A-level Government and Politics (2150) GOV3B Exemplar Student Responses with Examiner’s Commentaries

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Topic 1: Liberalism June 2010 Examination Explain why classical liberalism placed so much emphasis on individualism.

(10 marks)

Student response Classical liberalism placed a lot of emphasis on individualism, which is the idea that people should be free as individuals to expand and achieve. In many ways, this is influenced by liberal thinkers such as John Locke. Locke established the idea of limited state interference with the idea that it should be linked to a small number of tasks and had no right to interfere in the lives of individuals. Largely, this view of allowing individual freedom came from the Enlightenment in the 18th century and philosophers such as Descartes in the 17th century, which set up the idea that humans are natural beings who can lead a life based on reason. Classical liberals therefore believed that people will generally make rational decisions if left to themselves, they do not need strong state governance as is created in socialist movements. Obviously, individualism links to the doctrine of freedom, meaning that people should be free to develop as individuals. John Stuart Mills argued that people should be free to perform selfregarding action; any action they wished providing that it did not harm others, or threaten other people’s individual freedom. Recently, these ideas have been adopted by neo-liberalist thinkers and libertarians who mainly form conservative movements. A key advocate of individualism is Robert Nozick in the US, whose ideas have been referred to as anarcho-capitalism in their attempt to all but abolish the state, leaving it with just defence and small tasks to perform, allowing individualism to thrive. In the UK this has been adopted by Keith Joseph and Margaret Thatcher, and was adopted by Ronald Reagan in the US. In conclusion, classical liberalism believed that individualism would stimulate individual enterprise, and allow people to lead contented lives however they wish. This is in part a reaction against the collectivism educated by socialism, and instead champions the might of private action.

Examiner’s commentary: This response meets virtually all the requirements of the mark scheme. It is clearly written and well-focused. It is strong on key concepts, eg ‘rational decision-making’ and ‘self-regarding action’ and it possesses and impressive historical scope stretching from the Enlightenment to the modern period. It also refers to key thinkers and politicians and it integrates their ideas into the analysis to scored effect. Marks awarded: AO1 – 4 AO2 – 3 AO3 – 2 Total mark: 9/10 AQA Education (AQA) is a registered charity (number 1073334) and a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales (number 3644723). Our registered address is AQA, Devas Street, Manchester M15 6EX.

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June 2010 Examination ‘Liberal Democrats are suspicious of state power, yet support big government in the pursuit of economic management and social reform.’ Discuss this apparent contradiction. (25 marks) Student response The modern Liberal Democrat Party was established in 1988 (changing its name to Liberal Democrat in 1989) from the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. Traditionally, the liberal party had been influenced by two ideologies; classical liberalism and progressive liberalism – one of which advocated state restriction and the other embraced the need for state role in economic management and social reform. This mix of ideology outlines why there appears a paradoxical approach to the state in the Liberal Democrat (Lib Dem) Party, and why throughout its short history it has experienced a contradictory policy. Firstly, an indication of the attitude the big government can be seen in the level of income tax supported by party leaders. This generally indicates that the state will provide more welfare through raising money via taxation. Under Paddy Ashdown and Charles Kennedy, the top rate of income tax was 50%, a figure actually above both Blair and the Conservative’s rate of 40%. This level was then dropped to 40% under Ming Campbell and the current leader, Nick Clegg. This is largely due to the fact that Clegg and Campbell belong to a group known as the ‘Orange Book’ liberals. ‘The Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberalism’ was a collection of essays by prominent right-wing members of the Lib Dems, published in 2004. It included essays from the new business minister, Vince Cable and deputy prime minister Nick Clegg. The idea was to re-claim the ideological ground occupied by the Thatcherite Conservatives, who have adopted a revival of classical liberal economics known as neo-liberalism or monetarism. This seems to indicate that the Lib Dems will now approve state intervention more and follow classical liberal thinking such as that of John Locke or Adam Smith. Recent circumstances however have not followed Smith’s arguments – largely outlined in ‘The Wealth of Nations’ (1776) – that government should not involve itself in the recession as in the Conservative Lib Dem coalition the latest budget has involved raising VAT and intervention in the economy. The coalition maintains that this in reaction to Labour’s Keynesian economics under Brown which has resulted in a large deficit. This has meant that both parties have been arguably pragmatic in their approach to the state and this may not be a true reflection on the Lib Dem’s belief about the state. Furthermore, the contradiction of the party’s attitude to the state seems to extend to the provision of welfare. This includes high levels of state intervention in providing free old-age care, free university tuition and higher old-age pensions, all of which involve more state control. Again, the recession caused the party to delay their policies with Clegg campaigning on phasing out tuition fees for 2013. Since forming the coalition, the party appear to have dropped the majority of their welfare reforms indicating now that the party favours for less state intervention and more individual responsibility or at least the party will as long as it is in partnership with the conservatives. An important point to consider is that suspicion of the state and welfare provision may not actually be a contradiction. Individualism promotes a clear divide between public and private life which centres around John Stewart Mill’s notion of self-regarding action where people are free to do as they wish, providing they pose no threat to others or the state. This idea is capable of working in conjunction with the state, providing the state deals only with welfare provision and not in unnecessary paternalistic control of private life. Lib Dems clearly do support the rights of people to practise their own morality in private and have been one of the most instrumental parties in

