Chapter 3 Role of Moroccan fashion designers in the development of Moroccan urban dress

In this chapter I wish to show how three generations of Moroccan designers, as well as several foreign designers, influenced in different ways the development of Moroccan urban dress in the last fifty years. At present, there has been no research done on Moroccan fashion designers and their impact on the development of local clothing styles. Rachida Alaoui (2003) was the first to include (Moroccan) fashion designers in her Costumes et parures du Maroc,129 but except for a description of their work, she does not analyze the impact these designers have had on the continuity of Moroccan urban dress. According to the period in which these designers emerged, they succeeded in adapting Moroccan dress to the increasing changes experienced by Moroccan society and therefore contributed to its continuity. The first generation of Moroccan designers emerged in the mid-1960s. They believed their Moroccan garments no longer corresponded to their newfound lifestyles, which became more active after the emancipation of Moroccan women. Therefore these designers decided to ‘modernize’ Moroccan dress by introducing fluid and light (French) haute couture materials, reducing layers and the width of cuts as well as the amount of decoration, which gave local clothing styles a more contemporary (international) look.

129

Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003).

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The second generation of designers, in turn, arose in the last decade of the 20th century and was characterized by the fact that the majority were educated in Morocco. They owed their success to a large extent to the national fashion event Caftan. Because they were not members of the (conservative) bourgeoisie, these designers felt more at ease in challenging the established vestimentary codes surrounding Moroccan urban dress. A third generation emerged only at the turn of the 21st century and these designers can be considered part of a larger artistic movement in Morocco (naida). They consider fashion design as an artistic expression through which they formulate their ideas on Moroccan society and the world in general. They claim their right to express ‘freely,’ although this does not automatically mean they deny their cultural heritage or their Moroccan identity. Rather, it means they wish to interpret and materialize this identity as they please, away from the ‘exotic’ stereotypes surrounding Moroccan art. Finally, there are some foreign designers who played a role in the development of Moroccan urban dress. They contributed most notably to the international success of Moroccan urban dress, which incontestably played a role in the valorization of local clothing styles within Morocco. A distinction should be made between some established foreign designers who made collections inspired by Moroccan dress and foreign designers who actually settled down in Morocco. Before turning to the impact of fashion designers on the development of Moroccan urban dress, I first wish to discuss a prevailing distinction made in scholarly literature between so-called ‘traditional’ and ‘fashionable’ dress and why applying this dichotomy to Moroccan clothing styles is problematic. 3.1 ‘Traditional’ versus ‘fashionable’ dress A distinction is frequently made in scholarly literature between so-called ‘traditional’ and ‘fashionable’ dress. The first is defined as being characteristic for a particular group or region and is static in nature. It is considered as an expression of regional identity and thought of as transmitting ‘cultural ideologies.’ ‘Traditional dress’ is also referred to as ‘fossilized fashion,’ ‘folkloric attire’ or ‘ethnic dress.’ ‘Fashionable’ dress, on the other hand, is in most cases associated with the West, is believed to show no regional differences and its very essence is its ability to change. Scholars consider this type of dress as based on social competition and commercial interests and subject to random changes. Moroccan urban dress seems to meets the criteria of ‘traditional’ dress as it is characteristic of a specific region and used to express cultural identity, but it also meets the criteria of ‘fashionable dress’ for it demonstrates rapidly changing fashion trends. Therefore the distinction made in Morocco between ‘traditional’ and

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‘Western’ dress is not based on the quality of mutability, but on the value the wearer gives to the garments. 3.1.1 ‘Traditional’ versus ‘fashionable’ dress Ted Polhemus and Lynn Procter (1978) speak of ‘anti-fashion’ versus ‘fashion’, according to a distinction mentioned by John Flügel (1950) who speaks of ‘fixed’ versus ‘modish’ costume. Fixed costume (anti-fashion) changes slowly in time, and its whole value depends, to some extent, upon its permanence; but it varies greatly in space, a special kind of dress tending to be associated with each locality and with each separate social body (and with every well defined grade within each body). Modish costume (fashion) changes very rapidly in time, this rapidity of change belonging to its very essence; but it varies comparatively little in space, tending to spread rapidly over all parts of the world which are subject to the same cultural influence and between which there exist adequate means of communication.130

According to John Flügel (1950) any change or innovation in ‘fixed’ or ‘traditional’ costume is unwelcome, since it is considered a break with ‘tradition.’ In this matter, he says, the psychology of ‘fixed’ costumes is exactly the opposite of ‘modish’ costumes, whose value lies mostly in its newness, and which is despised at the slightest sign of becoming ‘old-fashioned’ or ‘out of date’.131 A specific form of ‘fixed’ costume is what Linda Arthur (1999) calls ‘fossilized fashion’, which she explains as a sudden ‘freezing’ of fashion, whereby a group continues to wear a clothing style long after it has become outmoded for the general population. This phenomenon has been explained as an expression of dignity and/or high social status (Laver, 1969) or can also represent a group’s religious, oldfashioned, sectarian identity (Gordon, 1986). Within ethno-religious groups, for example, ‘fossilized fashion’ is used in contemporary settings as a visual symbol of traditional gender roles for women and generally occurs in societies that find change to be a threat.132 The same could be said about ‘folkloric attire’, where a group has frozen a type of dress in time and elevated it as an icon, often representing a group’s ethnic or cultural identity. This type of dress is usually restricted to a specific set of ceremonies and is in many cases (deliberately) detached from the social, political and cultural developments of that group. Joanne Eicher (1995) speaks of ‘ethnic dress’, which refers to dress that captures a (common) past of the group’s members, 130

Ted Polhemus and Lynn Procter, Fashion and Anti-fashion: An Anthropology of Clothing and Adornment (London: Thames & Hudson, 1978), 12 and John Flügel, The Psychology of Clothes (London: The Hogarth Press, 1950), 129-130. 131 John Flügel, The Psychology of Clothes (London: The Hogarth Press, 1950), 129-130. 132 Linda Arthur, “Dress and the Social Control of the Body,” in Religion, Dress and the Body, ed. Linda Arthur (Oxford: Berg, 1999), 5.

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represents its traditions and displays its cultural heritage. She stresses that ‘ethnic dress’ is by no means static and several case studies in her book testify to this idea. She prefers not to describe ‘ethnic dress’ as ‘traditional’ because this term implies a lack of change, but rather connects the ideas behind ‘ethnic dress’ to the preservation of an identity that is linked to a meaningful heritage. Nevertheless, she continues, the term ‘ethnic’ is controversial and too often based on external definition instead of self-definition by the group-members. Furthermore, the fluidity of the term as people move in time and space is often ignored.133 I have therefore a preference for the term ‘local clothing styles’ by which, just like Eicher’s ‘ethnic dress’, I refer to dress that characterizes a group’s (common) past, materializes its traditions and reflects its cultural heritage, but which is in no sense static or indifferent to the developments of its wearers. When it comes to ‘modish’ costume, John Flügel (1950) believes that it predominates in the Western world and must even be regarded as ‘one of the most characteristic features of modern European civilization.’ Outside the sphere of Western influence, he says, dress changes more slowly, is more closely connected with racial and local circumstances, or with social or occupational standing and it exhibits, to a much greater degree, all the distinguishing features of fixed costume.134 Although Flügel’s work was first published in 1930, many authors continue to associate fashionable dress with the West. The main reason for this association is that fashion theorists have linked fashion to modernity. Scholars like Elizabeth Wilson (1985) claim the phenomenon of fashion was introduced with the development of mercantile capitalism and the growth of cities. Going one step further Wilson insists it is only with industrial capitalism that both fashion and modernity became generalized. This does not mean that previously there were no shifts in styles of dress, but rather that fashion is something qualitatively different. Fashion is dress in which the key feature is rapid and continual change of style. Fashion in a sense is change and in modern Western societies no garments are outside fashion.135 However, Ted Polhemus and Lynn Procter (1978) provide a more nuanced approach, saying that fashion is not simply a rapid change of style of dress but rather a systematic, structured and deliberate pattern of style change. A characteristic of fashion, they say, is that it merely creates ‘an idea’ of rapid change, just like traditional costume only evokes an ‘idea’ of continuity while taking on features of current fashion.136 Change, they say, has to occur gradually because fashion 133

