TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL AUSTRALIA Affiliate of Transparency International, the Coalition against Corruption

‘What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs’

What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Researched and written by Kathy Richards Australia Ph: +61 2 6257 0753 Email: [email protected] December 2006 Completed on behalf of Transparency International Australia PO Box 41 Blackburn South Vic 3130 AUSTRALIA Ph/Fax: +61 2 9389 5930 Email: [email protected] www.transparency.org.au Views and opinions expressed have been put forward by the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Transparency International Australia or the organisations mentioned in this report.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Contents 1 Executive Summary 1.1 Definitions

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2 Context and Framework 2.1 Purpose of research 2.2 Background 2.3 Methodology 2.4 Assumptions and limitations of research

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3 Case studies 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Community-led programs 3.3 Community programs monitoring against corruption 3.4 Community programs providing information and advice services 3.5 Community programs and anti-corruption education 3.6 Anti-corruption coalitions

13 13 14 20 22 26 29

4. Factors for success in community-based anti-corruption programs 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Internal factors 4.3 External Factors 4.4 Summary

35 35 35 38 40

5: Linking to a Pacific context 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Short listed community-based programs

45 45 46

6. Recommendations for Transparency International

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7 References

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

1: Executive Summary This report documents 15 community-based anti-corruption initiatives, examining what has worked in anti-corruption programs and investigating why have these particular programs been successful. Given Australian aid programs have a significant interest in supporting anticorruption programs in the Pacific region, this research also considered how lessons learnt could be applied in a Pacific context. Community-based anti-corruption programs are initiatives that are physically and conceptually located in a community to fight and counter corruption. They are programs in direct contact with communities, actively involving citizens in the design, implementation and evaluation of the anti-corruption activities. The 15 case studies of community programs for this report were drawn from Transparency International Chapters and other anti-corruption groups, networks and organisations in Asia, the Pacific and Europe. All programs had direct contact with citizens, by providing information and education on corruption, offering citizens legal advice regarding corruption, or bringing people together for collective action, such as public meetings to discuss local corruption issues or community monitoring against corruption. The programs are discussed in five groupings for a simple comparative assessment of what works and why within each group, as well as across all the programs. The groups are: 1. Community-led programs empowering communities to fight corruption Programs include Committees of Concerned Citizens working on local corruption issues across 36 locations in Bangladesh, and the MKSS in India assisting workers in Rajasthan to monitor the disbursement of public funds. 2. Community programs monitoring against corruption Programs include Report Card Surveys in Bangladesh, and communities counting textbook deliveries to schools across the Philippines. 3. Community programs providing information and advice services Programs include national Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres in Europe and Central Asia, and local Advice and Information Desks in Bangladesh. 4. Community programs and anti-corruption education Programs include Civic Clubs in high schools in India, and the establishment of anti-corruption groups in Indonesian Islamic schools. 5. Anti-corruption coalitions Programs include national coalitions between business, government and community in Korea, local coalitions bringing together major religious communities in Indonesia, and a new national coalition against corruption in Papua New Guinea. The influences on the success of each program are analysed in two categories: internal factors; the attributes and processes of the implementing organisations, and the external factors; the wider environmental dynamics that affected the program. Internal factors are under the control of the sponsoring or implementing organisation. They are the endemic features of the organisation as well as how the organisation designs its anti-corruption program and with whom the organisation establishes relationships. External factors are the outside social, political, cultural and economic dynamics of society and state. Organisations have limited to no control over these external factors. Identifying what has enabled or positively influenced the achievements of anti-corruption programs is crucial when considering the programs’ transferability to a new location or context. Once required factors for a program to succeed are understood, a different location or environment can be evaluated for the presence (or absence) of these factors. This will offer some indication as to whether a successful program in one setting is viable in a new and different location. Across the case studies, internal factors appear to be more influential over the success of the programs than the external factors. The processes adopted when designing and implementing the program, the people employed and engaged by the implementing organisation or group, and the

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs ability of the implementing organisation or group to engage with other stakeholders, especially government authorities, was critical to the success of most programs. It is not surprising that the organisations running successful programs against corruption optimised their internal factors before their program was launched. External conditions were important, even highly influential, but appear to have less of an impact on the success of the programs than the internal factors. For most organisations, external factors were akin to dynamics or limitations that their programs needed to work within. However it was certainly important that organisations understood and considered carefully the possible impact of the external environment on their community programs. Successful programs were therefore situated in a position that gave the implementing organisation room to manoeuvre within the local social, political and cultural context. Two external factors were important for a majority of programs: ‘different stakeholders recognising corruption as a problem’ and ‘community members discussing or talking about corruption’ were each essential for nearly two thirds of the case studies. Only two programs did not depend on either one of these factors, namely Ethics and Sport and Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness. Interestingly, both these programs did depend on the factor of ‘external supporter publicly endorsing the program’. There were also unanticipated catalysts, external factors that were difficult to predict and had been realised as facilitating success only in hindsight. This was an external supporter offering unexpected public endorsement of a program, or a crisis event that jolted people’s consciousness about corruption. Catalysts are difficult to cultivate and predict, so it is helpful to note that in no case study was an unexpected catalyst the sole reason for a program’s success. Overall only three factors appear to be universal and essential to the success of all programs. First is the internal factor of determining a clear and defined focus and strategy for the program with in-built flexibility, and second is the human resources component – having a skilled, competent team to implement the program. Third, the trust of communities was also a universal reason for success. This is a special factor, as it is perhaps both an internal and external factor. Organisations and groups need to look inwards and structure their processes for maximum participation with community members. However, trust must come from the external community towards the program and the program implementers. The most significant result of this research was that there was no single factor or catalyst that underpinned the success of a community anti-corruption program. Every program was successful because of a combination of factors, sometimes only a few, but often up to six or seven significant reasons. Given the Australian aid program has a significant interest in supporting anti-corruption programs in the Pacific region, this research also considered how lessons learnt could be applied in a Pacific context. Six case studies are recommended for further research and consideration for piloting in the Pacific: a. b. c. d. e. f.

