muslim caliph
0,2
0,0
0,3
President Barack Obama, President of the United States
0,2
0,0
0,3
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Prime Minister of Turkey
1,2
0,7
1,5
Saddam Hussein, former President of Iraq
0,5
0,0
0,9
The Prophet Mohammed
12,5
21,5
5,0
Vladimir Putin, Prime Minister of Russia
0,2
0,4
0,0
Zaid bin al Maktum, former Prime Minister of UAE
0,2
0,0
0,3
My role model is a specific public person (I don´t know personally) (sum)
23,2
32,0
15,3
(1)
% of all students/male/female in the sample (not valid %); significance found
(2)
2
Χ -test for gender-effects;
,000* (3)
no
Cares and Concerns Students were given the opportunity to indicate eight items they care about, as well as space to provide free-form answers. Highest agreement was found with the following statements: “living a religious life” (83%), “appearance” (80%), “making a good career decision” (76%) and “fitting in my group of friends” (75%). Only 42 students (7%) wrote in their own answers (see Table 13). Gender effects were found for “respecting my parents´ wishes” (higher mean among females, p=.016*) and for “living a religious life” (higher mean among females, p=.008*).
35
Fair Share in Yemen Table 13: What do you care about? (%) What do you care about? Question 83a-i
Total %
Male %
Female %
p
My appearance
80,1
77,8
81,7
n.s.
Fitting in my group of friends
75,3
76,7
74,0
n.s.
Being liked by everybody
71,3
73,7
69,0
n.s.
Respecting my parents´ wishes
78,6
74,8
82,4
0,016*
Choosing my spouse on my own
68,4
69,6
67,2
n.s.
Making a good career decision
75,5
73,3
77,1
n.s.
Making money
62,9
60,4
64,4
n.s.
Living a religious life
83,1
78,9
86,7
,008*
(1)
(2)
Answers in free form Education
0,8
Reaching my personal goals
0,7
My opinion
0,3
Myself and what I want to become
2,8
Sports
0,2
Other people and how to help them
1,0
My knowledge
0,7
Discussions with my father
0,2
somebody with a high status in society
0,2
To find the person I love
0,2
(1)
2
Χ -test for gender-effects;
(2)
no significance found
36
Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 17: I care about... (%). Care Index A summary of the number of statements each student indicated he/she “cares about” results in “Care Index” with rather high reliability (Cronbach´s α=,769). The index has a possible range from 0 to 9 (including the possibility of one free answer). The index shows that students in the sample care about a great deal of items, as the mode is 8, the median is 7 and mean is 6 (σ=2,2), which is quite high. There are no gender effects for the Care-Index (ttest for independent samples: p=,333), see Figure 18.
37
Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 18: Care-Index (sum score 83a to 83i, range: 0 - 9, %). Worries and Anxieties Students were asked to indicate what makes them worry; 20 possible answers were listed, and they had the opportunity to provide free-form answers as well. “Lack of security” (76,6%), “War in the region” (76,1%), “Economic crisis/poverty” (76,0%), “Suicide Attacks” (75,6%) and “Water shortages” (74,7%) showed the highest levels of agreement. Only 44 respondents (7%) provided free-form answers (see Table 14). Gender effects were found for “Physical violence against me” (higher accordance among women), “Terrorist attacks” (higher accordance among women), “Getting good grades” (higher accordance among women), “Growing racism” (higher accordance among men), “Economic crisis, poverty” (higher accordance among women), “Car accidents” (higher accordance among women), “Globalization” and “Westernization” (higher accordance among men), “Domestic violence” (higher accordance among women) and “Water shortages” (higher accordance among women).
38
Fair Share in Yemen Table 14: Worries and anxieties What makes you worry? Question 84a-u
Total %
Male %
Female %
p
Environmental pollution
62,8
65,2
61,0
n.s.
War in the region
76,1
76,7
75,5
n.s.
Physical violence against me
43,1
33,7
50,5
,000*
Terrorist attacks
59,6
51,9
66,3
,000*
Getting good grades
67,9
61,1
74,3
,000*
Unemployment/ job shortness
70,3
71,9
69,3
n.s.
Growing racism
58,3
65,9
52,3
,001*
Robbery
63,3
62,6
64,1
n.s.