Joanne Eicher, Dress and Ethnicity: Change Across Space and Time (London: Berg, 1995), 1-4. John Flügel, The Psychology of Clothes (London: The Hogarth Press, 1950), 130. 135 Elizabeth Wilson, Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity (London: Virago, 1985), 3-4. 136 Ted Polhemus and Lynn Procter, Fashion and Anti-fashion: An Anthropology of Clothing and Adornment (London: Thames & Hudson, 1978), 15. 134

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is a means whereby a society’s way of life –its culture– is handed down from one generation to the next.137 3.1.2 ‘Moroccan’ versus ‘Western’ dress When it comes to the Morocco case, this dichotomy between ‘traditional’ and ‘fashionable’ dress does not seem as clear as the literature might suggest. Moroccan urban dress meets on the one hand the criteria of ‘traditional’ dress in that it is characteristic for the region and an important expression of one’s cultural identity, but at the same time it is changing at an increasing pace, which associates it with ‘fashionable dress.’ Especially following recent developments with the comercialization of Moroccan urban dress and the influence of fashion designers, it is problematic to define Moroccan dress as being ‘traditional.’ Nevertheless, Moroccans themselves do make a distinction between ‘local’ and ‘Western’ clothing styles, but this distinction is not based on the rate of change. The categorization of these different clothing styles is based on what they represent to the wearer. Western dress is most frequently used to express a desire for modernity, social mobility or even a ‘universal identity’, while Moroccan dress is more likely worn to express an identity related to a specific region, cultural heritage and possibly religious convictions. These two types of dress are associated with different occasions and contexts and do not compete with each other. In this respect I would like to refer to Joanne Eicher and Barbara Sumberg (1995), who note that these different clothing styles are by no means mutually exclusive. On the contrary, they are ineluctably connected. People do not feel the need to choose between the two and the authors stress that local clothing styles cannot be analyzed without acknowledging the phenomenon of Western dress, for they are interrelated.138 Also, the distinction between Western and Moroccan dress is far less clear than suggested in the literature and categories are constantly being redefined. Additionally, hybrid clothing styles are being introduced, which are neither ‘Moroccan’ nor ‘Western.’139 Furthermore, Moroccan dress is just as little limited to a specific geographic location as Western dress is ‘universal.’ Where Moroccan clothing styles are increasingly spread through the migration of people or even introduced by fashion designers through collections inspired by Moroccan dress, so-called ‘Western’ dress changes according to regions and is influenced by a prevailing ‘taste’, again influenced by local culture. Therefore, Western clothing styles are influenced by local

137

Ted Polhemus and Lynn Procter, Fashion and Anti-fashion: An Anthropology of Clothing and Adornment (London: Thames & Hudson, 1978), 15. 138 Joanne Eicher and Barbara Sumberg, “World Fashion, Ethnic and National Dress,” in Dress and Ethnicity: Change Across Space and Time, ed. Joanne Eicher (London: Berg, 1995), 295-306. 139 For more information on the categorization of dress, see chapter 6.

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clothing styles just as local clothing styles are influenced by the introduction of Western dress. Nevertheless, this mutual influence is not necessarily equal and one type of dress may end up prevailing. Also, local clothing styles may become ‘universal’ when they lose their geographical specificity. For example, what we now call ‘Western’ dress was once characteristic for a specific geographical region. 3.2 First generation of Moroccan fashion designers The first Moroccan fashion designers emerged in the mid-sixties, a period that was still influenced by French presence but also characterized by a re-evaluation of Moroccan cultural heritage as part of the nationalist movement. What this generation of designers had in common was that they were members of the established Moroccan bourgeoisie with little or no formal schooling in design or patternmaking. They learned to sew and embroider at a young age, since this was considered part of a respectful young girl’s education. They grew up with the decadence of fasi ceremonial dress consisting of layers of heavy velvet and brocade fabrics, decorated with heavy metallic thread, which made it uncomfortable to wear. Cuts were wide and long, combined with large brocade belts, which limited women in their freedom of movement. With the rapid lifestyle changes introduced by the mid-sixties, the first Moroccan fashion designers no longer considered their local clothing styles suitable and in a way, they did for Moroccan female dress what Coco Chanel did for European female dress. They ‘liberated’ women by making comfortable but elegant clothing with a modern flair, suitable for an active lifestyle. Through their shopping in the European fashion capitals, they were familiar with Western fashion, which influenced them in their ‘redefinition’ of Moroccan dress. They revolutionized local clothing styles through the introduction of European haute couture fabrics, by reducing the amount of layers, the cuts and the decorations, giving Moroccan dress a more ‘modern’ look. Nevertheless, as members of the conservative fasi bourgeoisie, their artistic freedom was limited by cultural constraints and their impact was limited to the higher social classes. Their national success was influenced by their recognition abroad, where they were able to present their collections due to their extensive international network. Since ‘oriental dress’ was especially fashionable in the late sixties in both Europe and the United States, they soon established an international clientele including some influential celebrities and fashion icons. 3.2.1 Zina Guessous Born in Rabat in 1925, of a bourgeois mother and an Ottoman father, Zineb Rachid had a rather avant-garde upbringing for that time. According to her sister, Chedlya

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Rachid Salah, their mother was one of the first Moroccan women to appear in public in western dress without the usual jellaba and ltam and she bought her clothes at European haute couture houses like Chanel and Lanvin in Paris.140 Zineb Rachid was a good example of King Mohamed V’s idea of female emancipation for she spoke fluently French, Arabic, Spanish and English. After high school she was determined to study fashion and her father sent her to Paris for a year, where she was the first Moroccan to learn French couture at the Maison Balmain. In 1953 she married Hassan Guessous, a young businessman from Fez, and moved to Casablanca, where in 1964 she opened her first boutique called Kenz in the prestigious Mansour Hotel. In her designs, she applied what she had learned in Paris to Moroccan garments, ‘modernizing’ the qefan and the jellaba by redefining their shapes and decorations. What made her so successful was that she managed to combine elegance and comfort, which was new for Moroccan urban dress. According to her sister she was the first to introduce the gendura for women, until then worn by men exclusively, turning it into a comfortable but elegant outfit.141 Inspired by the ‘modern’ designs of her sister, Chedlya Rachid Salah decided to wear a Moroccan qefan during a BBC television interview in 1949 in London for a show called Arabic Listeners. At that time, the qefan was only worn inside, but I was persuaded that it was ready to be introduced into the public world, turning it into a representative national costume.142

Her decision to wear a Moroccan garment during a public event in Europe testifies to the ‘modern’ look Moroccan dress had taken on. Her appearance sparked a trend amongst ambassador’s wives in Europe and the United States, who started wearing qfaen to official receptions. In the mid-sixties, Zina Guessous became acquainted with the advisor of the American Embassy in Morocco, Frederick Vreeland –later to become ambassador– who was the son of Diana Vreeland (1906–1989), the prestigious fashion journalist and editor in chief of the American Vogue between 1963 and 1971. When she saw Zina’s collection, she was impressed and encouraged her to show her collection in New York, where she was living. In 1966 the New York department stores Lord and Taylor organized a fashion show around the theme of the Mediterranean and her collection featured right next to that of the famous Italian designer Emilio Pucci.143 At the after party she met the Moroccan ambassador in Washington who in 1968 140