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championing gay rights, along with other minorities. In these cases, Lib Dems believe the state has no right to be involved in private life. This issue of suspicion of the state is present in both the US and UK with Reagan announcing in 1981 that ‘government is not the solution to the problem, government is the problem,’ in his inauguration speech. This suspicion of the state is seen far less in continental Europe where the state has maintained control. This is largely due to the historical nature of frequent rebellions in France, Germany and Italy by which in comparison the presence of a strong state is a welcome security. In conclusion, the presence of a contradiction in the Lib Dem party over suspicion of the state and embracing big government in economic management and social reform is in part due to the presence of followers of the two influencing ideologies, classical and progressive liberalism. Since 2006, the party seems to have moved more to the right so even less in favour of the state intervening with the election of Orange Book liberals, such as Campbell and Clegg. Clegg, however, only narrowly beat the more left-wing Chris Huhne which demonstrates the extent to which there is dual ideology within Lib Dem members and MPs. This therefore causes confusion between promoting individual liberty and through helping ensure the positive liberty proposed by William Beveridge in his famous report in 1942. Although Clegg appears to have lessened the role of big government as part of the coalition in favour of what David Cameron (2005, as leader of the Conservatives) dubbed the Big Society, Clegg still supported many policies which would include a large role of the state and the limit of freedom, such as green taxes and high petrol duties. This contradiction continues to cause confusion within the party as classical and progressive liberalism clash but under the coalition it seems likely a limited state will win.

Examiner’s commentary: This particular essay opens with an introduction which clearly sets out the different views held by classical and progressive liberals on the role that the state should play in these two fields and it sets the tone for the focused, clearly explained and well-argued paragraphs that follow. The second and third paragraphs provide clear evidence of the party’s tax policies and a fine awareness of the intellectual arguments posited on the role that the state should play in the management of the economy. (It should be noted that this question appeared in the 2010 paper and that evidence utilised goes up to that date.) Similar questions today would obviously expect information from the coalition years to be included. Paragraph 4 therefore deserves credit for its coverage of the mismatch between policy desires and the pressures produced by the real-politic of coalition membership. Paragraph 5 provides an impressive overview of the philosophical ideas underpinning Liberal and Liberal Democrat thinking on the role that the state should play in the social sphere. The student offers a clear and perceptive explanation of the need for welfare, albeit in a way which does not interfere excessively with private life. Furthermore, the comparison of US neo-liberal thinking with European attitudes towards the state’s role in delivering social policy reveals a capacity for perceiving the question in a synoptic manner and this is particularly gratifying. The concluding paragraph sums up the on-going paradox referred to in the question to extremely good effect, impressively combining both theory and practice. This essay scores highly on knowledge, skill and communication. It was awarded Level 4 marks across the board.

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Marks awarded: AO1 – 10 AO2 – 10 AO3 – 6 Total mark: 26/30

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Topic 2: Socialism June 2011 Examination How do socialists view human nature?