How the world looks at Yemen
72,1
68,9
74,9
n.s.
The growth of extremism
53,9
52,2
55,1
n.s.
Economic crisis, poverty
76,0
70,7
79,9
,006*
Car accidents
53,4
44,8
61,0
,000*
Immigration/number of expatriates
32,7
36,3
30,0
n.s.
Globalization
49,9
55,9
45,2
,006*
(1)
(2)
Domestic violence
58,3
50,7
64,1
,001*
Westernization
50,9
55,6
47,4
,028*
Losing our cultural identity
73,6
74,8
73,1
n.s.
Lack of security
76,6
74,8
78,6
n.s.
Water shortages
74,7
71,1
77,4
,049*
Suicide attacks
75,6
77,4
74,0
n.s.
Answers in free form Corruption
1,5
Unity of the country
0,3
Future of Yemen and Arab countries
0,8
Religious issues
1,2
Political issues
1,3
Ignorance
0,3
Education and the missing support of young people
0,5
High prices
0,2
Beggars
0,3
Provocation against female people
0,2
Loosing your principals
0,3
Intellectual arts
0,2
Stupidity of people (1)
2
Χ -test for gender-effects;
0,2 (2)
no significance found
39
Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 19: What makes me worry (%) Worry Index Summing up the number of statements each student indicates “make him/her worry” results in a kind of a “Worry Index” with rather high reliability (Cronbach’s α=,882). The index has a possible range from 0 to 21 (including the possibility of one free answer).
40
Fair Share in Yemen The index shows that the respondents´ number of worries is moderate: mode and median are 13, mean is 12,6 (σ=5,3). There are no gender effects for the Worry Index (t-test for independent samples: p=,242), see Figure 20.
Figure 20: Worry Index (sum score 84a to 84u, range: 0-21, %). Reading Materials The data show that in addition to the eight types of publications the students had the opportunity to indicate that they regularly read (Question 87), two additional categories should be added: “specialised books” and “poetry.” The most popular publication types are: “Religious books” (43,6%), “Newspapers” (38,7%), “Magazines” (36,7%) and “Non-fiction” (35,1%), see Table 15. Gender effects were found for “Religious books” (more popular with men), “Newspapers” (more popular with men), and “Crime thrillers” (more popular with women).
41
Fair Share in Yemen Table 15: Preferred reading materials I regularly read Question 87a-i
Total %
Male %
Female %
p
Religious books
43,6
52,2
36,5
,000*
Magazines
36,7
36,3
36,2
n.s.
Newspapers
38,7
49,3
29,7
,000*
Novels
29,0
31,9
26,6
n.s.
Science fiction
25,4
27,4
22,9
n.s.
Romance
28,7
27,8
28,8
n.s.
(1)
(2)
Crime thrillers
30,7
26,7
33,4
,045*
Other stories (non-fiction)
35,1
33,7
35,6
n.s.
Specialised books
13,0
13,3
13,0
n.s.
0,8
0,7
0,9
n.s.
Poetry (1)
2
Χ -test for gender-effects;
(2)
no significance found
Free Time The most popular activities students undertake in their free time is “Watch TV” (72,0%), “Meet friends” (69,3%), “Spend time with my family” (67,6%) and “Read books” (57,3%), see Table 16 and Figure 21. Table 16: Leisure activities When I have free time, I prefer to… Question 88a-m
Total %
Male %
Female %
p
Meet friends
69,3
75,6
64,4
,002*
Watch TV
72,0
64,1
78,9
,000*
Exercise
31,2
38,1
25,7
,001*
Surf the internet
48,1
54,4
42,7
,003*
Do sports
35,1
43,3
28,2
,000*
Do competitive sports
18,9
28,1
10,8
,000*
Read books
57,3
61,9
53,6
,025*
Play computer games
35,4
33,7
36,2
n.s.