Personal communication Chedlya Rachid Salah, December 8, 2006. Personal communication Chedlya Rachid Salah, December 8, 2006. 142 Personal communication Chedlya Rachid Salah, December 8, 2006. 143 Jamal Boushaba and Zineb Joundi, “Zina, la dame du Mansour,” Au Maroc, 0 (2000): 90-95. 141

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Image 3.1 A jellaba by Zina Guessous

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Image 3.2 A gendura by Zina Guessous

invited her to organize a fashion show during a luxurious gala-dinner where she met influential politicians and celebrities. The event was covered in the local press and American Vogue published pictures of her collection.144 These international shows incontestably contributed to her success in Morocco, where she opened two more boutiques, one in the Hotel Tour Hassan in Rabat and one in the famous Hotel Mamounia in Marrakech, which remained until the 1980’s. Zina Guessous passed away in 1998.145 3.2.2 Zhor Sebti Zhor Sebti was born in the old mdina of Fez in 1928. Coming from a well-established bourgeois family, her father was a successful fabric merchant who conducted business as far away as China. When she was eight, her father decided that the family would leave the old mdina and reside in the French ville nouvelle, where he insisted his oldest daughter would attend the French school. This was rather revolutionary at the time, because it was a coeducational school and according to Zhor Sebti herself she was the first Moroccan girl to attend it.146 Until then she had only received an education in embroidery, but at the French school she learned how to read and write, as well as to sew, knit and crochet. Also, due to living in the ville nouvelle and going to a Western school, she started wearing Western dress. But after finishing primary school, the family pressure was too high and she was not allowed to enter secondary school because it was gender-mixed. She was married at fifteen, had her first son a year later and moved to Casablanca. Here, she was politically and socially active, taking part in the independence movement like the majority of the women of her social class. She became a member of the Red Cross and set up a school for girls in Casablanca in 1953 in order to promote the education of young girls. At the same time, she wanted to teach them a trade, like embroidery, which would allow them to support themselves later on. Around the same time the French couturier Joste opened a boutique in the Passage Glaoui in Casablanca, selling Christian Dior and Yves Saint Laurent. Janine Alari, who had studied fashion design at the French Chambre Syndicale de la Haute Couture in Paris, was working for Christian Dior during this period and was sent to Casablanca to work in the atelier. A few years later she met her husband and decided to stay in Morocco and start her own atelier. The two women met and it was circumstances that caused them to associate and start Maison Fadela in 1967. First of all, Zhor Sebti’s husband died, leaving her with four small children, and she was determined to work and support herself. Janine Alari, on the other hand, had lost all of her Jewish employees overnight due to the exodus to Israel. With Janine’s 144

American Vogue, Email message from Phyllis Rifield to the author, November 16, 2006. Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 225. 146 Personal communication Zhor Sebti, November 17, 2006. 145

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Image 3.3 A qefan by Zhor Sebti from the 1970s, featured in a fashion spread on vintage qfaen in 2009

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talent in design and Zhor’s knowledge of Moroccan handicraft, they worked together for twelve years. They had an atelier with thirty seamstresses and ten traditional tailors and they produced about thirty pieces a month, all exclusively handmade. Their first collection of modern qfaen, gendurat and jlaleb, made of luxurious, fluid and comfortable French haute couture fabrics and decorated with high quality Moroccan embroidery, was initially meant for the Western market, but they instantly became successful within Morocco. According to Zhor Sebti herself, ‘as soon as my sisters and cousins saw our creations, they wanted to wear them too and soon the news spread all over Casablanca.’147 She believes that their success within Morocco was due to the fact that they were amongst the first to offer high-quality, luxurious, well-designed and ‘modern’ Moroccan dress, which could be worn for a wide range of occasions. By that time, the only way to express one’s ‘modernity’ and to be fashionable was by wearing Western dress but with these ‘new’ creations, it became possible to be ‘modern’ with Moroccan dress. Women who had never worn a jellaba before, considering them unfashionable, would come and order one at our boutique.148

Zhor, who in the meantime remarried with the Moroccan Colonel Sebti, generated an international network and they were asked to organize fashion shows in Tunis, Jeddah, London, Teheran and Washington. Influential public figures, including the Empress of Iran and the First Ladies Kennedy and Reagan, became their clients, which contributed to their success back home. After eighteen years of success, Zhor Sebti sold the boutique and retired. Today her daughter-in-law produces her Moroccan outfits, but she still runs her girls’ school in Casablanca and her embroidery atelier in Marrakech.149 3.2.3 Tamy Tazi Daughter of Marshal Tazi and member of the Moroccan bourgeoisie, Tamy Tazi first studied philosophy and literature in Spain before breaking the news to her family that she wanted to devote her life to fashion. As she explained to me in her beautiful villa in the centre of Casablanca in 2004, At that time it was not very well accepted to become a ‘seamstress’. Girls of respectful families either became doctors, pharmacists or artists.150

147

Personal communication Zhor Sebti, November 17, 2006. Personal communication Zhor Sebti, November 17, 2006. 149 See also Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 225. 150 Personal communication Tamy Tazi, July 9, 2004. 148

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Image 3.4 A qefan by Tamy Tazi presented during the Morocco year in Paris

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The concept of ‘fashion designer’ was not yet widespread in Moroccan society and therefore not considered as a ‘respectable’ profession for a girl of her status. It is only later, under the influence of the media that the image of Moroccan designers changed. Although she never had formal training in design, she learned to sew and embroider at a young age. Growing up with five sisters, she enjoyed making clothes for them and eventually they became her first clients. In the 1970’s she began making clothes for other people and in 1975 she opened up her own atelier in Casablanca, offering both European and Moroccan dress. But her true passion was the making of Moroccan dress, which involved the decoration techniques she cherished so profoundly. She explained to me how, as a young girl, she was fascinated by the beautiful embroideries decorating northern Moroccan houses. Later, she started to collect them, both urban and rural, assembling over two hundred pieces. Originally executed on household linen, she experimented with ways to rework their composition and motifs and introduced them into her creations. According to Tamy Tazi, some of these embroideries were on the verge of disappearing and she had to learn how to execute them so she could, in turn, teach the girls in her workshop. Soon these embroideries became characteristic for her creations, especially the beautiful needle lace patterns (randa) which she started to design in harmony with the fabric of the garment. Later in her career, she was also inspired by embroideries from other regions, like the Ottoman Empire and the Middle East, which she encountered through her travels and research in museum collections. Just like Zina Guessous and Zhor Sebti, Tamy Tazi used especially French haute couture fabrics, which made her creations luxurious and international. Working with the French designer Yves Saint Laurent, who was a close friend of the family, incontestably influenced her work and contributed to her success abroad. Over the years she assembled numerous celebrities and fashion icons amongst her clients and today Tamy’s atelier is still operational. Here she continues to produce beautiful high quality Moroccan haute couture under her own name.151 3.3 Second generation of Moroccan fashion designers The Morocco in which the second generation of Moroccan fashion designers emerged is considerably different from that of the first generation. Due to economic, political and cultural developments from the mid-eighties onwards, the -until thenexclusive world of fashion became more accessible to a larger public. First of all, due to economic developments, including the liberalization of the textile market, foreign 151

Personal communication Tamy Tazi, July 9, 2004; see also Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 226.