(10 marks)

Student response Socialists believe that, at heart, humans are social beings whose natural tendency is to form communities and collective groups. Rather than the atomistic view favoured by liberals, they believe that society is far more than an ‘aggregate of individuals’ and institutions like trade unions and cooperatives give a sense of belonging, and allow collective solutions to the country’s economic and social issues to be created, which are more efficient and beneficial to society as a whole than selfish policies pursued by an individual favoured by the capitalist system. Socialists believe in a highly optimistic view of human nature, and believe that it is social problems like poor education that cause delinquency, not someone’s nature – in this sense they believe that nurture, rather than nature makes the person. The utopian vision of socialism favoured by Marx and Owens stems from a belief that humans are willing to think about others and the collective good – when the oppressive ‘chains on the proletariat’ are removed, humans will come together to form a utopian society based on equality. Marx believed in the inevitability of history, with the view that the masses would rise up and eventually form a harmonious, classless society. Socialists don’t believe that humans need hierarchy and authority from an elite to control the masses, as conservatives do, but their optimistic view on human nature ultimately will end with a more egalitarian, caring society, where collectivism, not the isolated individual, is key.

Examiner’s commentary: This analysis/explanation could be further developed to compare such view with socialist antipathy towards capitalism which is seen as fostering selfish individualism and producing societies which are riven with social divisions. These points are clearly recognised in the response’s opening paragraph which is very well written and strong on key concepts and comparative analysis. The second paragraph goes on to effectively develop these themes citing thinkers and core ideas to excellent effect in the process. Given its clarity, precision and fine appreciation of the topic, it was awarded full marks. Marks awarded: AO1 – 4 AO2 – 4 AO3 – 2 Total mark: 10/10

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June 2011 Examination ‘In practice, Labour has always been a pragmatic rather than an ideological party’. Discuss. (30 marks) Student response As a political party, Labour has undergone various reinventions and a shift in their core beliefs – moving from the radical left wing Democratic Socialism, to the more moderate Social Democrats post WWII, to New Labour and the Third Way under Blair with a centre right economic policy arguably unthinkable to the founders of the Labour party in the 1900s. Despite being more ideological when compared to the Conservative Party, this shift underlines a pragmatic approach to politics as the party has aimed to and been successful, in performing the main function of a political party to win power. The Labour Party didn’t evolve from supporters of communism, its foundations were in the cooperative movement and in the working class – the party never committed itself to socialism until its 1918 constitution, where in Clause IV it promised to take business into ‘common ownership’ to be run for the good of the people. Before the war, the party favoured Democratic Socialism tradition, which was quite radical. Despite never favouring a revolutionary approach, socialism, instead being a revisionist party favouring a gradual approach advocated by thinkers such as Bernstein, the party still was seen as too ideological to appeal to many moderate voters; their core electorate was the large working class. Despite not being in power as much as liberals and conservatives, the party’s rising influence caused reforms like the Liberal Welfare Reforms and extending the franchise. Democratic Socialists such as Tony Benn were always more ideological than pragmatic, favouring state-run enterprise over a mixed economy and wanting to redistribute taxation to help lessen social inequality. However, its commitment to radical agenda was too polarising for the party to ever form a strong government with an irrefutable mandate to govern. After being involved in a coalition government in the war and showing its trustworthiness in the 1950s and 1960s, the party was a key part of the Social Democrat Consensus and its landslide win of 45 gave it a chance to implement some long-held policies. Under Atlee, Bevan created the NHS, an ideological nationalised health service free at the point of access; it was, for Bevan, the purest form of socialism. In general though, the economic policy of the party had moved towards the moderate centre and social democracy. As its core vote shrank, Labour had to appeal to more voters and favoured a more pragmatic approach – rather than trying to remove capitalism, the party accepted a need to accept capitalism, and instead try to regulate the inevitable inequalities. This kind of approach was viewed with less suspicion by the ruling elite but Atlee was able to nationalise the ‘commanding heights of industry’ which is still quite a radical approach. In general, if given a mandate to govern, the Labour Party has tried to stay true to its founding principles, but it has not been afraid to adapt. There have been ideological tensions in the party that stem from the more moderate Gaitskill and the left wing Bevan divisions that lasted many years, leading to the defection of the ‘Gang of Four’ and the creation of the Social Democratic Party. Yet when the party has looked like being too ideological and left wing, such as when the ‘Militant Tendency’ infiltrated the party, the leadership has taken steps to remove the radical branches and instead focus on appealing to as many voters as possible.