Spend time with my family
67,6
60,7
73,7
,001*
Go shopping
48,4
37,4
57,3
,000*
Chat on mobile
40,6
36,7
43,7
,050*
Sleep
51,6
45,2
56,7
,003*
Cook
0,7
0,0
1,2
Write
1,3
1,5
1,2
Travel
0,8
1,1
0,6
(1)
(2)
Answers in free form:
Search for a job
0,3
0,7
0,0
Pray to God
0,3
0,7
0,0
Draw
0,2
0,4
0,0
Search for the truth
0,5
0,0
0,9
42
Fair Share in Yemen Be a Make-up Artist I stay on my own (1)
2
Χ -test for gender-effects;
(2)
0,3
0,0
0,6
0,5
0,4
0,6
no significance found
Gender effects were found for nearly all free time activities: male students more often meet friends, exercise, surf the internet, play sports, engage in competitive sports and read books; female students more often watch TV, spend time with their families, go shopping, chat on their mobiles, and sleep.
Figure 21: When I have free time, I prefer to... (%).
43
Fair Share in Yemen
Family and Career Planning The students were asked to respond to 13 statements about family and career planning (four answer categories; 1=disagree, 2=moderately disagree, 3=moderately agree, 4=agree) (Questions 89-101). The students indicated the highest levels of agreement with the following statements: “I want to be part of a new modernization process in Arab countries” (mean 3,5), “girls and boys get equal education opportunities in my family” (mean 3,3), and “my family supports me in my career choices” (mean 3,2). Very low accordance is found for “I feel comfortable marrying among relatives” (mean 1,7) and “a woman should give up her work when she gets married” (mean 2,1), see Table 17 and Figure 22. Table 17: Views on family and career planning Men
Women
Gender differences
σ
Mean
Mean
p
Total Sample Statements regarding “family & career planning”
no.
n
Mean
Mode
Family plays a strong role in decisions I make
89
584
2,6
3
1,2
2,4
2,7
,000*
Family supports me in my career choices
90
584
3,2
4
1,0
3,1
3,3
n.s.
In my family girls and boys get equal education opportunities
91
576
3,3
4
1,0
3,1
3,5
,000*
Educated women limit their chances of getting married
92
573
2,5
1, 3
1,1
2,6
2,4
n.s.
I plan to marry young and have children soon
93
567
2,9
4
1,1
3,0
2,9
n.s.
I feel comfortable to marry among relatives
94
568
1,7
1
1,1
1,9
1,6
,000*
A woman should give up her work when she get married
95
573
2,1
1
1,2
2,5
1,8
,000*
Woman should start their career after the children are more independent
96
580
2,9
4
1,1
2,6
3,2
,000*
I am confident to get a job after graduation
97
575
2,8
4
1,1
2,9
2,8
n.s.
I want to be part of a new modernization process in Arab countries
98
574
3,5
4
0,9
3,6
3,5
n.s.
I prefer a workplace with no member of the opposite sex
99
578
2,3
1
1,2
2,2
2,4
n.s.
I can accept working for a female boss
100
574
2,9
4
1,2
2,5
3,3
,000*
More women should strive for leadership
101
543
2,8
4
1,2
2,3
3,2
,000*
1
2
(1)
(2)
(3)
3
Mode: value marked most often; σ: standard deviation; p: group comparisons by t-tests for 4 independent samples; no significance found
44
Fair Share in Yemen Gender differences can be found (t-tests for independent samples) for “family plays a strong role in decisions I make concerning my future” (higher mean for women), “in my family girls and boys get equal education opportunities” (higher mean for women), “I feel comfortable to marry among relatives” (higher mean for men), “a woman should give up her work when she gets married” (higher mean for men), “I can accept working for a female boss” (higher mean for women) and “more women should strive for leadership” (higher mean for women).
Figure 22: Student’s attitudes on family and career matters.
45
Fair Share in Yemen Dream Career vs. Reality When asked about their “dream career,” the most popular answers were “teacher/professor,” “doctor,” “politician,” and “businessman or businesswoman.” Men dream most about becoming a “judge/lawyer,” “doctor,” “businessman,” and “teacher;” women dream of becoming a “teacher/professor,” “politician,” and “doctor.” Gender effects are significant, see Table 18. Table 18: Dream career (Question 102) My dream career is...