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brands were introduced in Morocco and European fashion was no longer exclusively reserved for the higher social classes. Secondly, due to the establishment of specialized schools in Morocco, the profession of designer became accessible to a larger group since it no longer required studying abroad. Also, the development of modern communication technologies contributed to a large extent to the democratization of fashion and to the success of the second generation of Moroccan fashion designers. By featuring their collections in magazines and on national television, a larger public could be reached. Even for consumers who could not afford to buy the actual garments, they gained access to the latest fashion trends through the media. The second generation of Moroccan fashion designers is characterized by the fact that the majority were educated in Morocco and owe their success to the national fashion event Caftan. This generation, with its formal training in tailoring and fashion design, was able to seriously influence the shape of Moroccan dress. As a reflection of increasing Western influences on Moroccan society, they progressively introduced Western components in Moroccan dress. Since they were no longer members of the conservative bourgeoisie, these designers felt more at ease in challenging the established vestimentary codes. Therefore, this generation has been praised by the general public for its role in modernizing Moroccan urban dress and its contribution to the growing success of local clothing styles, but on the other hand respondents criticize this generation, saying that they are changing the ‘essence’ of Moroccan dress.152 3.3.1 Albert Oiknine Born in 1970, Albert Oiknine discovered the world of fashion in the atelier of his mother who had been a couturiere since the early seventies. After high school it was clear to him that he wanted to design clothes and he started studying at the Moroccan department of Esmod in Casablanca. When the Canadian College Lasalle opened a franchise in Casablanca a few years later, he also attended classes there. According to Albert, the first one was more focused on creation and the second one on technique, so I figured it would be good to have both.153

In 1991 he graduated and started working for a denim company. But since this milieu did not offer an outlet for creative expression, he began organizing and decorating weddings. Through these activities he managed to obtain some private clients for whom he designed evening gowns. From 1992 onwards he started working in his mother’s atelier called Chaba Couture and between 1994 and 1999 he designed costumes for film and theatre. 152 153

For a more elaborate discussion on the ‘essence’ of Moroccan urban dress, see chapter 6. Personal communication Albert Oiknine, July 9, 2004 and July 18, 2006.

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Image 3.5 A qefan by Albert Oikine, featuring his characteristic beaded corset

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As he explained to me, he had a preference for designing Western gowns over Moroccan dress because he did not want to be dependent on traditional tailors for the production and decoration techniques.154 At the same time, he was aware of the impact the Moroccan fashion magazines and their widely mediatized fashion events had on a large public and therefore in 2000 he decided to design his first Moroccan collection and participated in the fifth edition of the annual fashion event Caftan. Although it was a large investment to make a collection, it was paid back in publicity. (…) The collection itself was hard to sell for it was designed for the catwalk.155

Drawing from his schooling and experience with Western evening gowns, he started incorporating Western cuts into his qfaen. The following year he was already considered an established designer by the organizers of Caftan, which contributed to his fame and success. In February 2006 he had the opportunity to present his collection in Milan during Maroc Excellence, held on the same day as the opening of the Milano Fashion Week and in April of that same year he participated in Tendance Caftan at the Jardin d’Acclimatation in Paris as part of a larger cultural event featuring Moroccan handicraft.156 One month later he participated in the 10th anniversary of Caftan in Marrakech and in October his collection appeared in the special edition of Caftan, held in Paris at the Carrousel du Louvre. Albert Oiknine does not really consider himself a ‘designer’, but more as a ‘tailor’. I am here to dress and satisfy my clients. The collections I designed for fashion events like Caftan are more an investment and good publicity.157

His collections are ‘wearable’ and can be considered ‘classic’ compared to some of his peers. He believes that change is good, but that the qefan should keep its characteristic features, although it is hard to say what these are exactly. He says he likes to make women dream and therefore likes to turn them into princesses. His signature has become his characteristic beaded corsets with wide skirts, richly decorated with lace, beads and spangles. His clients include both Moroccans and foreigners and his creations are sold at the famous Rue du Faubourg-SaintHonoré in Paris. 154

Personal communication Albert Oiknine, July 9, 2004 and July 18, 2006. Personal communication Albert Oiknine, July 9, 2004 and July 18, 2006. 156 “Tendance Caftan a Paris,” Bladi, April 2, 2006, http://www.bladi.net/8505-tendancecaftan-paris.html 157 Personal communication Albert Oiknine, July 9, 2004 and July 18, 2006. 155

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3.3.2 Karim Tassi Karim Tassi was born in 1966 in Casablanca, where he studied fashion at the ISM (Institut de Stylisme et Modelisme) before leaving for Paris in 1989 to complete his schooling at the École de la Chambre Syndicale de la Couture and to work as a free-lance designer for the confection industry. This was also where he designed his first creations for a selective private clientele. It was during the Morocco year in Paris in 1999 that he presented his first collection under his own name, Maison Karim Tassi, and in the same year he was invited to launch a fashion and design department at the University of Quito in Ecuador. In 2003 he returned to Morocco and presented his first Moroccan collection at the fashion event Caftan 2004 with a collection based on a basic black dress in jersey. His style is a mixture of European cuts and characteristic Moroccan decoration techniques and represents, as he puts it, ‘a bridge between the West and the East.’ Morocco is for him an unlimited source of inspiration and Paris keeps him informed of the latest fashion trends. Although he kept his atelier in Paris, in 2004 he opened an atelier in Marrakech where all the handwork on his collections is executed. Besides his haute couture collection he designed a prêt-a-porter line, in which he incorporated Moroccan handwork. He also created a collection of jeans, a collection of furniture and a collection of accessories including jewelry. In April 2006 he was invited with his colleagues Albert Oiknine and Mohamed Lakhdar to contribute to a fashion show in the Jardin d’Acclimatation in Paris celebrating fifty years of Moroccan independence. That same year he also participated in the special edition of Caftan du Maroc au Carrousel du Louvre in Paris with a collection based on a circle and executed in grey muslin. This approach of creating an entire collection on a single shape is strongly influenced by Western design, which may be the reason why he was refused for the tenth edition of Caftan in Marrakech, but invited for the special edition in Paris. With all his experience gained in Paris, Karim Tassi is determined to commercialize and export his collections throughout the world and today his collections are sold in eighteen stores worldwide. All his collections are handmade in his atelier in Marrakech.158 3.3.3 Mohamed Lakhdar At only 33 Mohamed Lakhdar was considered the most talented fashion designer of Morocco when he was awarded ‘Best Designer’ during the 10th edition of Caftan in 2006. After studying geology for a year at the university of his hometown Fez to please his parents, Mohamed dropped out and persuaded his parents to let him 158

Personal communication http://www.karimtassi.com/

Karim

Tassi,

July

19,

2006;

see

also

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Image 3.6 A qefan by Karim Tassi presented in Paris during the special edition of Caftan in 2006

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Image 3.7 Mohamed Lakhdar during the final of Caftan in 2006