Committees of Concerned Citizens (Case Study One, page 13) Textbook Count (Case Study Six, page 20) Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres (Case Study Seven, page 22) Ethics and Sport (Case Study Nine, page 25) Civic Clubs, Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness (Case Study 10, page 26) Anti-corruption coalitions (Case Studies 12-15), page 28)

These short listed programs could be adapted for small, rural and isolated Pacific communities, as well as small urban populations. Predominately these are programs that do not depend on political will for reform in order to achieve short-term progress. They are also activities that do not require the condition that communities are vocal about or are discussing corruption, appropriate for Pacific communities where corruption often remains a social taboo. These programs can build awareness and break down taboos about corruption in a non-confronting, non-threatening manner, such as the positive angle of Ethics and Sport. Committees of Concerned Citizens can be established through networks that are important in Pacific communities, such as through churches or with the endorsement of traditional leaders. Transparency International’s successful Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs particularly deserve further investigation for their possible relevance for Pacific communities because of their capacity to confront corruption on many fronts: through education, support for individual victims of corruption, empowering communities and capacity building of state accountability mechanisms. In concluding, this research should be considered a first step towards understanding why certain community based anti-corruption programs have been successful, and investigating what might be appropriate for community anti-corruption programs for the Pacific. The following are recommendations for Transparency International Australia’s next steps: • • • • •

Field-based in-country research for six short-listed programs Consultation with Transparency International Chapters in Pacific Repeat or follow-up of NISPAC studies Research into role of Pacific Island traditional governance systems in fighting corruption Careful consideration of what Transparency International cannot do

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

1.1 Definitions •

Corruption is operationally defined as the misuse of entrusted power for private gain. This report adopts the Transparency International definition that further differentiates between "according to rule" corruption and "against the rule" corruption. Facilitation payments, where a bribe is paid to receive preferential treatment for something that the bribe receiver is required to do by law, constitute the former. The latter, on the other hand, is a bribe paid to obtain services the bribe receiver is prohibited from providing. It is important to recognise that understanding of corruption will vary in and between different communities. As noted in the National Integrity Systems reports of the Pacific Island Countries, perception of corruption varied within and between Pacific states, with ambiguity and disagreement about what might be considered as corruption.

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Community is an aggregation of people for common interests. Community can be geographic (territory or location of people), economic (people linked through work and markets), or social (people linked by social interactions and relationships). What is a ‘community’ is socially, politically and culturally influenced.

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Demand-led anti-corruption programs foster the capacity of communities to hold governments and institutions accountable for delivery of basic services and protection of rights. Demand-led programs work from the ground up, to break down the barriers that place citizens at risk of corruption.

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Supply-side anti-corruption programs develop or support institutions, processes and laws to protect against corruption. These programs are more likely to be top-down programs, at a national level working with personnel in national bureaucracy or in government.

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Community-based anti-corruption programs are initiatives that are physically and conceptually located in a community to fight and counter corruption. They are programs in direct contact with communities, actively involving citizens in the design, implementation and evaluation of the anti-corruption activities. Examples of community based anti-corruption programs include campaigns to build people’s interest and raise awareness of corruption issues, civic education programs, programs that provide citizens with resources or services such as advice centres, and programs working on local monitoring activities.

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Community-led programs give community members direct control and responsibility over all aspects of decision-making within the program. This means the community controls the strategy and implementation of the activities at all stages, most commonly through a consultation and decision-making process that works towards consensus.

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Enabling environment factors are the positive influences on the program without which the program would not succeed: o

Internal factors are the attributes and processes of the implementing organizations. Internal factors include how the organisation is functioning before it commences a community-based anti-corruption program, how the program is designed and who is involved in the program. It also includes endemic features of the organisation, such as size, location and relationships with key stakeholders.

o

External factors are the wider social, political, cultural and economic dynamics of the society and state. Organisations have limited to no control or influence over these factors. Yet these may be the crucial factors that create an enabling environment for a community anti-corruption program to succeed.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

2. Context and framework 2.1 Purpose of research This project aimed to identify and document community based anti-corruption initiatives with an assessment of the factors that positively influenced their successes. Using the results of the 12 National Integrity Systems of Pacific Island Countries (NISPAC) and taking into account the new Australian Government AusAID anti-corruption strategy, the project also recommends a range of mechanisms that could be employed by local civil society organisations in a future Transparency International Pacific Program.

2.2 Background What are community based anti-corruption programs? Effective support for communities and local populations to demand an end to corruption relies on two components of a multi-pronged approach. The first component is to put in place the institutions, processes and laws to protect against corruption. This is commonly identified as the ‘supply-side’ method. But citizens and communities need to speak up to demand transparency and an end to corruption. The ‘demand-side’ or bottom-up approach fosters, nurtures and encourages communities to demand greater accountability and better standards of their society’s existing institutions and representatives. This is usually through community-based programs, which in a holistic strategy to fighting anti-corruption, complement supply-side initiatives. Broadly speaking, community-based anti-corruption programs are initiatives that are physically and conceptually located in a community to fight and counter corruption. They are programs in direct contact with communities, actively involving citizens in the design, implementation and evaluation of the anti-corruption activities. Examples of community based anti-corruption programs include campaigns to build people’s interest and raise awareness of corruption issues, civic education programs, programs that provide citizens with resources or services such as advice centres, and programs working on local monitoring activities. Community-based programs are important not only for balancing top-down strategies to combat corruption. Community-based programs also bring together a variety of stakeholders who are in daily, intimate contact with people and communities. This is important for a number of reasons. Community organisations, local interest groups, non government organisations, local churches, local service groups and other community groups can bring an acute awareness of the problems that corruption causes people, particularly for marginalised and people living in poverty. They witness the daily affects of corruption as it institutionalises inequities and impoverishes and disempowers the poor (Holloway, 2006). In addition, citizens often view community groups and local organisations as representative and knowledgeable about their community concerns, and therefore trust them as voices speaking for the community’s interests. By working with groups or organisations that have the trust and sanction of the community, community-based programs offer a means to identify and respond to the priority issues for local people. In turn, when trust and good relationships exits between communities and local organisations, citizens are reportedly more prepared to respond to a locally organised anti-corruption campaign, rather than a national initiative that is perceived as arising from an outsider’s agenda (Holloway, 2006). However community-based programs should not be seen as the only solution to addressing corruption. There is an essential role that ‘supply-side’ initiatives also play in preventing and addressing corruption.

Factors for success in community-based anti-corruption programs This report is not only documenting what has worked in community-based anti-corruption programs, but also asks why have these particular programs been successful. What, if any, were the reasons for

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs these programs’ ability to meet their goals? What were the positive influences on the various programs? Are these influences repeated across different programs, or is a program’s success built entirely on a local context? Identifying what has enabled or positively influenced the achievements of a particular anti-corruption program is crucial when considering the program’s transferability to a new location or context. Once the required ‘factors’ for a program to work – the positive influences on the program without which the program would not succeed – are understood, a different location or environment can be evaluated for the presence (or absence) of these factors. This will offer some indication as to whether a successful program in one setting is viable in a new and different location. As every community and society is different, the presence and degree of enabling factors for an anti-corruption program will vary from one location to another. Understanding a local setting and determining which factors for program success are present will greatly assist in adapting anti-corruption programs to suit a prevailing environment. One analysis that explores specific enabling factors for success in anti-corruption programs is the independent evaluation of Transparency International’s Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres (McCarthy 2005). McCarthy’s report noted that for the advice centres to be successful, certain conditions needed to ‘ripe’. McCarthy carefully considered what these optimum conditions might be, looking inwards to the attributes of the organisations operating the centres (in this case the local Transparency International Chapter), and looking out towards the external political, social and cultural environment. McCarthy referred to these as ‘internal’ and ‘external’ factors, and suggested that a combination of internal and external factors were critical to creating an enabling environment for the anti-corruption program. This research expands on McCarthy’s framework of internal and external factors, and examines what were the enabling factors for success across a range of different community-based anti-corruption programs. This analysis also asks if any factors for success are repeated across numerous programs. This will assist in determining what (if any) enabling factors should be considered critical and essential for all of the community-based anti-corruption programs investigated.