Total %
Male %
Female %
Teacher/Professor
16,3
11,2
19,8
Doctor
15,7
15,8
15,9
Politician
11,9
3,9
17,4
Business(wo)man
11,6
15,1
9,2
Judge/Lawyer
8,6
17,1
2,4
Director
4,4
9,9
0,5
Accountant
4,1
2,6
5,3
Engineer
3,6
,7
5,3
Journalist
3,3
1,3
4,8
Scientist
2,8
4,6
1,4
Translator
2,8
,0
4,8
Soldier / Police Officer
2,2
2,6
1,9
Ambassador
1,9
4,6
0,0
Advisor
1,4
2,0
1,0
Artist
1,4
,0
2,4
Employee
1,4
2,6
0,5
Administrator
1,1
,7
1,4
Anchorman
1,1
1,3
1,0
Designer
0,8
1,3
0,5
Pilot
0,8
0,0
1,4
Diplomat
0,6
1,3
,0
Tour guide
0,6
0,0
1,0
Work for the media
0,6
0,0
0,5
Architect
0,3
0,0
0,5
Football player
0,3
0,7
0,5
Housekeeper
0,3
0,7
0,0
Producer
0,3
0,0
0,5
(1)
(1)
p
,000*
2
Χ -Tests for gender effects
When asked what their career will most realistically be, however, the most popular responses of students are “doctor” and “teacher/professor” (total sample, male and female). Nevertheless, gender effects can be seen, see Table 19.
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Fair Share in Yemen Table 19: Realistic future career (Question 103) My future career will realistically be...
Total %
Male %
Female %
Doctor
25,1
45,0
13,6
Teacher/Professor
21,1
11,6
26,3
Accountant
7,5
3,1
10,3
Judge/Lawyer
6,6
1,6
9,9
Businessman
5,8
7,0
5,2
Engineer
5,8
1,6
8,0
Housekeeper
4,9
2,3
6,6
Politician
3,8
3,9
3,3
Soldier / Police Officer
3,2
7,0
0,9
Journalist
2,9
0,0
4,7
Anchorman
2,0
3,9
0,9
Employee
1,7
0,8
2,3
Director
1,2
3,1
0,0
Translator
1,2
1,6
0,9
Public Relations
1,2
0,0
1,9
Administrator
0,9
0,0
1,4
Artist
0,9
2,3
0,0
Scientist
0,9
0,0
1,4
Ambassador
0,6
0,0
0,9
Advisor
0,6
0,0
0,9
Work for the media
0,6
0,8
0,5
Pilot
0,3
0,8
0,0
Tour guide
0,3
0,8
0,0
Producer
0,3
0,8
0,0
Social worker
0,3
0,8
0,0
Architect
0,3
0,8
0,0
Designer
0,3
0,8
0,0
(1)
(1)
p
,000*
2
Χ -Tests for gender effects
When asked what they wanted to be “when they were little,” students’ top response is “doctor” for both male and female students, see Table 20.
Table 20: Career aspirations as a child When I was little I wanted to become...
Total %
Male %
Female %
Doctor
39,9
35,1
44,4
Pilot
10,2
5,9
13,4
Engineer
9,7
19,7
1,7
Teacher/Professor
7,9
12,8
4,2
Soldier / Police Officer
5,6
6,4
5,0
Judge/Lawyer
5,1
0,5
8,4
Politician
3,5
1,6
5,0
(1)
p
,000*
47
Fair Share in Yemen Businessman
2,6
5,9
0,0
Journalist
2,3
0,0
4,2
Anchorman
1,9
0,0
3,3
Scientist
1,9
1,6
2,1
Work for the media
1,9
2,1
1,3
Artist
1,2
1,6
0,8
Designer
0,9
1,6
0,4
Astronaut
0,9
2,1
0,0
Accountant
0,7
0,5
0,8
Flight Attendant
0,7
0,0
1,3
Director
0,5
0,5
0,4
Translator
0,5
0,0
0,8
Architect
0,5
1,1
0,0
Actress
0,5
0,0
0,8
Football player
0,5
0,0
0,8
Ambassador
0,2
0,0
0,4
Producer
0,2
0,5
0,0
Advisor
0,2
0,0
0,4
Driver
0,2
0,5
0,0
(1)
2
Χ -Tests for gender effects
Preferred Number of Children After marriage, respondents would like to have an average of 4,3 (σ=2,3) children; the mean for boys is higher than the mean for girls (2,3 [σ=1,7] vs. 1,9 [σ=1,0]; t-test for dependent samples: p=,000*). The students’ gender also exerts a significant influence on the preferred number of boys and girls (general linear model, gender-effect: p=,000*). Male students would prefer to have more children than female students and male students prefer to have more boys than girls. Female students prefer to have an equal number of boys and girls, just fewer than 2 each (see Figure 23).