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Support for collective ownership and equality of outcome have fallen in recent years and equality is no longer the shibboleth of the Labour Party that it once was; Blair and Brown focused on justice and fairness, not an egalitarian society. The party has gradually shifted pragmatically to the all-important centre ground, accepting that an ideological view is unlikely to be popular. Michael Foot’s ‘longest suicide note in history’ has really put an end to a Labour Party committed to run state industry. Blair has declared Labour a ‘post-ideological’ party, and under New Labour and the Third Way between neoliberalism economics and a communitarian approach to social policy, the party oversaw monetary policy control being given to the Bank of England and a law and order approach on crime. Seeing the unpopularity of unemployment benefits with many employed voters, New Labour’s ‘ethical socialism’ offered a hand-up, not a hand-out and emphasised the stakeholder society where everyone has an obligation to society. Blair removed Clause IV and changed it, committing the party to equality of opportunity over outcome, and Mandelson has shown support for capitalism, being incredibly comfortable with people being ‘filthy rich’. While ideology has not been replaced by managerialism and the end of history and ideology as Fukuyama suggested, Labour is more concerned with running the country effectively, over a long term vision of where society needs to be. Though New Labour is at an end, and though Brown nationalised banks, there was no real attempt to reform capitalism and despite all candidates in the Labour Party leadership election claiming to be committed to socialism (Andy Burnham focused on ‘aspirational socialism’, for example) there is no sign that the party is going to shift back to a more ideological left wing stance. In many ways, Labour’s shift to the centre is understandable, as peoples’ aspirations and living standards get higher and with class dealignment, their core constituency has dramatically reduced and to stay relevant, the party has had to be pragmatic. Though it is unfair to say that the Labour Party has always been pragmatic, and there are times in the party’s history where it has been non-ideological like now, the party has been pragmatic in changing its focus and emphasising different priorities. The Labour Party has always been a collective of a plurality of views and in modern days the party could be described as more dogmatic and ideological.

Examiner’s commentary This essay’s first three paragraphs are impressive with regard to the party’s historical development as a revisionist socialist movement and its preference for pragmatism over ideology. Key concepts are also used to fine effect and the student’s written style here and throughout are both fluent and mature. Paragraph 4 is excellent on the historical clashes between the Left and the Right in the party and paragraphs 5 and 6 are particularly good on New Labour and its preference for ‘ethical socialism’ over fundamentalist socialism in both its economic and social variants. The points about its accommodation with capitalism so as to appear attractive to Middle England after 16 years of Conservative government were also credit worthy. The final paragraph is reasoned and perceptive and it concludes the essay to impressive effect. This essay scores highly across all three criteria. It is a strong Level 4 response.

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Marks awarded: AO1 – 11 AO2 – 11 AO3 – 6 Total mark: 28/30

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Topic 3: Conservatism June 2010 Examination Explain why many Conservatives hold the view that politics is of limited relevance to human affairs. (10 marks) Student response Many Conservatives believe that politics is of limited relevance to human affairs, and for this reason they believe in politics being pragmatic. This means that they adhere to no fixed ideology, allowing Conservatism to be flexible. Instead, Conservatives believe that politics should simply be reactionary and react to current affairs, and to what the people want. Conservatives place value, instead, in the interests of the public, they see order and security as basic human needs, and so politics should simply make sure that this need is fulfilled, by ensuring more police are ‘on the beat’. David Cameron also believes that politics is not of the utmost importance in peoples’ daily lives, as for a top newspaper he declared ‘planet, not politics’ was their number one priority. Conservatives hold ideologies in little enough view, as they are not concerned with having power, but only about protecting the public. They believe in original sin, caused by Adam and Eve in Eden and have a sceptical and pessimistic view of human nature, believing that we are fundamentally flawed and are imperfect, so there is a need for strong government, by elites; those with greater talent, to govern the people in their own interests, as people are naturally selfish. This means they want a paternalistic relationship between the state and society, like father and child, to look after the public. Therefore, government only seeks to look after the public in a general way, rather than interfering and strictly controlling human affairs. Thatcher’s time in government also illustrates that politics is of limited relevance to human affairs; she believed in a free market, and so did not intervene at all during the recession, believing that the economy was a natural cycle. She did not intervene, as she believe the government has little place in people’s day to day lives and is there to protect the electorate, through representatives, so they can get on with their affairs. Therefore, for ideological, as well as for traditional views, Conservatives believe that politics is of limited relevance to human affairs. Their main concern is not having power in government, but reacting against other ideologies which threaten the delicate balance of Hegel’s organic state; that the state is like a living organism and so Conservatism should react to prevent things like revolution; playing on a grander scale than simply interfering in human affairs.