AusAID Anti-corruption strategy The Australian Government AusAID 2006 White Paper1 announced the preparation of a new strategy to guide Australian aid programs countering corruption. The strategy will include law and justice, and economic and fiscal management programs, both complemented through a raft of programs fostering bottom-up demand for transparency and anti-corruption. This will include direct support for anticorruption organisations in partner countries. Traditionally donors, including AusAID, have been more comfortable in the zone of ‘supply-side’ programs, offering financial resources, training, technical assistance and external advisors to build and support a quantity of top-down mechanisms and institutions to counter corruption. As AusAID considers how to better support demand-led initiatives against corruption, Transparency International is presented with an opportunity to offer recommendations on what works and why in community based anti-corruption programs. Given the Australian aid program has a significant interest in the Pacific region, this research has considered how lessons learnt from successful community based anti-corruption programs could be applied in a Pacific context. Section 6 outlines six case studies recommended for further research and consideration for piloting in the Pacific.

2.3 Methodology Research commenced with a review of Transparency International toolkits and documented case studies of community-based anti-corruption programs. This was followed by search of all Transparency International chapter websites for further examples of community based anti-corruption 1

AusAID, 2006, Australia Aid: Promoting Growth and Stability, A White Paper on the Australian Government’s Overseas Aid Program. - 10 -

What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs programs. The researcher also directly contacted Transparency International chapters and groups in the Asia and Pacific regions by email and phone. Other NGOs and community organisations involved in anti-corruption activities were also contacted. There was also a field trip to visit the Transparency International Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres in Azerbaijan and participate in an international workshop on the opportunities for replicating this program in other countries. This field trip gave the opportunity to visit an Advocacy and Legal Advice Centre, meet with program staff and volunteers, discuss the program with clients and also discuss the program with donors. The workshop involved program staff from over a dozen countries currently running an Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres. This was a rare opportunity to speak to program coordinators implementing a successful community program in different social and political contexts, and highlighted that certain factors for the success of the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres were consistent across different countries and communities. The criterion for ‘successful’ community anti-corruption programs was at the discretion of the implementing organisations. Most organisations declared success on the basis of meeting their project or program’s goals and objectives. Some case studies also highlighted unexpected accomplishments that were deviations from the original strategy, but nevertheless were achievements in fighting corruption. The measure of success was a subjective perception of success, given that this research could not undertake an objective measure of effectiveness or impact or affect on curbing corruption. Except for the field work on the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres there was also no opportunity to assess community views and attitudes towards the various programs. Where possible organisations did share critical evaluations of their programs. However the short time frame for the research gave little limited opportunity for building relationships with the various organisations approached. This meant that independent evaluations and critiques of programs, often prepared for internal use with program stakeholders were not made readily available. Not all anti-corruption organisations contacted currently conduct or support community based anticorruption programs. Of the organisations and groups who do have community programs, approximately 60% were available to respond to requests for in-depth phone interviews. The majority of the respondents were staff (directors, program coordinators and technical advisors) with some volunteer board members also responding. Some organisations unavailable for phone interviews were able to answer questions and share evaluations of their programs by email. The email and phone interviews were semi-formal with a minimum set of standard questions but in most cases, informal follow up conversations were more informative than the initial interviews. Two case studies have been presented on the basis of previous assessments and analysis. The case studies selected for this report have been given a simple comparative assessment as to the factors and pre-conditions for their success. This was to establish if certain preconditions and factors for success were consistent across the programs, or if catalysts for success were wholly unique to each program’s circumstances.

2.4 Assumptions and limitations of research Primarily due to the limited time frame, there have been some unavoidable assumptions and limitations in the research. This investigation is hopefully a first step in a longer process of discussion and learning on what works and why in community based anti-corruption programs. To challenge the assumptions and assess and verify the conclusions, further research will be necessary.

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Uncritical approach to notion of community

The greatest assumption in this research is the uncritical reference to community. There has been no opportunity for this research to challenge individual case studies’ interpretation of community, or assess individual community relations or power structures. Defining the ‘boundaries’ of community is also important (Mansuri and Rao 2004), but there was no opportunity for a thorough investigation that could determine community borders or investigate if people at the borders – the poor, marginalised, excluded people – were involved in the various programs.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs One assumption that is put aside through the diversity of case studies is the presumption that community is simple a geographic construct. To counter this notion there are lessons learnt from programs working with economic and social communities. •

No independent assessment of success

The research has been obliged to be uncritical of the various program’s processes or achievements. The research largely relied on an organisation’s own assessments and evaluations of their programs although some programs did provide independent evaluations that indicated a reduction in corruption in their target area. But for most activities there was also no opportunity to properly assess the impact of programs on reduction of corruption. Comparison of a program meeting its goals (a routine measure of success), and the wider impact on curbing corruption would be a vital next step for the short-listed programs. Community-programs are not the panacea for addressing corruption and their limitations need to be better understood. •

Limited consultation with community members

There was only limited opportunity for field-based research which involved visiting and assessing the Transparency International Advocacy and Legal Advice Centre program of Azerbaijan. For all other programs there was no other opportunity to ask what worked and why from the perspective of other stakeholders, most importantly community members themselves. •

‘Unsuccessful’ programs not discussed or analysed

To ask why is a program successful invites the question ‘what are unsuccessful programs’? Understanding the reasons why, even in optimal conditions, some programs don’t work can reveal pertinent lessons for what not to do. However analysing what has been a designated failure, or perhaps simply unproductive, needs to be done with sensitivity and trust. There was insufficient time to build trusting relationships with program coordinators for them to disclose information about program ‘failures’. The next phase of research needs to invest time and effort into building relationships with other anti-corruption organisations in order to discuss the reasons behind ‘unsuccessful’ programs. This will be crucial research because as noted above, the limitations of community-based programs need to be better understood. •