48
Fair Share in Yemen
Figure 23: Preferred number of children (means).
Enormous gender effects can be seen when examining whether the respondents would like to raise their children the same way their parents raised them (see Figure 24, Mann-WhitneyU-Test: p=,004*). While 26,3% of male students want to raise their children “in exactly the same” way they were raised, only 15,0% of female students want to do the same. Conversely, only 13,2% of men want to raise their children “completely differently” than the way they were raised, as opposed to 23,8% of women.
Figure 24: Will you raise your own children the same way your parents raised you? (%). 49
Fair Share in Yemen Career Planning Students commented on seven statements with regard to their career planning in the past and in the future, as well as on the help they have received and would like to receive in this field (answer possibilities yes/no), see Table 21. 53,2% of respondents had decided which career they would like to pursue before choosing their major, and only 30,8% approached a career counsellor at high school or university. 31.7% have read advice materials, and 79.8% feel they would need more support to market themselves in a future career. 67,9% think they know what their future career requires in terms of personal qualities, but only 27,7% have a mentor, and 55,5% think they know how to prepare themselves for the job search and for job interviews. Men agree with all the statements more strongly than do women: men receive more information, they want more information, they receive more counselling, read more advice material, plan their career more often and feel more informed (Χ2-test). Table 21: Career Planning (%) no.
Total %
Male %
Female %
p
I decided what career I would follow before choosing my major
107
53,2
60,5
47,6
,001*
I approached a career counsellor (high school or university)
108
30,8
38,5
24,2
,000*
I read career advice materials
109
31,7
38,0
26,4
,002*
I need more support to market myself in a future career
110
79,8
83,5
76,8
,031*
I know what my future career requires in terms of personal qualities
111
67,9
71,3
65,0
,046*
I have a mentor to identify my career possibilities
112
27,7
71,3
65,0
,044*
I know how to prepare yourself for job search
113
55,5
29,2
26,0
,001*
I study because
(1)
(1)
2
Χ -Tests for gender effects
Career Preferences Students indicated whether they see themselves working in government, the corporate world, or private business in the future. Free form answers suggest three additional categories for future research, including “civil society,” “household,” and “self-employed.” Most students see themselves working for the government (more men than women), followed by “private business,” see Table 22.
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Fair Share in Yemen Table 22: Future employment sector In the future, I see myself working in...
Total %
Male %
Female %
(1)
p
Government
42,6
50,4
36,5
,000*
Corporate world
25,5
24,8
25,7
n.s.
Private business
36,1
32,6
38,4
n.s.
Civil society
0,5
0,0
0,9
n.s.
Household
0,3
0,0
0,6
n.s.
Self-employed
0,5
0,0
0,9
n.s.
(1)
Χ -Tests for gender effects
(2)
no significance found
(2)
2
Students were asked to choose from 18 categories to indicate their future career preferences; very few respondents provided alternative answers. The most popular answers were “Travel and tourism” (32,2%), “Medicine and health” (28,0%), “Education and teaching” (28,0%), “Banking and finance” (24,7%), “International relations” (24,2%) and “Politics” (21,2%). There is a higher accordance among women for the following areas: “Arts” (19,5% of females, 11,1% of males), “Medicine and health” (32,2% of females, 23,2% of males), “Psychology” (14,2% of females, 9,3% of males), “Travel and tourism” (35,0% of females, 28,1% of males). There is a higher accordance among men for the following areas: “Engineering and technology” (22,2% of males, 12,4% of females), “Entrepreneur” (22,6% of males, 15,2% of females), “International relations” (33,7% of males, 16,4% of females), “Law” (22,6% of males, 9,9% of females), “Politics” (33,7% of males, 10,8% of females), “Real estate development” (7,4% of males, 3,4% of females). See Table 23. Table 23: Career area preferences (1)
Career preferences
no.