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go to Casablanca and study fashion at Esmod. At first, he explained, his parents did not agree because they believed it was not a ‘real’ profession and only women could be couturieres.159 After graduating in 1996 Mohamed Lakhdar started working for a prêt-aporter company, but in 2002 he managed to gather the funding necessary to prepare his first collection and he was selected as a jeune talent to participate in Caftan. His first collection was inspired by the characteristic zellig from Fez and it was an instant success. Therefore the next year he was invited to return as an established designer and this time he presented a collection inspired by the Moroccan brocade of Fez. This type of weaving was on its way to extinction but by reworking old motifs and creating new ones, Mohamed Lakhdar gave new vitality to this old craft, which had formerly been reduced to the production of the fasi bridal attire. The following year he claimed the rural cultural heritage of Morocco as his source of inspiration, introducing 'amazi figures and motifs into his creations. In 2005 he reinvented his own style by turning to black Africa for inspiration, switching from ancient Fez brocade to leopard skin and Maasai beadwork. That same year he launched his prêt-a-porter collection in collaboration with Meriem Benamour called ‘Mahe-me’ by Mohamed Lakhdar, which included hand embroidered jeans-pants and decorated tunics. Unfortunately for several reasons it did not work out and he had to close the showroom again.160 In February 2006 he was invited to present his collection in Milan as part of the Maroc Excellence project, which was launched to promote the image of the country through its “icons of excellence”. With his colleagues Albert Oiknine and Karim Tassi he showed his collection at the fashion event in April 2006 in the Jardin d’Acclimatation in Paris.161 In May he was invited to participate for the fifth time in Caftan’s tenth edition in and this time his collection was inspired by his ‘gothic period’ at high school, when he used to dress all in black with silver accessories. In October he also participated in the special edition of Caftan du Maroc au Carrousel du Louvre in Paris.

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At this time the Moroccan media were not introduced yet to ‘glamorize’ and promote the profession. 160 Aurore Chaffangeon, “Simohamed Lakhdar: Inspiration Africaine,” Couleurs Marrakech, July, no. 10 (2005), http://www.couleurs-marrakech.com/numero10/mode-marrakech.htm; Geraldine Dulat, “Simohamed Lakhdar: L’appel a l’Afrique,” Femmes du Maroc, May 1st (2005), http://www.femmesdumaroc.com/Rubriques/Horsserie/Caftan2005/Pret-aporter/SimohamedLakhdar; Loubna Berniahi, “Mohamed Lakhdar, un créateur aux doigts d’or,” Maroc Hebdo, no. 698 (2006), http://www.marochebdo.press.ma/MHinternet/Archives_698/html_698/mohamed.html. 161 “Tendance Caftan a Paris,” Bladi, April 2 (2006), http://www.bladi.net/8505-tendancecaftan-paris.html.

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Five years after his first participation in Caftan as a young talent, Mohamed Lakhdar said Caftan allowed me to show my savoir-faire to a large public. I owe many things to this event. It is a beautiful occasion to put myself out there and to express my creativity. For me, it stays an annual challenge which I must take up.162

The strength of Mohamed Lakhdar as a designer is on the one hand the diversity of his collections, and on the other hand his loyalty to his particular personal style based on an ‘acceptable balance’ by the Moroccan public between characteristic Moroccan decoration techniques and contemporary fashion influences from the West.163 3.4 Third generation of Moroccan fashion designers A third generation of Moroccan fashion designers only started to emerge a few years ago, around the turn of the century. These designers can be considered as part of a larger artistic movement in Morocco, stretching across multiple disciplines such as music, cinema, applied art, dance and theater, which is modestly referred to as naida.164 Although it is not (yet) a conscious movement to which contemporary artists auto-identify, they all have certain characteristics in common. This generation of artists did not consciously live under political, social and cultural censorship by the central power and is seizing the growing freedom —although still not absolute— to express its ideas and convictions through its art. Simultaneously, they are part of a generation that is increasingly confronted with the consequences of urbanization and globalization – that is the augmentation in encounters with different people and external influences– and proclaim a desire to liberate their artistic expressions from Moroccan ‘folklorism.’165 As part of Western ethnocentrism, non-Western art had 162

Loubna Berniahi, “Mohamed Lakhdar, un créateur aux doigts d’or,” Maroc Hebdo, no. 698 (2006), http://www.maroc-hebdo.press.ma/MHinternet/Archives_698/html_698/mohamed.html 163 “Simohamed Lakhdar: Splendeur gothique,” Maroc Fashion: Blog sur la haute couture Marocaine, comment posted on June 16, 2006, http://marocfashion.canalblog.com/ archives/2006/06/16/2100269.html. 164 Meaning ‘movement’ in Moroccan Arabic. This term was first introduced by the audience of contemporary Moroccan music festivals who would cheer it to encourage their favorite artists. 165 An interesting book on this new generation of Moroccan artists is Nichole de Pontcharra and Maati Kabbal, Le Maroc en mouvement: Créations contemporaine (Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 2000). Also, in November 2008 the event Contemporary Moroccan Roots was organized in Casablanca, assembling Moroccan artist from different disciplines such

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to be ‘exotic’ and until recently many Moroccan artists (unconsciously) fulfilled this (Western) desire by, for example, incorporating forms of Moroccan tapestry, zellij, woodwork, tattoos, embroidery, etc. into their work. Supporters of this practice claim it would be a pity not to exploit the rich Moroccan cultural heritage, while critics contend that it limits artists in their creative freedom and even keeps them trapped in this ‘exoticism’. Also contributing to this stereotyping of contemporary Moroccan art is that Moroccan artists continue to be exported in the context of cultural or thematic manifestations abroad, which makes it difficult for them to be recognized for their work as such. Expressing ‘freely’ does not mean that these artists are looking to deny their cultural heritage or their Moroccan identity, but to interpret and materialize it as they please. This third generation of Moroccan fashion designers could be compared to, for example, Japanese designers who, although clearly inspired by their rich vestimentary traditions, succeeded in creating collections freed from their ‘ethnic’ contexts by reinterpreting their cultural heritage and making them accessible to a universal public. These Japanese designers have earned their place on the international fashion scene, partly because of their cultural background that allowed them to distinguish themselves. This new generation of Moroccan fashion designers should be considered as artists who use the medium of dress to express their artistic ideas rather than tailors who make garments to dress their clients. Nevertheless, the Moroccan public generally considers them too avant-garde and only time will tell what their role will be in the development of Moroccan urban dress. 3.4.1 Noureddine Amir Although chronologically belonging to the second generation of Moroccan fashion designers, Noureddine Amir clearly distinguished himself right from the beginning with collections that differed significantly from his peers. Born in Rabat as the son of a middle-class family, there was no particular reason why Noureddine Amir would become a designer. After the lycee he started studying at the ISM, the only fashion institute in Casablanca at that time and as soon as the French school Esmod opened a franchise in Casablanca, he continued his education there. After graduation in 1996 he started working for the film and theatre industry and made his début with the Iranian film director Shirin Neshat. Together they won several prizes and Noureddine Amir followed her to New York, where he designed the costumes for several plays. The artistic experience that he underwent during this period had a profound impact on the rest of his career. As he explains it himself, this period enabled him to take a distance from everything he had known before –that is his cultural baggage– and to redefine it. After only a few months he returned as fashion designers, photographers, video artists, musicians, graffiti artists and an opera singer.