No forestry case studies discussed

The original terms of reference asked for a special focus on community programs addressing corruption in forestry and fisheries industries, as these are two significant industries for Pacific Island countries, and also areas known to be prone to corruption. In this initial search for such programs, only one example of a successful community program working with fisher folk could be found and analysed. No successful community-based anti-corruption forestry programs were available. Follow up research should be dedicated to looking for and analysing such sectoral programs.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

3. Case studies 3.1 Introduction The 15 community-based anti-corruption programs examined in this research come from around the world: from Bangladesh to Papua New Guinea, Indonesia to Bosnia. There are experiences of different Transparency International Chapters alongside programs from other anti-corruption groups, networks and organisations. This chapter briefly describes each program with a review of their results. Comparative analysis of the factors and preconditions that fostered progress for these programs is further discussed in section four. Organisations and groups were invited to put forward what they considered was a successful community-based anti-corruption program. Because this research sought to analyse a range of different community-based anti-corruption programs, the broadest definition of community or community-based programs was offered. Most organisations interpreted community-based work as vocational occupations at a grassroots level with citizens in a locality specific activity. However some activities were engaging with ‘social’ communities, for example faith-based communities. One program is working with an ‘economic’ community of fisher folk whose unifying feature is their trade. All programs had direct contact with citizens, by providing information and education on corruption, or offering legal advice or bringing people together for popular action against corruption, for example public meetings, rallies or collective monitoring against corruption. Some programs are very sophisticated with a range of sub-programs and many different activities. A few programs are very simple. Some have been running for a number of years, others programs are still new and conclusions are tentative The programs are discussed in five groupings: 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Community-led programs empowering communities to fight corruption Community programs monitoring against corruption; Community programs providing information and advice services; Community programs and anti-corruption education; and Anti-corruption coalitions

Grouping the programs in five general categories enables a simple comparative assessment of what works and why within each group, as well as across all the programs. All of the programs discussed have elements or aspects that could relate to more than one group, but main purpose of the program determines which group they have been allocated The last category of programs is anti-corruption coalitions. These are coalitions that involve community groups and civil society organisations together with other organisations – businesses, private sector, media groups and others.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

3.2 Community-led programs: Empowering communities to fight corruption This section outlines four ‘community-led’ programs that are tackling corruption. Often community-led programs are conflated with community-based programs, however there are important distinctions. Community-led, or sometimes referred to as ‘community-driven’ programs give community members direct control and responsibility over all aspects of decision-making within the program. This means the community controls the strategy and implementation of the activities at all stages, most commonly through a consultation and decision-making process that works towards consensus. This sets up a different dynamic to other anti-corruption programs that might be located in a community setting, but are managed and directed by an outside organisation, or a small group of people who may not be able to represent the whole community. In each of these case studies the priority of the program is to bolster community’s own efforts to tackle corruption. The implementing organisation is aiding and facilitating the process that the community wants to adopt. _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY ONE Box 3.1 Committee of Concerned Citizens – Bangladesh Transparency International (TI) Bangladesh is a leading organisation in the movement against corruption in Bangladesh. TI-Bangladesh maintains a strong grassroots focus, aiming to catalyse and strengthen anti-corruption participatory social movements from local platforms. One of the successful ways that TI-Bangladesh has engaged with communities is through the Committees of Concerned Citizens. Committees of Concerned Citizen (Triple Cs) are local voluntary watchdog committees, engaging with communities to both bolster communities’ efforts to eradicate and prevent corruption and provide citizens with anti-corruption information and advice. Triple Cs respond to corruption concerns raised by communities members and undertake collective monitoring activities. They also publicly report on corruption problems and evidence of corruption obtained from monitoring exercises. Committees have 9-21 appointed members with an elected convenor (for a maximum of two successive one year terms). All members are volunteers and come from a variety of professional groups including teachers, lawyers, journalists, physicians, business people, NGO workers, retired government officials, public representatives and community activists. Membership in the Triple C is granted on the basis of personal credibility and ability to lead, motivate and support citizens in the community struggle against corruption. Special care is taken that Triple Cs are non-partisan. Triple C members cannot be office-bearers of a political party, and must ensure that any partisan political position does not affect the nature of their role and participation in the Triple C. Committees receive initial financial support from TI-Bangladesh, with arrangements that each Triple C will grow and evolve to self-reliance on financial support from their community. This includes sourcing office space, which may be donated from local businesses, or premises within an education institution. Ongoing training, technical assistance and logistic support is provided by TI- Bangladesh through locally based staff. Triple Cs may also ‘opt-in’ to TI-Bangladesh’s national anti-corruption campaigns. Attached to each Triple C is a Volunteer Youth Group. Youth Groups, together with Advice and Information Desks2, are the engine room of Triple C’s community activities. Made up of members 1530 years old, Youth Groups help organise local events, such as open assemblies with Triple C members, public meetings with local journalists and community representatives, mothers meetings at schools, workshops and trainings. They assist in collecting responses to Triple C Report Card Surveys, and undertake sub-programs of their own such as study groups, publication of magazines, 2

Case study nine

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs and debate and essay competitions. Also linked to each Triple C are Volunteer Street Theatre groups, communicating messages of anti-corruption awareness. The activities of both the Youth Groups and Street Theatre Groups are usually held on weekends and holidays, fitting with the overall volunteer aspect of the Triple C program. TI-Bangladesh receives many requests and expressions of interest from people wanting to form a Triple C. In the first instance communities commence a group known as ‘Friends of TI-Bangladesh’. This allows interested people to first form a relationship with TI-Bangladesh, with the aim that groups will be nurtured and strengthened before being launched as a Triple C. Both ‘Friends of TIBangladesh’ and Triple Cs can access ongoing technical assistance and training. Communities’ response to Triple Cs has been overwhelmingly positive. This is because Triple Cs and their associated groups and advice services offer a direct way for people to voice complaints, raise concerns, make suggestions and get active in anti-corruption campaigns. The impact on local corruption problems has also been successful. After documenting corruption problems in local hospitals, schools, transport or public services, Committees present recommendations to local government, with practical resolutions to curb and cut corruption. Problems that affect people in their daily lives – such as petty corruption by hospital registrars, or black market profiteering in train ticket sales – have been addressed by simple and realistic solutions Key Strengths ● The Committees of Concerned Citizens offer a direct way for people to make their voice heard on local corruption issues. ● Committees of Concerned Citizens are established on the request of local citizens; they are driven and managed by local advocates. They can join local coalitions and campaigns, and work at a micro level that is often not feasible for a larger national organisation to reach. ● Committees of Concerned Citizens receive technical assistance, logistical support and the backing of the national Transparency International Chapter. ● Committees can opt-in to Transparency International Bangladesh campaigns, or maintain a specific local approach. TI-Bangladesh also has a representative of the Triple C membership on the Advisory Committee to the TI-Bangladesh Board of Trustees. This committee advises the TIBangladesh board in realising their goals. Key Challenges ● Committees of Concerned Citizens require ongoing logistical and training support, which can be resource intensive for the local Transparency International Chapter. Managing the numerous relationships between Committees and Transparency International Bangladesh is also resource intensive. ● As committees become more independent, levels of activity can vary from district to district. For the program to be sustainable in the long-term Committees of Concern Citizens must establish financial and resource support from their local community. ● There are challenges in ensuring that the needs of minority or marginalised groups are represented on committees. ● The positive results of community-based initiatives such as these cannot be sustained without political will at the national level, and independent and effective functioning of the key institutions of national integrity system. In other words Committees of Concern Citizens cannot succeed in fighting corruption alone, but must be part of a comprehensive anti-corruption strategy. Transparency International Bangladesh _________________________________________________________________________________

