PROCEEDINGS 09 87－92 March 2010

Women’s and Men’s Magazines & Gender Norms as Seen in Questionnaire Results Kazue SAKAMOTO Ochanomizu University

Abstract There have been criticisms that women’s magazines portrayal of stereotypical female images and sex-based division of roles reinforces gender norms. This paper analyzes questionnaire surveys conducted in 2008 to explore whether women’s magazines truly impact the awareness of gender norms of many readers, and also takes a look at the influence of men’s magazines. Looking at the correlation among the frequency with which magazines are read, normative consciousness of gender roles, and fashion consciousness shows that in the case of men there was a correlation between the fashion consciousness scale and the frequency with which magazines are read. A correlation was also seen between fashion consciousness and the normative consciousness of gender roles. However, no correlation was seen between the frequency with which magazines are read and the normative consciousness of gender roles. In the case of women, there was a correlation between the fashion consciousness scale and the frequency with which magazines are read. A correlation was also seen between fashion consciousness and the normative consciousness of gender roles. However, once again no correlation was seen between the frequency with which magazines are read and the normative consciousness of gender roles. Surveys targeting adult females in the general population showed no correlation between the frequency with which women’s magazines are read and the normative consciousness of gender roles, and therefore it could not be said that reading women’s magazines reinforces the normative consciousness of gender roles. Moreover, analysis of this survey showed a relationship between fashion consciousness and the frequency with which magazines are read, and between fashion consciousness and the normative consciousness of gender roles both for men and women, suggesting that fashion was an important factor in men’s magazines as well. Key words: women’s magazine, men’s magazine, gender (sex) role, fashion, questionnaire survey

1993). An analysis conducted in 1986 by the Society for Research on Women’s Magazines looked at the content of women’s magazines from Japan, America, and Mexico and noted that women’s magazines emphasize similar external qualities, such as youth and thinness. The majority of female models appearing in the women’s magazines, even publications targeting homemakers, were young women in their 20s. Based on these types of content analyses, Teruko Inoue observes that an extremely large number of pages in Japanese women’s magazines are devoted to style topics, including beauty and fashion, and that a great number of pages are concerned with domestic chores, such as cooking. She states that women’s magazines feature topics regarding style and housework, while men’s magazines feature themes related to leisure, thus demonstrating genderbased divisions of labor (Inoue et al., 1989). Feminism has criticized the media, especially women’s magazines, for their portrayal of gender-role ideology in

1．This paper’s perspective There have been criticisms that women’s magazines portrayal of stereotypical female images and sex-based division of roles reinforces gender norms. Davies and others who have denounced discrimination against women in the British media have pointed out that the media is encouraging the acquisition of traditional concepts towards gender roles. In particular, articles and advertisements in women’s magazines concerning fashion, beauty, and health place strong pressure on women to attaining outward gender roles (Davies et al., 1987:64–5). In Japan, too, Teruko Inoue and Taiki Morohashi, a member of the Society for Research on Women’s Magazines, have stated that the value of studying women’s magazines lies in clarifying messages of genderrole ideology, such as emphasizing femininity and stereotypical depictions of men and women (Morohashi 87

PROCEEDINGS 09 March 2010

magazines that urge readers to behave in accordance with that gender-role ideology. Van Zoonen calls this pattern of media criticism a “feminist transmission model of communication” (Van Zoonen 1991). Since the 1990s, some problems with these criticisms have been pointed out. Van Zoonen has raised two issues. The first issue is that this model ignores the ambiguity of media. The media is an arena that disputes meanings, not a place where cultural meanings have already been stipulated. The second issue is the fact that explanations on media texts have not afforded the recipients the luxury of choice.1 The first questions whether it is acceptable to assume that media texts such as women’s magazines depict or impose gender norms, while the second takes another look at what readers of women’s magazines and other publications take away from media texts. The two issues are related. If readers are taking away meaning from those texts that is different from gender norms, then it can be assumed that women’s magazines contain even greater ambiguity of meaning. Therefore, reader analysis was conducted to determine how readers respond to content. In media studies, Radway’s reader analysis of Harlequin romance novels is well known as an example of ethnography research on recipients, but research has also been carried out on women’s magazines. McRobbie drew on established knowledge to discuss young women who read magazines, and Hermes researched the language used by female readers when speaking about magazines (Radway 1984; McRobbie 1996; Hermes 1995). These studies looked at what role reading romance novels has in daily life, or how readers respond to messages in novels and women’s magazines, and arguments were made as to the relationship that message interpretation and utilization in everyday life has to gender norms and the reality of patriarchal authority. This research clarified the ambiguity of reading and utilization, and a resistance to patriarchal authority. Research results clarified that romance novels and women’s magazines, what is referred to as women’s media, did not always lead to internalization of gender norms, that it served multiple functions, and was beneficial. However, this type of diverse interpretation and utilization do not negate the existence of an impact on internalization of gender norms. There is a view that the fundamental question has yet to be answered. Namely, do media such as women’s magazines in some manner actually influence many people to internalize gender norms? I conducted a survey of female university students in 20 0 5 a n d p r o p o s e d , a s o u t l i n e d b e l o w , t hat the relationship between reading women’s magazines and gender roles was dependent on fashion awareness (Sakamoto 2009).