Total %
Male %
Female %
p
Arts
115a
15,7
11,1
19,5
,003*
Banking and finance
115b
24,7
23,7
25,7
n.s.
Business
115c
14,9
15,9
13,9
n.s.
Education and teaching
115d
28,0
28,5
27,9
n.s.
Engineering and technology
115e
16,9
22,2
12,4
,001*
Entrepreneur
115f
18,7
22,6
15,2
,014*
Environment
115g
5,0
6,3
3,7
n.s.
International relations
115h
24,2
33,7
16,4
,000*
Law
115i
15,7
22,6
9,9
,000*
Marketing
115j
11,0
10,0
11,5
n.s.
Media
115k
19,2
21,1
17,6
n.s.
Medicine and health
115l
28,0
23,3
32,2
,011*
Politics
115m
21,2
33,7
10,8
,000*
Psychology
115n
12,0
9,3
14,2
,041*
Real estate development
115o
5,3
7,4
3,4
,023*
(2)
51
Fair Share in Yemen Social science and research
115p
7,0
8,1
6,2
n.s.
Social work
115q
11,9
11,1
12,4
n.s.
Travel and tourism
115r
32,2
28,1
35,0
,045*
(1) (2)
2
Χ -Tests for gender effects no significance found
Wish List Students were presented with a list of 15 statements, out of which they were asked to create their wish list (four answer categories; 1=disagree, 2=moderately disagree, 3=moderately agree, 4=agree) (Questions 116-130). All modes are 4 and all means are higher than 3 (3,1 to 3,9), making it extremely difficult to construct a “best of” list for the most popular wishes (competency, confidence, progressiveness), see Table 24. Gender effects (t-tests for independent samples) can be found in the desire to be/to have “married” (higher mean for men), “family and career” (higher mean for men), “famous” (higher mean for men), “more choices” (higher mean for women) and “less stress” (higher mean for women). Table 24: Wish List Men
Women
Gender differences
σ
Mean
Mean
p
Total Sample (1)
(2)
(3)
Wish list
no.
n
Mean
Mode
I want to be married
116
568
3,3
4
1,0
3,5
3,1
,000*
I want to have more adventures
117
577
3,4
4
0,9
3,4
3,5
n.s.
I want to have a great career
118
575
3,7
4
0,6
3,8
3,7
n.s.
I want to have a family and a career
119
571
3,7
4
0,7
3,8
3,6
,001*
I want to travel the world
120
577
3,5
4
0,9
3,4
3,6
n.s.
I want to be financially independent
121
575
3,7
4
0,7
3,7
3,7
n.s.
I want to start my own business
122
574
3,6
4
1,9
3,6
3,6
n.s.
I want to create something special
123
572
3,6
4
0,7
3,6
3,6
n.s.
I want to be famous
124
577
3,1
4
1,0
3,2
3,0
,034*
I want to do something noble
125
572
3,8
4
0,5
3,8
3,9
n.s.
I want to be a progressive man/woman
126
572
3,8
4
0,5
3,8
3,8
n.s.
I want to be more competent
127
577
3,9
4
1,7
3,9
4,0
n.s.
I want to be more confident
128
573
3,8
4
0,5
3,9
3,8
n.s.