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Examiner’s commentary This answer recognises much of this but lacks the range, depth and sophistication required for the highest marks. Nevertheless, it starts well with a discussion of conservative pragmatism and the need for a limited state which is basically there to ensure order and security. The answer also deserves credit for its discussion of conservative scepticism and pessimism regarding human nature; also for its references to Thatcher and free market economics. It is also gratifying to see the concept of the organic state figuring in the answer. Nevertheless some of the points raised could have been developed more fully and the discussion of great thinkers and scholarly works could have been more pronounced. This is certainly worthy of Level 3 marks across the board. Marks awarded: AO1 – 3 AO2 – 3 AO3 – 2 Total mark: 8/10

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June 2010 Examination ‘Conservatism continues to place a high value on patriotism and tradition.’ Discuss.

(30 marks)

Student response In some ways, it can be seen that conservatism still places as high a value on patriotism and traditionalism as it has ever done; in its view of the family unit, in its views on immigration and thus the value of British culture, and in its traditional principles that are retained and still used, such as organicism. Nevertheless, there is some cause for dispute that there is as much value in these principles as there once was, and some may say that their opinion of war and patriotism, and their actions show a gradual move away from these principles in support of new values, like the importance of economy and the environment. When Thatcher took the country to war in the Falklands, it was an illustration of the importance of patriotism to her. It attempted to rally patriotism in the British people, and reinforce that Britain was a strong and powerful state, worthy of its reputation. This showed that Conservatives still preserved principles of patriotism and tradition, echoing back to Edmund Burke and his principle of organicism; the fragility of society and the state, which should not allow revolution to shake its foundations and cause anarchy as it had done in France in the 1800s. Thatcher showed that patriotism was still a priority to the Conservative Party. However, other principles Thatcher acted upon illustrate that patriotism was not one of her only values. Thatcher also showed a ‘streak’ that was somewhat radical in her pursuit of New Right politics; the free market, neo-liberal principles and monetarism. Whereas Conservatives may be described as pragmatic in their lack of dependency on ideology, Thatcher chased policies that had little to do with traditional roots. When the country went through a recession, Thatcher abided by Hayek and Friedman’s policies and refused to intervene, believing in the ‘invisible hand’. This portrays Thatcher as a woman who was not just for traditionalism, but was willing to reform the country utterly with a programme of privatisation; and that she was not worried of sudden change in the economy and did not stick to Oakshott’s principle of ‘don’t fix what ain’t broke’. However, even admist her new Conservative pursuits, now dubbed ‘Thatcherism’, Thatcher still retained a neo-conservative ‘strand’ of beliefs, amongst which were her ‘Victorian values’ where she attempted to reinforce the importance of traditional institutions like religion and the family. Cameron, even in current politics, also instils the importance of family in current Conservatism, and he encourages families and traditional institutions in his suppose of same-sex partnerships and his policies on the family in the run up to the general election. However, Cameron also has recently promised to have removed all British troops from Afghanistan in five years. This does not illustrate a conservative principle or patriotism but the opposite. Therefore, this implies that at the top of Cameron’s priority is the protection of the British public, not patriotism, in winning wars abroad. At the same time, Cameron’s promises about immigration show that he is still very patriotic, in his belief in the importance of the British culture. Cameron, in the election promised a ‘cap’ on the amount of immigration into Britain, and is likely to announce very soon greater details on this point about how the cap will work in his attempt to reduce immigration from 100,000s to tens of thousands. The cap will begin next year and a limit will also be put on the amount of immigrants before then to prevent a sudden influx, it was explained today by Theresa May on the BBC News. This illustrates that Cameron still wants to celebrate British culture and values patriotism.