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to Morocco to settle down in Marrakech, a city he considered to be closer to his artistic inspirations than Rabat. The Northern cities are too representative of the Moroccan ‘kitsch’ from my childhood, like the overwhelming decorations of Moroccan mosaic, woodwork, plasterwork, the heaviness of Moroccan living rooms, embroideries, etc. In Marrakech I felt closer to my sources of inspiration, with its simple beauty of argil and tadelaqt in earthy colors.166

In 2000 he created his first collection and two years later he felt ready to face the general public by participating in the fashion event Caftan as a new talent. His collection was made of two highly unusual materials in feminine Moroccan haute couture, namely bziwi, which is a fine, hand-woven, wool fabric produced in the small High Atlas village of Bzou and used for fine male jellaba and selham, and felt, which is used in northern Morocco to produce the characteristic red male headdress erbu. Although both materials are commonly used in Moroccan urban dress, he gave them a completely new function and meaning, dying them with enna, a product used by the rural populations of Morocco to dye their fabrics. He also incorporated henna tattooing into his creations, but reinterpreted it and introduced his own motifs. A year later he participated again in Caftan, this time as an established designer and once more his collection was unique through his ‘unusual’ choice of materials like raffia, sabra and wool, which he reworked in his own personal style and gave new meaning. His collection stood out for its ‘beauty of simplicity’, featuring earthy colors and rough materials, against the bright and richly colored silky qfaen of the other participants. Although continuously misunderstood and criticized as ‘not being Moroccan’ by the general public,167 Noureddine Amir believes his collections are a reflection of what is going on in Moroccan society today and in the Muslim world in general. His 2006 collection was his vision of the increasing threat of religious extremism, the suffering of Muslim women and the uncertainties of the future.168 The entire collection was in black and in strong contrast to the bright vivid colors of the other collections.

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Personal communication Noureddine Amir, July 2, 2004. These critics are mainly based on the fact that he presents his collections in the context of an event entitled Caftan while he does not claim to make qfaen. And even when his creations are his personal interpretation of this garment, his vision is avant-garde and a break with the ‘traditional’ interpretation. 168 Personal communication Noureddine Amir, April 2006. 167

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Image 3.8 A design by Nourddine Amir presented during Caftan in 2002

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Much more than a fashion designer, Noureddine Amir is an artist who uses dress as a medium to express himself. I do not look to make wearable clothing and do not follow any fashion trends. I just follow my inner need to express myself, not sure if clothing is the right medium for me to do so.169

He does not claim to make ‘traditional’ Moroccan dress –that is, suitable for social and religious events– and believes that these ancient garments should keep their ancestral characteristics. But he is Moroccan and draws his inspiration both from the world around him and from his cultural heritage. This is the main reason why he would not consider living abroad. His creations have been presented in several European museums, such as the Musée des Beaux-Arts in Lille, the Fashion Museum in Antwerp and the Worldmuseum in Rotterdam.170 3.4.2 Amina Agueznay Amina Agueznay was born in Casablanca in 1963 as the daughter of the famous Moroccan artist, Malika Agueznay. She studied architecture in the United States, where she lived for fifteen years. It was during this time that she started to experiment with jewelry; first purely as a hobby and later more seriously. Only after her return to Morocco in 1997 did she decide to fully invest in this medium of design. It was during the Morocco year in Paris in 1999 that she presented her first official collection in which she incorporated old pieces of 'amazi jewelry, deconstructed and reinvented. For her second collection she included the handmade couched plaited cord buttons caqad of the qefan and again gave them a new meaning by incorporating them into her creations. In 2003 she designed a collection that was inspired by nature, introducing unusual materials like wood and cinnamon into her creations. This collection was presented during the annual fashion event Caftan together with the work of Noureddine Amir, with whom she developed a close artistic relationship as well as a friendship. The next year she was invited by the Museum of Fine Art in Lille, France, to present her collection during a fashion show and exhibition together with Noureddine Amir. In 2005 she presented a collection of installations for the first time as part of the exhibition Art & Design in the World Museum in Rotterdam, The Netherlands. A year later, for the 10th anniversary of the fashion event Caftan, 169

Personal communication Noureddine Amir, April 2006. Personal communication Noureddine Amir, July 2, 2004; see also “Noureddine Amir.” Couleur Marrakech, no. 6, July 2006, http://www.couleurs-marrakech.com/numero6/modemarrakech.htm.

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Image 3.9 A design by Amina Agueznay, presented during FestiMode in 2008

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she developed a collection entirely made of paper, which reminded her of her time as an architect. In 2007 she participated in the second edition of the fashion event FestiMode and with her first solo-collection, featuring installations coming to life on the runway. That same year she was invited by the prestigious French expo Maison et Objets to expose her work together with five other Moroccan designers. Due to her unusual choice of materials and shapes for jewelry, Amina Agueznay’s collections are often misunderstood by the Moroccan public and ‘accused’ of ‘not being Moroccan.’ The fact that I was born and raised in Morocco makes me who I am today. Since my creations are very personal, they are Moroccan. But why would I need to incorporate signs or symbols into my work to justify my Moroccan identity? I could say for example that the red stones remind me of Marrakech and the white ones of Casablanca. But even if so, it is an unconscious process and should not be used to justify the ‘Moroccan identity’ of my work. Artistic expressions should be interpreted independently from their cultural context, even if they are influenced by it in one way or another.171

Maybe because she is self-taught in the confection of jewelry she has been able to trespass the conventional boundaries of Moroccan jewelry, introducing new materials and shapes. 3.4.3 Salima Abdel Wahab Salima Abdel Wahab was born in Tangier with a mixture of Spanish, German and Moroccan origins. After high school she studied fashion in Malaga for four years where she was trained in design, make-up, choreography and modeling. Back in Morocco, she created her own atelier and in 2005 she opened her first shop in downtown Tangier called Excentrica. With a distinguished personal style, inspired by both Moroccan and Western dress but especially influenced by subcultures and human personalities, she has had difficulties finding her place in the mainstream Moroccan fashion events. Therefore, until recently, she would organize her own shows, which stayed far from the media’s attention. It was only in 2007 that she participated for the first time in two collective national fashion events, FestiMode and Made in Morocco.

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Personal communication Amina Agueznay, July 12, 2006 and May 3rd, 2007.

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Image 3.10 A design by Salima Abdel Waheb presented during Mode in Morocco in 2007

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Her collections do not follow any (inter)national fashion trends and the way she explains it, her creations are a materialization of her encounters and a mixture of influences. I have always felt attracted by the sinister, dark side of the city. As a child I used to love hanging out with the people of the street and emerge in all sorts of social, ethnic and religious groups. Later in Europe, I also felt attracted to the alternative subcultures like the punk people, the squatters and their alternative lifestyle.172

A personal characteristic that keeps coming back in her collections is that her creations are transformable. According to the ‘mood’ of the wearer, the garment can feel comforting, protective or liberating. The way she explains it, clothes should be ‘the perfect translation of the wearer’s being.’ 173 One and the same garment can be worn in several ways and for different occasions, because not only circumstances can change, but also a person’s mood can differ. When you feel down, you want your clothes to comfort and protect you, but when you are happy you want your clothes to accentuate that feeling. Therefore, I often consider myself more of a clothing sociologist than a fashion designer.174

Just like her colleagues, Salima Abdel Wahab is frequently criticized for ‘not being Moroccan’ but she describes her collections as direct reflections of the city she grew up in, Tangier. She never aspired to make ‘traditional’ garments although they are part of her inspiration. Her clients are as diverse as her creations and include Muslim women who wear the veil. Since her creations are in most cases loose and concealing, she finds it ‘logical’ that they are attracted by her collections.175 3.5 Foreign designers making Moroccan dress The success of especially the first and second generation of Moroccan fashion designers abroad was and is primarily based on the fascination of the West for the Orient. This fascination was initiated especially by the Orientalist painters who used the Middle East as a source of inspiration to feed their fantasies about the ‘extravagant’ lives of Sultans and their ‘endless harems.’ Images of elaborately ornamented colorful costumes with extraordinary jewelry, often surrounded by naked beauties, were more than once the subject of these paintings. 172

Personal communication Salima Abdel Wahab, May 19, 2006 and April 20, 2007. Personal communication Salima Abdel Wahab, May 19, 2006 and April 20, 2007. 174 Personal communication Salima Abdel Wahab, May 19, 2006 and April 20, 2007. 175 Personal communication Salima Abdel Wahab, May 19, 2006 and April 20, 2007. 173