Fashion comprises a large portion of today’s women’s magazines. In contrast to a period that lasted up to the 1960s when magazines for housewives were founded on the gender-based role of the woman being in the home, today, fashion magazines are the most widely read of all women’s magazines. In 2005, the women’s fashion magazine CanCan sold 1,142,485 issues—the third largest selling magazine after Gekkan Television and Ie no Hikari. Other fashion magazines, MORE and with sold over 800,000–900,000 issues. Women’s fashion magazines are extremely popular among all magazine genres. According to a structure survey conducted by Inoue and others on October 1986 issues, out of 38 women’s magazines analyzed, 16 devoted over 30% of their content to stylerelated articles on fashion and beauty (Inoue et al, 1989). On the other hand, there are also magazines focusing on men’s fashion. Although sales of men’s fashion magazines do not stand out like women’s fashion magazines, many have been published since the 1980s, including MEN’S CLUB (launched in 1954; the following dates in parenthesis indicate the year of the first issue), POPEYE (1976), MEN’S NON-NO (1986), FINEBOYS (1986), Boon (1986), Gainer (1990), Smart (1995), and Men’s JOKER (2004). Just like women’s fashion magazines, these men’s fashion magazines focus on fashion-related articles, as indicated by cover-page top headlines such as, “Close-up on Fall Bags” (Smart, November 2007), “The Latest Shirts & Jersey Knit Tops Carefully Selected by Beautiful Sales Staff!” (FINEBOYS, October 2007), and “Top Coordinator Secrets for Simple but Sexy Fall Clothes. Naturally Charming!! A Sure Hit! Techniques for Making the Most of the Latest Fall Tops” (Men’s JOKER, October 2007). In addition, in recent years it is not uncommon to find fashion magazines targeting middleaged men, as illustrated by LEON, a publication begun in 2001 that utilizes trendy language meaning “cool older guys” and “older guys who are a bit of a rogue.” A look at 2005 advertising costs by industry shows that most magazine advertising expenses were for cosmetics and toiletries (15.8%) followed by fashion and accessories (14.8%), while other industry advertising costs did not even reach 10% (Dentsu Advertising Yearbook 2006/2007: 183). Fashion and cosmetics are a source of income for the magazine industry. Not only articles, but the majority of ads found in magazines also fashion related. Magazines are closely entwined with fashion. This paper uses questionnaire results to explore whether women’s magazines truly impact the awareness of gender norms of many readers, and also takes a look at the influence of men’s magazines.

2．Previous research Numerous analyses of Japanese women’s magazines have been conducted, including those by Inoue and others 88

Women’s and Men’s Magazines & Gender Norms as Seen in Questionnaire Results

3．Survey summary

(1989), Morohashi (1993), and Skov & Moeran (1995), but while there have been many reader analyses based on reader’s columns in magazines, there has been little research that directly investigates readers through question-based and quantitative surveys. Research spotlighting reader awareness and behavior is scarce, but includes Itsuro Takeshita and others’ research on utilization and degree of satisfaction (Takeshita et al., 1978), a comparison of nonsubscribers and “gal (young, trendy females)” magazine subscribers based on a questionnaire and interviews (Sato 2002), and a methodical review of analyses of women’s magazines and reader surveys (Kurita 2006). I carried out a questionnaire in 2005 targeting 150 female university students from two women’s universities, analyzed the data, and examined the relationship among normative consciousness of gender roles, fashion consciousness, and the frequency with which women’s magazines are read (Sakamoto 2009). That research showed a correlation between the frequency with which women’s magazines were read and normative consciousness of gender roles (r=.37, p