I want to have more choices
129
570
3,6
4
0,7
3,5
3,7
,002*
I want to have less stress
130
581
3,5
4
0,9
3,3
3,7
,003*
1
2
3
Mode: value marked most often; σ: standard deviation; p: group comparisons by t-tests for 4 independent samples; no significance found
52
Fair Share in Yemen
DISCUSSION Many of the results of the current study correspond to our expectations of young Yemeni men and women in the areas of education, health and worries/concerns. Despite the promise of free education, hidden costs such as uniforms and school supplies present an overwhelming challenge to many families in Yemen, and the students we surveyed are no exception. Nearly half of the respondents reported that their family has difficulty paying for their university education. Nonetheless, most of the survey respondents are obtaining a higher level of educational achievement than their parents, in accordance with the results of the IFES/IWPR study and general trends in education in Yemen during the past 50 years. Conservative,
male-dominated
social
norms
still
make
access
to
education
an
insurmountable barrier for too many Yemeni women, but there seems to be movement in a positive direction. The female respondents are reaching levels that their mothers and many of their fathers never could. Reflecting a broader dichotomy among the university student population in Yemen, the female respondents prefer to specialize in arts, medicine, psychology and tourism while the male respondents focus on engineering, law, politics and business. It is promising that the majority of women predict their future career will be teacher or professor, given that women currently represent less than a quarter of the educators at all levels. In the area of health, results were quite predictable. Survey respondents demonstrated an overwhelming need for psychological support, a particularly weak area of Yemen’s infrastructure. Many students expressed the belief that living a religious life prevents psychological problems, which reflects the social stigma attached to mental health issues. Domestic violence is a part of many students’ lives, as 39% have witnessed it and 27% have experienced it. Little data is available about this conduct in Yemeni society due to social stigma, so these statistics are particularly enlightening. There is a similar taboo around HIV/AIDS in Yemen, which leads to its severe underreporting. The young people that participated in this survey provide hope for improvement in this area, as they expressed overwhelming support for increased awareness about HIV/AIDS as well as domestic violence and unemployment. Not surprisingly, women are more interested in domestic violence and health issues, which affect them directly, while men are more concerned with unemployment as the main breadwinners in nearly all Yemeni households. There are similar differences based on gender for issues that cause worry and anxiety. The top responses for men were racism and globalization/Westernization, issues that they face in the workplace, political engagements, and the public sphere more broadly. Women were more worried about physical and domestic violence, of which they are the principal victims; poverty and water shortage, which jeopardize their ability to manage their household; and terrorist attacks,
53
Fair Share in Yemen which they might feel helpless to prevent given their exclusion from the hubs of decision- and policy-making in society. The results also reveal several overarching trends among the steadily increasing segment of Yemen’s educated youth: 1) women are largely restricted to the private sphere and discouraged from participating in public life; 2) many women exhibit the influence of a traditional upbringing but express a desire for more openness in many aspects of their lives; 3) men, while more conservative than women on nearly all issues, demonstrate a considerable tolerance for progressive initiatives. Many of the challenges that modern Yemeni women face stem from the cultural barriers to women’s free choice and movement. Girls are often prohibited from attending school or playing sports, while many women do not hold jobs or participate in politics because society compels females to conceal themselves in the privacy of their homes and to refrain from involvement in the public sphere. The results of our survey demonstrate that although the gender gap in education is narrowing, this cultural norm remains dominant, even in the more educated segments of Yemeni society. The female respondents report more strongly that they feel high expectations to succeed, possibly reflecting the fragility of their opportunity to study at the university level, which is not permitted to most Yemeni women. Meanwhile, the male respondents reveal a stronger desire than their female counterparts to continue their studies and to travel abroad for studies, reflecting the ease with which men can maneuver and the limited space available to women. The men are also more interested in politics, an area from which society has effectively excluded nearly all women. While women prefer to read crime thrillers, men read newspapers because they are engaged in politics and the public sphere. Men spend their free time on predominately public activities like meeting friends in public places or going to internet cafes, while women are confined to domestic pursuits like watching television, spending time with their families, chatting on their mobiles, and sleeping. The IFES/IWPR survey reports that young people generally consider their homes depressing, so females constrained to these quarters for most of the day and night use technology to escape or simply succumb to sleep. The report also notes that Yemeni youth devote their leisure time to socializing in qat sessions, which the respondents to our survey do not mention. The survey responses indicate that most of the female respondents, despite unusual access to education, come from families with traditional Yemeni values. They are more concerned than their male counterparts with their families’ wishes and they agree more that family plays a strong role in their decisions. These tendencies are not surprising, given the protective role that families and especially male relatives play in the lives of female family members. Nonetheless, it is encouraging that many of the women who responded to our survey expressed a desire to achieve more independence and openness in their lives and more 54