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

CASE STUDY TWO Communities are not only defined by their territorial boundaries. Economic communities, such as networks and groups of workers play a very important role in people’s lives. Assisting workers to come together and organise collective actions to deal with corruption is a very practical method of community empowerment. The following program was initially conceived as a coastal resource management project. However local networks of fisher folk identified corruption as an underlying problem that unless addressed would threaten the viability of any local resource management scheme. With resources, training and moral support, the fisher folk of Lamon Bay, Philippines have made impressive advances in bringing corruption out into the open.

Box 3.2 Lamon Bay Integrated Coastal Resources Management Project – Philippines The Integrated Coastal Resources Management Project originally aimed to increase community capacity to manage local coastal resources. What quickly emerged from the fisher folk community was that unless collusion between local government and illegal fisheries was halted, any efforts to establish sustainable resource management and fishing would be fruitless. The major problem facing fisher folk in the Lamon Bay was poverty. Fisher folk faced competition with illegal commercial fishers who destroyed coral reefs and left breeding grounds depleted and unproductive. With reduced catches, unemployment and ensuing poverty, many local fisher folk themselves had resorted to illegal fishing. Attributed to the proliferation of illegal fishing operations was corruption within the local government units mandated to enforce fishery laws. Local fisher folk were members of local Fishery and Aquatic Resource Management Councils and volunteer bantay dagat (sea patrol) groups. Most Resource Councils were dominant, struggling with defunct leadership and urgently needed re-energising. Bantay dagat were also in trouble, lacking basic resources, such as communication or surveillance equipment. Yet there was also a desire from communities not to form new groups or collectives, but to rather to improve their Resource Councils and bantay dagat instead. Most fisher folk reported that although they believed their government should not be profiting from the illegal fisheries, they did not have the skills to make complaints or advocate for change. Bantay dagats were permitted to apprehend illegal fishers, but patrols were uncertain of their responsibilities when reporting incidents. In response, the project re-focused towards assisting fisher folk consolidate and strengthen their economic and support networks and bantay dagats. An extensive two-year training program was set up. Paralegal training was provided on the status and extent of current fishing laws, the legalities of patrol and apprehension, and the importance of documentation of complaints. Leadership training identified and developed potential leaders for councils and patrols. Organisation development training, especially focused on handling conflict and negotiations helped resolve old disputes and re-orientate councils towards the common goal of fighting corruption that bred illegal fishing. Select fisher folk also became trained and accredited fish wardens and inspectors. With boosted morale, new skills and armed with evidence that illegal fishing remained sanctioned by government and the navy, fisher folk made their voices heard. Bantay dagat increased their patrols and filed cases of violations of illegal fishing. They gathered evidence of and exposed the longsuspected collusion between Maritime personnel and commercial fishers. Lobbying started with local governments as fisher folk demanded laws be enacted against collusion and illegal fishing, or that existing laws be enacted. They demanded local governments take the concerns of the fishing community to the National Government, particularly in relation to congressional and military favouritism of certain companies. Communities also successfully lobbied for the suspension of Maritime operations in the Lamon Bay in light of officials’ involvement in corrupt activities. - 16 -

What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Key Strengths ● This program responded to the requests of the workers community to assist them deal with a local corruption problem. ● Rather than creating new committees or groups, structures that were already in place were strengthened. Key Challenges ● Entrenched corruption has been a factor in poor resource management of local fishing areas. The impact on livelihoods for local fisher folk has been devastating. To sustained the efforts made, anti-corruption activities will need to be integrated with future development programs World Vision Development Foundation, Inc. Philippines _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY THREE Finding out what are the corruption problems that most impact on people’s lives can be as simple as sitting down and asking people. This was the starting point for the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS). By then creating a public space in which marginalised communities could verify or challenge their local government’s spending records, the MKSS successfully facilitated a community-led activity that has changed laws, seen embezzled funds returned to communities and truly empowered people to fight corruption.

Box 3.3 Jan Sunwais, Village Based Public hearings – India Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) means “Organization for the Power of Labourers and Farmers”. Living in the villages and sharing the communities’ life experiences, MKSS began by walking from village to village to ask simple questions: did the people know how much government money was coming to their village, and where it was being spent? Very quickly it emerged that villagers were not being paid for their work, and that funds supposedly spent on development was being stolen and embezzled. Under the slogan ’Our Money-Our Accounts’, MKSS assisted villagers to demand local administrators provide an open account of all public expenditure. For many years communities struggled against government authorities that refused to provide access to information, despite Rajasthan law enshrining freedom of information. After continued pressure and public events, MKSS and communities eventually received access to records of expenses in public development projects. To enable citizens to then critique the information, MKSS began to organise Jan Sunwais, or public hearing audits. At each Jan Sunwais, government authorities and officials sit face to face with local villagers. Arrangements are simple – the first Jan Sunwai in 1994 was held under an old parachute providing shade. Now a tent with a few chairs and tables, loudspeakers and a video recorder are the only logistic requirements. What is important is the space established at the Jan Sunwais allows citizens, usually people living in poverty, to scrutinise public spending in their community. Information such as descriptions of public projects, budgets and expenses, timetables for projects, records of workers, employees’ working hours and workers’ payments are publicly read out. Villagers then stand up and point out discrepancies - dead people who are listed as workers, amounts paid to workers actually far less than what is recorded, absent workers marked present, receipt of payments found to be forged. Citizens pointed to public schools recorded as built being nothing more than a pile of discarded bricks, or roads supposedly repaired remaining unusable. Though many are illiterate, the Jan Sunwais gives citizens, especially the poor and disempowered, a chance to scrutinise complex and detailed accounts. In the Jan Sunwais villagers can publicly testify that enormous inconsistencies exist between government reports and the reality in their community. A Jan Sunwai does not pass a verdict or punish the guilty, but has proven to be a more powerful “naming and shaming” tool. Public officials whose corruption and embezzlement has been revealed have begun to return stolen money. Workers can demand – and receive their full and entitled pay.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Now, with the supervision of MKSS, local governments have commenced Jan Sunwais. Other NGOs and community groups have also adapted the model of Jan Sunwais public hearings, expanding their use to read out voters’ lists for verification of election records. Jan Sunwais have also moved from the rural regions into urban areas, such as in Delhi. Key Strengths ● This is a very simple, direct means for citizens to hold local authorities to account. ● There is opportunity for all people, regardless of their level of education to participate. ● Public hearing audits can be adaptable to many social and cultural contexts, including for rural and remote communities ● By addressing issues in an open forum, public hearings can foster better relationships between citizens and government and local authorities. Key Challenges ● Government attendance and participation in the public hearing rests on public pressure. Without an active and mobilised citizenry maintaining pressure, officials will easily dismiss the process. ● Success of public hearings largely depends on access to public information being granted. ● Where the political situation is unstable or threats have been made against anti-corruption advocates, organising open public meetings could put citizens at risk of intimidation or even violence. ● Public hearing audits do not have legal status to ensure that exposed cases of corruption are acted upon by the legal system. Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) Rajasthan, India _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY FOUR As discussed earlier, there is a significant and important distinction between community-based and community-led anti-corruption programs. To illustrate this distinction, specific mention is made of an organisation that works with communities to assist them led their own process of development.