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However, it seems too that Cameron places even greater value on the economy and pragmatism than he does on patriotism and traditionalism, as the main hype of the Conservatives’ recent election was campaigning about outing the ‘deficit, not the NHS’ as was the slogan on their posters. Osborne recently announced the emergency budget with tough cuts in it. This all seems to illustrate that, at least currently, greater value is placed on the economy and the promise to cut the deficit in half in five years rather than the importance of patriotism and tradition. Therefore, there are several arguments on both sides of the argument as to whether conservatism still places value in tradition and patriotism. It can be seen that Cameron is still concerned with tradition in his support of traditional conservative beliefs, like the organic state, a pragmatic approach to the UK’s problem of the economy than an ideological one, and his encouragement of the family and patriotism/national pride. Although evidence also suggests that these principles may have been partially ‘de-valued’ in favour of more pressing concerns, such as the issues of international affairs and the economy. It may also be argued that conservatism has always highly rated other important issues, like pragmatism, when Disraeli gave the franchise to the working classes in order to prevent a revolution by dissatisfied workers. Therefore, conservatives clearly value patriotism and tradition, amongst other principles. Examiner’s commentary Paragraph 1 of the answer reveals a clear appreciation of the historical and continued significance of patriotism and tradition to conservatives but also of the ‘gradual move away from these principles in support of new values…’ Paragraph 2 recognises the importance of Burke’s writings and of Thatcher’s ‘patriotic’ war against the Argentinians in the Falkland Islands. In paragraph 3 the response reveals pleasing skills of analysis and evaluation when discussing Thatcher’s radicalism as evidence of the capacity to evolve and change in conservatism by citing her neo-liberal influenced economic policies and support for individualism and social responsibility alongside her on-going support for many traditional political and social institutions. The sections on Conservative thinking during the Cameron years reveal a clear appreciation of the paradoxes which exist in contemporary conservative thinking, citing the difficulties which arise when attempting modernity alongside an on-going commitment to traditional beliefs and values and the conclusion is particularly strong as evidenced in the student’s claim that whilst contemporary conservatives continue to value patriotism and tradition ‘other principles’ also influence conservative thinking and actions. The fluency, coherence, strong analytical and evaluative skills and obvious knowledge which characterise this essay warrants a solid set of Level 4 marks. Marks awarded: AO1 – 10 AO2 – 10 AO3 – 6 Total mark: 26/30

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Topic 4: Fascism June 2010 Examination Explain why fascism can be described as a form of totalitarianism.

(10 marks)

Student response Fascism could arguably be described as a form of totalitarianism. This is because many fascist leaders seemed to prefer this style of rule. In Nazi Germany, Hitler emphasised a totalitarian state in his organised military, with the SA and Brownshirts who organised terror to frighten people to objey the regimen. Similarly, Hitler kept strict censorship of media with Nazi propaganda and book burnings of illicit information in his abhoration of intellectuals. Hitler also ensured his control in other areas by creating his role as an Ubermensche, as was Nietzsche’s idea, and calling himself ‘Fuhrer’, meaning ‘leader’ and creating a myth of German superiority and the teutonic race and Aryan race which meant all else must be destroyed to form a perfect race. This ensured that people believed in Hitler and thus ensured that religion had little place in Nazi Germany. In these ways, Hitler gained mass obedience and formed himself as a totalitarian master of a totalitarian state, especially after the Enabling Act meant he could make any law he wished, effectively, after Hindenberg’s death and the burning of the Reichstag, rumoured to be done by madman Van Der Lubbe. Similarly, Mussolini’s form of fascism was totalitarian. Mussolini also followed the principle of a corporate state in order to control the economy and he too shaped himself as a ‘super man’, relying on the cult of the leader to ensure control of the people, giving himself the title ‘Il Duce’, which has come to be related to his form of fascism. He also ensured censorship of media, and control of the totalitarian state, through his own idea of the myth of a third Roman Empire. These explain why many believe fascism to be a form of totalitarianism however it would be wrong to presume this is completely accurate as not all totalitarian states are fascist, and similarly not all fascists exploit totalitarianism; the quasi-fascist group, the BNP is not totalitarian although clearly illustrating fascist principles with regard to immigration, and wanting to put a complete limit/halt to it, and not allow entry to immigrants who pass ‘safe’ countries on their way to Britain. The BNP also says it agrees with democracy and its manifesto expresses its support of this, therefore, not all fascist groups are totalitarian. However, many of the most historical forms of the ideology are, so it is not uncommon for this opinion to be formed, though slightly misjudged.