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It is only in the early 19th century that European painters actually started to visit the Middle East and North Africa, leading to a more realistic approach in their paintings. These artists were impressed by the beauty of the landscape, the people and their costumes, its medieval mdina and suq, but most of all by its bright colors and characteristic light. It was these paintings that fed a longing for exoticism and a fascination for the Arab world, which persevered in European art, including fashion, throughout modern history. At the end of the 19th and throughout the 20th century Morocco, as part of the ‘Orient’ but close to Europe, served as a beloved source of inspiration for some of the most famous European designers. Like any fashion trend that comes and goes, Oriental inspired dress has had its moments of fame, climaxing in the seventies and eighties. Some of these designers actually bought second homes in Morocco and spent several months a year in the country to feed their inspiration. Others actually lived most of their lives in Morocco. Foreign designers incontestably contributed to the development and growing success of Moroccan urban dress. Foreign designers, both internationally renowned and less famous ones, have played a role in the valorization of Moroccan urban dress nationally and internationally. Because they have not been restrained by vestimentary conventions related to Moroccan dress, they have been able to ‘reinvent’ Moroccan dress through the introduction of new materials, shapes and colors. 3.5.1 Foreign designers inspired by Morocco According to Rachida Alaoui (2003), Mariano Fortuny y Madrazo is the first foreign designer who was inspired by Morocco.176 Just like his father, he debuted as a painter but in 1907 he entered the fashion industry with the introduction of one of his most notable achievements, the Delphos gown made of pleated silk and largely inspired by Greek sculptures. His designs were revolutionary in shape, being simple and loose like Oriental dress. His creations revealed influences from both North Africa and Asia, combining characteristics of the jellaba, the selham, the qefan and the kimono. His decorations included Oriental, Asian and Hispano-Moresque motifs.177 But it is Paul Poiret who truly introduced Orientalism into European haute couture.178 He was notorious for organizing lavish parties featuring his designs, like the party he gave in June 1911 entitled The Thousand and Second Night (based on The Arabian Nights), which hosted over 300 guests dressed in Oriental costumes. For this occasion he designed an outfit for his wife, which became an instant success, namely a tunic worn over a pair of wide pants called ‘harem pants.’179

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Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 299. Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 299. 178 Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 302. 179 Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 302. 177

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Image 3.11 A qefan-inspired design by Jean-Louis Scherrer

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In 1918 Paul Poiret traveled to Morocco for the first time with his son and his friend the painter Raoul Dufy. Through the discovery of cities like Fez and Marrakech he fell in love with the country and for a decade Moroccan dress became a prominent source of inspiration for his collections. He designed versions of the bernus, the jellaba, and incorporated decorations from the qefan into his designs, which he would give names like ‘Tangier’ and ‘Marrakech.’180 Furthermore, Jean-Louis Scherrer was one of the first European fashion designers to buy a house in Morocco, more precisely in Tangier, a setting that famous writers like Paul Bowles and Jean Genet or musicians like The Rolling Stones and The Beatles had already turned to for inspiration. In 1988 the finale of his spring-summer collection was dedicated to Morocco and his autumn-winter collection of 1990-1991 was strongly influenced by Morocco with the patterns and colors of his embroideries taken from Berber tapestry. The collection featured short hooded jackets and wide serwal inspired pants, embroidered corsets and turbans.181 Just like Jean-Louis Scherrer, with whom he worked at Dior, Yves Saint Laurent turned to Morocco for inspiration and bought a house in Marrakech. For his autumn-winter collection of 1979-1980 he designed a jabadur with bernus for women, including the characteristic red tarbush. For many years, in winter, he would come to his beautiful villa overlooking the Jardin Majorelle to soak up the colors of the environment and to draw most of his collections. In his own words, ‘it is Morocco that taught me to use color in my creations.’182 To honor Morocco and its fashion designers, he participated in the fashion show organized for the Morocco year in Paris in 1999. When he died in 2008, his ashes were scattered in the gardens of his house in Marrakech. 3.5.2 Foreign designers in Morocco According to Rachida Alaoui (2003) the Italian antique collector and interior designer Adolfo de Valesco was the first foreign designer to actually settle down in Morocco and more precisely in Tangier. He reinvented Moroccan dress by designing comfortable prêt-a-porter in the 1970s, using modern cuts and introducing high quality materials. He was especially successful amongst foreigners in Morocco.183 Frederique Birkmeyer, on the other hand, whose French ancestors arrived in Morocco in 1902, was born and raised in Casablanca. Ever since her childhood, she was fascinated by fashion and in 1986 she met the weaver Loune Driss in Marrakech with whom she designed a collection of hand-woven fabrics. Three years later she opened her boutique Intensité Nomade in Marrakech where she started 180

Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 302. Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 308. 182 Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 310. 183 Rachida Alaoui, Costumes et parures du Maroc (Paris: ACR Edition, 2003), 224. 181

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selling her own creations next to European prêt-a-porter brands.184 The way she sees it, she used her mixed cultural background to reinterpret the qefan, introducing new materials and embroidery patterns which she collected on her travels through Asia and especially India.185 She participated in the fashion event Caftan in 2000, where she (re)introduced local hand woven fabrics.186 The French fashion designer Paul Fayn arrived in Morocco in 2000 and only a few months later he participated in the 4th edition of the Moroccan fashion event Caftan with a collection of lightweight qfaen that were characterized by their transparency, fluidity and freedom of movement.187 Five years later he was once more invited to participate in Caftan and again he met the challenge of presenting his Moroccan collection next to some of the most established Moroccan designers. His creations were once more characterized by comfort and elegance and he succeeded remarkably in taking away the rigidity of the Moroccan qefan by working with light and fluid materials.188 In 2006 he participated in the second edition of the Moroccan fashion event Tendances Ramadan, where he presented a collection of jlaleb. Finally, Emael Duque’s affection for Morocco grew when she started selling Moroccan handicrafts in her boutique/art gallery/tearoom called Espace Emaele in the 1990s in Brussels. She discovered Morocco during a holiday in Marrakech and straight away became inspired by the beauty and the savoir-faire of Moroccan handwork. She decided to move to Morocco after some time, where she settled down in the old mdina of Marrakech and opened her atelier. In 2000 she was invited to participate in the 4th edition of the fashion event Caftan, where she presented an interesting collection of qfaen made of light fluid voile combined with long woolen scarves and patchwork skirts.189A few years later she launched her own brand Orien by Emael, presenting a collection that was clearly inspired by Moroccan clothing styles but also integrated clothing traditions from Asia.190

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Mehdi Graincourt, “Frédérique Birkemeyer: Le Maroc et la haute couture,” Citadine February (2005): 63-64. 185 Luce Jolivet, “Intensité Nomade: Un reflet d’universalité,” C’Glamour May (2006): 12-19. 186 Emmanuelle de Boysson, “La beauté généreuse,” Maroc Hebdo, no. 405 (2000), http://www.maroc-hebdo.press.ma/MHinternet/Archives405/html.405/LaBeaute.html. 187 Emmanuelle de Boysson, “La beauté généreuse,” Maroc Hebdo, no. 405 (2000), http://www.maroc-hebdo.press.ma/MHinternet/Archives405/html.405/LaBeaute.html. 188 “Nouveauté Caftan 2005,” Made in Marrakech, no. 109 (2005), http://www.madeinmarrakech.com/culture/communique-de-presse-caftan-2005-article109.html. 189 Emmanuelle de Boysson, “La beauté généreuse,” Maroc Hebdo, no. 405 (2000), http://www.maroc-hebdo.press.ma/MHinternet/Archives405/html.405/LaBeaute.html. 190 Personal communication Emaele Duque, December 15, 2006.