Fair Share in Yemen control over their decisions. A solid majority of women report that they study at the university because their parents expect them to (the same goes for men) and more women than men reveal that their parents chose their major for them. However, a majority of women also see their education as a path to independence. On questions of gender equality, they hold more liberal views than their male counterparts, reporting high accordance with statements such as, “Men and women should be equally educated on their rights,” “I am happy that more girls attend university,” “We need progressive men” and “Only men and women together can make positive changes.” The female respondents also look for role models in different people than the males. In the category of people known personally, men look up to their fathers more than anyone else, but women look up to their teachers. This difference in choice of role models reflects a deeper divergence about the values and qualities that men and women aspire to. It may also explain why more men than women want to raise their children the way they were raised, and more women than men prefer to raise their children differently than the way they were raised. Finally, this study reveals the vital role that young men can play in advancing progressive ideas such as gender equality. Yemen’s traditional, male-dominated society empowers men over women and creates the moral framework to justify that supremacy. It is no surprise then that the male respondents hold more conservative views on nearly all the statements regarding gender in our survey. Over half of the male respondents feel that allowing women to work undermines their religious practices, and significantly fewer men than women think that women need to be more visible in politics and government. However, a majority of both men and women see changing gender roles as an opportunity (52,2% of males, 68,7% of females) and part of a new wave of Arab modernization (53,7% of males, 61,6% of females). The respondents also present progressive and tolerant views on cultural issues. They desire to connect with young people in the West and they reject the positions that their culture should not change and that uneducated men have more power than educated women. Though women are clearly out ahead of men on these issues, it is encouraging that there is majority support among the men. The topic of family planning may be particularly instructive in understanding this dynamic. Women prefer to have fewer children and an equal number of boys and girls, while men prefer more children and more boys. High birth rates and gender preference in favor of boys are major challenges in developing countries like Yemen which the international development sector seeks to combat. These lessons seem to have reached many women but many fewer men. It is likely that society as a whole is moving towards a more progressive understanding of gender roles, but more attention in gender-focused development initiatives should be paid to men, the fifty percent of the population that traditionally holds most of the power.
55
Fair Share in Yemen
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to thank Fahmia al Fotih’ for checking and adapting the questionnaire for use in Yemen and Laila Kaplan for translating the questionnaire from English into Arabic.
56
Fair Share in Yemen
BIBLIOGRAPHY Alansari, B.M. (2006a). Gender Differences in Anxiety Among Undergraduates from Sixteen Islamic Countries. Social Behavior and Personality, 34(6), 651-660. --. (2006b). Gender Differences in Depression Among Undergraduates from Seventeen Islamic Countries. Social Behavior and Personality 34(6), 729-738. ASAD’A Burson-Marsteller (2011). Third Annual ASAD’A Burson-Marsteller Arab Youth Survey. Dubai, UAE. Education Development Center (2008). Yemen Cross-Sectoral Youth Assessment: Final Report. Cairo, Egypt International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES). (2010a). The Status of Women in the Middle East and North Africa (SWMENA) Project: Focus on Yemen: Educational Attainment and Career Aspirations Topic Brief. Washington, DC. --. (2010b). The Status of Women in the Middle East and North Africa (SWMENA) Project: Focus on Yemen: Opinions on Early Marriage and Gender Quotas Topic Brief. Washington, DC. --. (2010c). The Status of Women in the Middle East and North Africa (SWMENA) Project: Focus on Yemen: Social Attitudes Toward Women Topic Brief. Washington, DC. Jennings, M., & Kahn, S. (2007). Youth Bulge Issues in Yemen and the MENA Region: An Annotated Bibliography of Research, and Government, Donor and Civil Society Responses. Governance and Social Development Resource Centre. Manea, E. (2010). Yemen. In S. Kelly and J. Breslin (Ed.), Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa: Progress Amid Resistance. New York, NY: Freedom House. Saleh, M.A.B.Q. (2008). Psychology in Yemen. Psychology International, 19(2), 10-13. Sisters Arab Forum (2008). Second Shadow Report on the Implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Sana’a Yemen: Amal Basha. United Nations Development Programme (2011). Millennium Development Goals: Yemen Report 2010. Women’s National Committee (2009). The Seventh National Report on the Implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Sana’a, Yemen: Rashida Al-Hamdani. World Economic Forum (2011). Global Gender Gap Report. Davos, Switzerland: Ricardo Hausmann & Laura Tyson and Saadia Zahidi. 57