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Examiner’s commentary: This response covered the points in the mark scheme to very good effect. The first three paragraphs contained a number of impressive concepts and ideas and pleasing historical dimensions. The final paragraph asserted that totalitarianism isn’t uniquely fascist and that not all extreme right wing movements and groups adhere to all aspects of totalitarianism. The knowledge element of the answer deserved maximum marks for AO1, as did the communication element. The analysis and evaluation was also of a pleasing standard. Marks awarded: AO1 – 4 AO2 – 3 AO3 – 2 Total mark: 9/10

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June 2010 Examination ‘Race dominates fascist thinking. Discuss with reference to both traditional and contemporary fascism. (30 marks) Student response Many people believe that ‘race’ dominates fascist thinking, and in many ways this is true of both traditional and contemporary fascism, however, there are some arguments to suggest this is not completely true. In Nazi fascism, racism was a major part of the ideology. Every principle was focused on the idea of a perfect Aryan race and the need for a pure race again by eradicating all those who were not of this race; the final solution saw the extermination of homosexuals, gypsies, intellectuals and Jews – anyone belonging to a race that did not fall into this category. Nevertheless, race did not play as large a part in Mussolini’s form of fascism, and in fact, his myth was focused on border expansion and creating a Roman Empire in the Mediterranean. Less than 1% of Italians were of another race, like Jews, as was Hitler’s main enemy/race problem, therefore, this would explain why race was such a small issue in Mussolini’s form of fascism. However, in contemporary fascism, race still has a dominant role to play. The BNP has severely racial policies, wanting those ‘not British’ to leave the country permanently with monetary incentives/grants as detailed in its last manifesto, and so this illustrates that race still plays a major role in fascism now. Similarly, European fascist groups like Vlaams Beland want anyone who moves to Flanders to adopt the Flemish culture and language illustrating race as a principle in contemporary fascism. In contrast, however, the AENM (Alliance of European National Movements) parties say that race is not an issue for them. These far-right fascist parties say that their main concern is ensuring there is not a European super state and they celebrate different cultures, rather than abhorring ‘alien’ cultures. They are more concerned with fighting totalitarianism too, which illustrates that race is not the fundamental/dominant principle of fascist thinking. In contrast, however, race is still a dominant issue in fascism, as fascist groups like the Combat 18 party are somewhat obsessed with the issue of race. This group takes its initials from Adolf Hitler’s initials in the alphabet, and is preoccupied with blood and honour and has been linked to several killings of non-whites, as well as members of their own party, and their magazine ‘Redwatch’ lists names and details of political enemies. The drive of this fascist group is the importance of race, therefore it is clear that here race is dominant in fascism. Although, it is important to note that fascism, particularly in the past, had different priorities. As important as race was for Hitler, there were other, more dominant principles. To both Hitler and Mussolini, expansionism and imperialism were key factors. Perhaps even more important than race was their desire to make their nations great by expanding their territory; Hitler wanted Lebensraum, living space and his desire for this claimed the Saar, Sudetenland, Austria in Anschluss and Czechosolvakia, before starting a war over Poland. Also, war was a great preoccupation with fascists, on Nietzsche’s principle of ‘love peace as a means to new wars’, Hitler went to war in 1939 and Mussolini went to war with Abysinnia, partially in revenge for their previous embarrassing defeat in 1869. Other important principles were the leader and belief in the ‘cycle of elites’ as a means of governing the people, and preoccupation with unity, as well as

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struggle/conflict and military superiority showing the power and strength of their nation. Fascist thinking was also about anti-principles and reacting to other ideas of capitalism, individualism and equality. Therefore, fascist thinking was not exclusively about race. Therefore, although in fascist thinking, racism and the issue of race played a dominant role, it is wrong to assume that fascism always includes a racial aspect; often it does not and other principles are even more dominant in what makes fascism an ideology, like the ‘leader’ and expansionism. Therefore, race is not always dominant in fascist thinking.

Examiner’s commentary This essay recognises the historical importance of race in fascism, both in its philosophy and political practice, particularly with regard to Nazi Germany. Yet it also recognises that race was not the sole concern of fascists and the fact that Mussolini’s variant of fascism tended to focus more on the nation than it did on race. There is clear coverage of the continued significance of race in post war fascism and of the other issues which concern contemporary fascists. Indeed the knowledge level here is most impressive with references to ‘cultural nationalists’ such as the AENM. The answer scored level 4 marks for each of the 3 criteria. The student’s knowledge of historical and contemporary fascism was of a high order and the analysis perceptive and measured. The language utilised met all of the demands necessary for 6 marks. A very impressive response. Marks awarded: AO1 – 10 AO2 – 11 AO3 – 6 Total mark: 27/30

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AQA Education (AQA) is a registered charity (number 1073334) and a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales (number 3644723). Our registered address is AQA, Devas Street, Manchester M15 6EX.

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