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Image 3.12 A qefan by Frederique Birkmeyer presented during Mode in Morocco in 2007

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3.6 Shift from a craft to an industry The important impact Moroccan fashion designers have had on the development of Moroccan urban dress is characterized by a shift in three key areas. First of all, they introduced a shift from the craftsman to the artist. Where Moroccan dress used to be made by kheyyat(a) teqlidi or the traditional tailor, by the end of the 20th century Moroccan dress became the domain of fashion designers and so-called couturieres. Secondly, Moroccan fashion designers initiated a shift from tailor-made garments to prêt-a-porter. For a long time Moroccan urban dress has been ordered by the client, who decides on the material, cut, color and decorations to be used. But the first generation of Moroccan designers initiated a revolutionary development in the consumption of Moroccan dress. That is, they started proposing their own designs, under their own name. Although especially Moroccan women continue to insist on the uniqueness of their garments, they increasingly rely on the ‘professional’ advice of fashion designers and couturieres. Finally, under the influence of Moroccan fashion designers, Moroccan dress became part of a flourishing fashion industry. Moroccan urban dress has been turned into a commodity, where consumption is based on offer and no longer on demand. 3.6.1 Shift from the craftsman to the artist With the introduction of fashion designers in Morocco, a shift was introduced from the craftsman to the artist, which increased the pace of change in Moroccan urban dress. Where the first one has a ‘traditional’ schooling based on apprenticeship with a mcellem and executes the wishes of his clients, the second one has an education in design and is an artist in the sense that he or she creates and innovates. Therefore Moroccan urban dress has been changing increasingly from the mid-sixties onwards. A growing problem in the Moroccan fashion industry today, however, is the lack of clear distinctions between these different categories. Although the division can never be clear-cut, in European fashion capitals for example, a federation like the Chambre Syndicale de la haute couture in Paris regulates the categories and only its members may claim to make haute couture. The difference is the quality of their work and the innovative character of their collections. According to Zineb Joundy, an established Moroccan fashion designer who was educated at the Chambre Syndicale de la haute couture in Paris, the Moroccan feminine press and their fashion events are mainly responsible for the lack of distinction. The way she explains it, events like Caftan show designers with truly innovative collections next to so-called couturieres who only ‘design to sell.’ Neither the quality of the work nor the originality can be compared; therefore they should not be mixed.

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Also, she believes the problem results from a lack of true design schools in Morocco. The institutes available, she explains, teach their students to translate trends launched by designers, but not to innovate themselves. Today there are only a few true designers in Morocco, she concludes, while the majority are stylists or socalled couturieres.191 The problem resulting from an absence of distinction between these different categories is a lack of trust and recognition from the Moroccan industrialists and public in the quality of Moroccan design.192 An artist who produces art, should be paid for his or her talent, while a tailor is paid for his savoir-faire. These two different things should not be valorized in the same way. Additionally, the lack of recognition for Moroccan design talent stimulates the reflex of copying, embedded in Moroccan society. As the Moroccan fashion designer Fadela El Gadi formulated it, Moroccan women still have the reflex of having garments they see in a magazine copied by their tailors instead of buying the original. (…) As long as the Moroccan public does not valorize the artistic value of Moroccan design, it will be very hard for Moroccan fashion designers to succeed in their own country.193

Since the collections of designers are only accessible to a small privileged group of people, the concept of copying is inherent to a fashion industry. That is, innovating trends launched by designers are translated by the confection industry into wearable collections. Therefore Fadela El Gadi’s remark should be nuanced in the sense that the majority of the people who can afford to buy the creations of Moroccan fashion designers (still) do not valorize their national talent and therefore are not willing to pay the price. They will either buy European couture or have their own tailors copy the garments. Interesting to notice here is that the trends launched by Moroccan designers are not translated by a confection industry, but by a wide range of couturieres since the Moroccan public continues to insist on the exclusivity and the handwork of its Moroccan garments. Finally, the lack of distinction between the different categories also confuses consumers. The way Fadela El Gadi explains it, she is regularly confronted with clients who bring their own fabrics, expecting her to make a garment out of it, because this is how the tailor or couturiere works. It is like bringing your own colors to an artist painter, asking him to make you a painting.194

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Personal communication Zineb Joundy, November 21, 2006. See chapter 5 for more details on the lack of confidence from the industrialists. 193 Personal communication Fadela El Gadi, June 26, 2006 and May 1st, 2007. 194 Personal communication Fadela El Gadi, June 26, 2006 and May 1st, 2007. 192

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Both Zineb Joundy and Fadela El Gadi believe that the Moroccan public needs to be educated on the differences and that the industry is in need of a representative organization that can structure the field. 3.6.2 Shift from tailor-made to prêt-a-porter A second shift introduced by Moroccan fashion designers is the one from ‘anonymous’ tailored-made garments to ‘glamorous’ prêt-a-porter collections. With the prevalence of traditional tailors, Moroccan dress used to be made to order and clients would decide on the material, cut, color and decorations to be used. The tailor would only have a few examples and some sample books to advise his clients on the latest fashion trends. Designers, however, turned the consumption of Moroccan urban dress up side down by offering their own collections. The introduction of fashion designers in Morocco contributed to a large extent to the decline in reputation of the traditional tailor. First of all, designers started to present their collections in luxurious boutiques and during glamorous fashion events. Secondly, the fashion designers added value to their collections by ‘branding’ them with their name or label. They created an image around their collections based on glamour and luxury. It is interesting to mention, however, that designers continue to be dependent on the expertise of craftsmen, for they are incapable of producing the handwork themselves. But the tailors have become increasingly invisible by disappearing behind the scenes in the numerous ateliers of designers and couturieres. It seems tailors are no longer part of the ‘fairytale’ that has come to surround Moroccan dress; an image created by designers and the media. Clients want some of the ‘glitter and glamour’ they see in the magazines and on television and the workshops of the tailors do no longer meet that desire. 3.6.3 Shift from a craft to an industry Under the influence of Moroccan fashion designers, local clothing styles have become part of a flourishing fashion industry and can no longer be considered a ‘simple’ craft. Moroccan urban dress has become a commodity, where consumption is based on offer instead of demand. This chapter has been an attempt to describe the influences of Moroccan fashion designers on the development of Moroccan urban dress. First of all, Moroccan fashion designers contributed to a radical image change of local clothing styles. The first generation in particular managed to ‘modernize’ Moroccan urban dress, creating the possibility to be modern while wearing Moroccan dress. This contributed in a large extent to the continuity of local clothing styles. Secondly, Moroccan fashion designers turned Moroccan urban dress into a commercial product. Most notably the second generation of Moroccan fashion designers has been considerably influenced by political and economic changes at the end of the 20th century. Through their education at Moroccan fashion institutes, they

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turned the craft into a business, including marketing strategies and brandmanagement.195 Furthermore, by breaking with the exotic image surrounding Moroccan dress, the third generation of Moroccan fashion designers might be the first to actually influence the international fashion scene. Although this generation is still considered too avant-garde by the Moroccan public, only time will tell what their influence will have been on the development of Moroccan urban dress. Finally, the success of foreign designers making Moroccan urban dress has on the one hand benefited the development of Moroccan urban dress, mainly because its success abroad stimulated its national success. But on the other hand, the ‘exotic’ connotation these designers have given their collections not only encourages stereotyping, but has also been preventing Moroccan dress from playing an influential role on the international fashion scene.

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See chapter 5 for more details on the Moroccan fashion industry.

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