Box 3.4 Communities leading their change – Papua New Guinea The Bismarck Ramu Group (BRG) based in Madang, Papua New Guinea, facilitates and supports community-led processes of community empowerment and development. Each community supported by the BRG is in control of determining what is their priority issue of concern and what is the means by which they will address their situation. The method of dialogue, discussion and sharing is through a Melanesian approach. BRG places a strong emphasis on customary relationships and building self-reliance. There is no predetermined development or governance agenda, and no promise of outside goods or services that the community will ‘obtain’ as a result of working with the BRG. Community facilitators are also all PNG nationals. There are no expatriate community facilitators, but neither are there local community members as facilitators. The method of engaging with communities begins with progressive ‘community entry’. Rather than commencing with a specific agenda or problem to solve (conservation, anti-corruption, resource management for example), BRG community facilitators spend time building trust and forming relationships. After weeks of meeting and sharing with community leaders and community members, BRG and the community explore together the history and culture of the local area. This grounds the community’s development in the chronicle of their own history. The strengths and problems of the community are openly explored, and over time, communities work through their own solutions to the problems they have identified. The emphasis is on self-reliance and independence, working with communities to address their problems without outside help. The BRG works to avoid an expectation from communities that a problem can be named and the community facilitators will then offer and execute a solution.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Facilitators do not become a permanent presence in the community, believing this could lead to communities coming to depend on the BRG. The community sets the pace of discussion and development. The community engagement process is also recognised as a guide with necessary flexibility. Each community is recognised and respected for its unique qualities and different strategy in dealing with its local issues. Community facilitators will focus for as long as communities need on any one stage of a development process, although they avoid suggesting to a community that the process of empowerment is at any particular ‘stage’. There will be repeated visits and significant time spent in communities, and a high value is placed on making time and space for discussion and listening with community members outside the planned meetings. BRG also allocates significant periods of time discussing and sharing experiences among staff and community facilitators. While community facilitators do not live in the communities where they work, after a series of visits to communities (field patrols), facilitators spend time in their own village to follow at home what they apply at work. Communities’ achievements in environmental conservation, resource management has been impressive. These achievements stem from behavioral and attitudinal change as the community realizes their own capacity to effect change. Key Strengths ● The time for reflection and sharing within the Bismarck Ramu Group team is highly valued. The group relationships between staff and community facilitators are very important. As discussed in section four, this focus on sharing experiences within an organisation/group contributes significantly to their achievements as facilitators of a community-led process. ● Rather than depending on a single solution to a situation, the Bismarck Ramu Group process works with communities to explore a range of options for responding to a particular issue. This enables different approaches or responses to be crafted. ● There is no imposition of an outside agenda, the process and the outcomes are owned entirely by the community. ● Through community coalitions that link advocacy organisations with community groups, groups such as the Bismarck Ramu Group can mobilise grassroots support for national anti-corruption campaigns. Key Challenges ● Community-led programs cannot be a method that is dipped in and out of. ● The commitment to the process rather than the outcomes must be wholehearted. ● Experiences of the Bismarck Ramu Group, MKSS and other community-led programs demonstrate that while sustainable and significant changes can be achieved through the communityled approach, it takes time. There must be respect for the demands of work and life on individual community members. Time and space is needed for communities to explore their own indigenous solutions to a governance or corruption issue. This means that the community will dictate the pace of work. ● Communities that have become accustomed to an outsider ‘recommending a solution to their problems’ may at first hesitate at the prospect of controlling their own development. This can be misconstrued as communities ‘not knowing what is best for themselves’. ● There are many local politics within clans and between communities that must be navigated, which again takes time. Bismarck Ramu Group

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

3.3 Community programs monitoring against corruption Monitoring methods have long been used in anti-corruption programs to assess the functioning of accountability systems, identify areas vulnerable to corruption and highlight corrupt practices. Community-based monitoring engages communities, local citizens and ordinary people in scrutinizing and reporting on incidents of corrupt acts and vulnerabilities to corruption. Community-based monitoring has emerged from many parts of the world and employs a range of different tools, such as report cards, public hearings and watchdog units set up in local groups or schools. Effective monitoring can establish a constructive two-way dialogue between communities, and government and business. With a feedback mechanism from citizens to government, public accountability of government and service agencies can increase. Communities can increase their awareness of what local representatives, authorities and service delivery agencies are actually doing. Government and private sector agencies can also learn about corruption problems or weakness in their departments and industries. In the case of ‘Textbook Count’, a simple monitoring exercise highlighted to government the costly impact of entrenched corrupt practices. This led to a government commitment to increase public accountability by involving community monitors in the national textbook procurement and delivery process. Monitoring is a valuable tool in itself, but is made most effective when results of the monitoring exercise can be used in public information campaigns or as an advocacy tool for policy change and reform. Transparency International Bangladesh supports its local Committee of Concerned Citizens to undertake regular Report Card Surveys, capturing the views and experiences of local citizens in regards to corruption in local services. Results of the Report Card Surveys are then used as local advocacy tools. _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY FIVE Box 3.5 Local Report Card Surveys – Bangladesh Transparency International Bangladesh’s Committees of Concerned Citizens (Triple Cs) are local voluntary watchdog committees established to monitor and publicly report on corruption problems, and engage with communities to demand reform and promote integrity in public services. One of the tools of Triple Cs in monitoring corruption is the use of Report Card Surveys. Modelled on client satisfaction surveys, Report Card Surveys are an aggregate of public ratings based on citizens’ first hand experiences of service delivery by public agencies. Report Card Surveys offer a useful tool for presenting community testimony on corruption in public utilities. Surveys also bring hard data and a measure of specificity to diagnosing a corruption problem. Triple Cs consult with citizens to determine what public services present the greatest problems of corruption for the community. Health, education, land administration and local government are among the most frequently chosen services for a report card survey. Report Card Surveys from Triple Cs across Bangladesh have been collated to illustrate patterns of corruption across the different districts. Triple Cs use the findings of the Report Card Surveys as tools for mobilizing stakeholders and for advocating change in relevant institutions. Key strengths ● Local Report Card Surveys offer credible diagnosis on instances of corruption at the micro-level of public service delivery. ● The monitoring program is integrated into other anti-corruption activities. Results of Report Card Surveys can be used in local advocacy and information campaigns. Key challenges ● Monitoring serves limited purpose as a one-off activity. Surveys need be repeated to validate results and assess shifts in behaviour and practice.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

● Report Card Surveys require some centralised coordination. ● Report card surveys can introduce a large population of people to the concept of monitoring issues, but do rely on having a core group of persons or activists skilled in gathering data and collating results. ● Data analysis, particularly if requiring statistical analysis, does require some skilled competency. ● Report Cards give voice to people’s experiences, but unless there is follow-up and links to other activities, citizens are not engaged as agents of change or defenders against corruption.3 Transparency International Bangladesh _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY SIX Community-based monitoring programs need to be able to get people actively engaged, not only in raising issues to be scrutinized, but in the monitoring process itself. This can be achieved by monitoring programs that avoid a reliance on technical or skilled operators. Textbook Count is an excellent example of a proactive, local monitoring program that involves people as inspectors and gatekeepers in a proactive program to stop corruption happening in the first place. Its simplicity - counting and checking delivery of textbooks – belies its sophistication as a program that has mobilised thousands of people, especially young people, as agents in corruption prevention.

Box 3.6 Textbook Count – Philippines Textbook Count is a nationwide monitoring program where volunteers are mobilized to help public schools count and check textbook deliveries. Coordinated by Government Watch or ‘G-Watch’ (an anti-corruption project of the Ateneo School of Government, Philippines), Textbook Count is founded on the principle that ordinary citizens can make a meaningful and practical contribution to prevent corruption in the government. In the 1990s the Philippines’ largest public department, the Department of Education (Dept Ed) was considered one of the top five most corrupt agencies in the country. Major problems existed in procurement and supply of textbooks with reports of unqualified bidders winning contracts, long delays in delivery times, ghost deliveries and under-deliveries to schools, poor physical quality of textbooks, and a lack of feedback mechanisms for schools or communities to report on problems. Textbook Count began in 2001 with G-Watch monitoring delivery of textbooks in 32 school districts. Results confirmed the problems mentioned above. Disturbed by the outcomes and also impressed by the simple yet effective monitoring tools employed by G-Watch, the then Under Secretary for Education realised community-level monitoring could play a key role in reducing corruption in the procurement and delivery process. With this high level support, 2003 civil society monitors were engaged in 2003 as (1) observers during the overall bidding process, (2) members of quality control inspection teams for the printing process and (3) on-the-spot monitors during deliveries. It is as volunteer monitors for textbook deliveries that communities have been most involved. In 2003 volunteer citizens were mobilised in 5,500 school districts. Armed with a Dept Ed checklist of textbook allocations for each school, monitors counted and verified deliveries. In an effort to reduce payment periods (a problem known to increase the risk of fraudulent payments being made), suppliers were guaranteed faster processing of payments once the Dept Ed received a verified Acceptance Report for each delivery. In 2004, G-Watch expanded the community participation with the involvement of the Philippines Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts. They offer a presence in virtually every school and provide a means for young people and children to be involved in a proactive, positive anti-corruption activity. 3

The Triple C model of using report card surveys does have a program of follow up and campaigning to call for policy reform to address systemic problems. - 21 -

What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Between 2003-2005, 53 million textbooks have been tracked through Textbook Count. From the involvement of eight civil society organisations in 2003, Textbook Count has grown to involve 34 national and local groups in 2005 mobilising thousands of community monitors. And in just a few years the improvements due to Textbook Count are impressive. Procurement periods have been shortened, textbook costs reduced by 40%, delivery errors reduced to an average 5% and the cycle of payments reduced from up to three years to 15 month. Key strengths ● Textbook Count offers a very simple yet effective monitoring model that could be adapted to other sectors or areas of interest to a community4. ● The program has very successfully brought government community and business together in a joint effort to eradicate corruption. ● Without relying on an extensive civic education program, this monitoring program has provided ordinary citizens with a proactive, positive mechanism to prevent corruption. Key challenges ● Textbook Count benefited from the very public support of a senior government authority and a government department prepared to engage with a civil society anti-corruption program. ● There is now the challenge of institutionalizing the practice as an ongoing monitoring collaboration between community, government and private business. ● Textbook Count has required centralized coordination of volunteer monitors. ● Maintaining open communication and cooperation between the three sectors depended on the good relations and networks that the coordinating organisation had established. While school students and young people have come on board as volunteer monitors, there must be follow-up civic education to make the links to wider corruption issues. Government Watch –an anti-corruption project of the Ateneo School of Government, Philippines

3.4 Community programs providing information and advice services The following community-based anti-corruption programs provide free legal advice and information services to citizens who have witnessed or been victims of corruption. They also act as a focal point for resources on local corruption issues, available for accessed by citizens, local media, community groups and organisations or other interested parties. Both the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres, known as ALACs, and the Advice and Information Desks have been established by TI Chapters. ALACs originated in a program undertaken by TI Chapters in Romania, Macedonia and Bosnia & Herzegovina in 2004, and have since been launched by TI Chapters in 16 countries. The Advice and Information Desks are attached to TI-Bangladesh’s Committee of Concerned Citizens. In regards to offering a public service for advice and information, there are strong similarities between the ALACs and the Advice and Information Desks. Both ALACs and Advice and Information Desks work within the principle that access to information is key to creating awareness, preventing citizens from becoming victims of corruption and preparing citizens to resist corruption. Therefore ALACs and Advice and Information Desks are not stand alone services, but rather an integral aspect of the advocacy campaigns and awareness raising activities of their respective TI Chapters. ALACs and Advice and Information Desks both offer free services, most significantly legal advice on how citizens can lodge a complaint about corruption. They are both dependent on a mix of volunteer assistance as well as resources of paid staff. In keeping with Transparency International practice, neither program represents clients or ‘takes on’ cases, but rather focuses on providing the support and necessary legal advice for citizens to follow through their own complaints. The point of divergence is that ALACs are 4

G-Watch has begun to adapt the tools of Textbook Count for community monitoring of construction and repair projects.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs usually centrally located with both a local and national focus, whereas the Advice and Information Desks are decentralised and localised. _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY SEVEN The ALAC service commences with a toll free hotline where citizens can access initial advice regarding possible incidents of corruption. If prima facie evidence of corruption exists, referral for further legal counseling in face-to-face meetings is arranged. As each TI Chapter manages one, sometimes two centres5, resources and attention is consolidated so the ALAC offers the community a consistent and professional standard of legal advice and support. Each ALAC is also a focus point through which national anti-corruption campaigns and activities can flow.

Box 3.7 Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres The Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres (ALAC) program is an excellent example of a community based anti-corruption program that has been designed to act as both a bottom-up and a top-down driver of change. The ALACs, currently based in a number of Southern and Eastern European, and Central Asian countries, combine three components: free legal services regarding citizens rights where evidence of corruption exists; education and information to raise public awareness and invoke activism against corruption; and advocacy calling for policy and institutional reform. Each ALAC operates a toll-free hotline. Citizens who have witnessed or been victims of corruption receive initial advice about their rights and, where prima facie evidence of corruption exists, referral is made for further legal counseling. In a face-to-face session with trained legal advisors, citizens receive assistance to articulate, develop, file and pursue their complaints. The ALACs do not represent clients or ‘take on’ their cases, but rather provide the support and legal advice for citizens to make their own complaints. ALACs also link their legal advice service to education and advocacy programs. TI chapters collect and store data on each case presented to the ALAC, and on occasion actively monitor the progress of complaints. Based on the trends in cases presented to the centers, TI Chapters release reports detailing institutional and legal vulnerabilities and patterns of corruption. They also give regular press conferences and work through the media to raise awareness about corruption problems in sectors and institutions frequently cited by ALAC patrons. TI chapters also provide recommendations to governments on policy and administrative reform to strengthen the capacity of public complaints mechanisms and improve citizens’ access to information. Key strengths ● By offering a service that listens to people’s complaints and gives practical advice to those who have been dismissed or ignored by others, the ALAC program is helping to restore people’s dignity (McCarthy 2005). This is a very important aspect of empowering a community to fight corruption. ● By maintaining a specific and narrow focus on corruption ALACs have built up a comprehensive and unrivalled expertise and professionalism in the area of community based advice services. This results in ALACs standing out against other legal advice centers and hotlines. ● The success of the advice programs has increased the profile of Transparency International and enhanced public trust and confidence in Transparency International activities. ● The ALACs also benefit from the backing of Transparency International as a global, credible anticorruption movement. ● Many of the ALAC centres have successfully linked their casework with a broader program incorporating public anti-corruption education and awareness raising, and advocacy for policy and legislative reform.

5

TI-Azerbaijan manages five ALAC centres, one central ALAC in the capital Baku, and four regional centres. This has been very successful in reaching out to a wider constituency.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

● By collecting information on cases presented to the ALACs, TI Chapters can build a picture of national trends in corruption and its impact on communities. This provides TI Chapters with specific advocacy targets. ● The focus of an ALAC can be tailored to the specific context, receiving either general complaints (all areas of corruption) or focusing a more specific area of concern (for instance corruption in the health sector or tax inspection). ● While remaining entirely independent, ALACs have thus far been welcomed by government authorities in all countries of operation. Key challenges ● Crucial to the success of the ALACs is generating sufficient volumes of cases for centers to generate momentum and influence. ● In the absence of an educated and empowered populace, anti-corruption laws or complaint mechanisms cannot achieve sustained progress against corruption. Advice services, such as the ALAC program, need to be complemented by public education on corruption. ● Advice centres depend on a degree of public disgruntlement about corruption so that people will be motivated to seek assistance in pursuing a complaint. Where there is deep social tolerance or resignation to corruption, or when taboos about discussing corruption are still deeply entrenched, advice centres may not be frequented by the community. ● The model of a toll-free hotline and a central advice centre may exclude isolated communities from accessing services. Lack of access to telephone services, distance or difficulty in travelling to an advice centre, or social and cultural issues may prevent people visiting a public ALAC centre. This would be the particularly relevant for small communities or communities where people are reluctant to make public criticisms. ● There could be a distinct lack of community engagement if an advice centre is perceived to be pushing an outside interest. ● In societies where media freedom is restricted promoting the ALAC services will be difficult. ● Providing professional, accountable and reliable advice requires an investment in high quality advisors. If these advisors are volunteers there may be challenges in recruitment and retention. ● While advice centres can support citizens’ efforts to pursue justice against corruption, political will to reform remains crucial for long-term progress against corruption. Transparency International Chapters in South, Eastern Europe, Central Asia _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY EIGHT In comparison to the centralised ALAC model, TI-Bangladesh is working to establish an Advice and Information Desk in conjunction with each of its Committee of Concerned Citizens (Triple Cs). As TIBangladesh aims to foster community establishment of Triple Cs in each of Bangladesh’s 64 districts, this means 64 localised Advice and Information Desks will be set up to offer people advice on issues of local relevance.

Box 3.8 Advice and Information Desks – Bangladesh Advice and Information Desks are locally based centres providing information, training and advisory services on corruption-related issues. They manage a range of free services for the public, collect data on corruption, disseminate information to local media, community groups and local authorities and act as a conduit between TI-Bangladesh and local Committee of Concerned Citizens. Originally designed to serve clusters of TI-Bangladesh’s Committees of Concerned Citizens, it was quickly realized that the success of the Advice and Information Desks relied on a physical proximity and a close social relationship with their individual communities. It was also realised that Advice and Information Desks offered people an entrance point through which they could become better informed about responding to a corruption problem and better equipped to fight against corrupt acts in the future. To bring an Advice and Information Desk closer to people and to better assist and publicise the

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs work of each Triple C, TI Bangladesh has expanded the program to partner each of the 36 Triple Cs with an Advice and Information Desk. With locally based Project Officers and Training Officers, Advice and Information Desks provide frontline support to the Triple Cs. Desks compile and manage information gathered by the Triple Cs, such as in Report Card Surveys, as well as information from other sources, such as media reports on corruption. At each Advice and Information Desk members of the public can access information and advice on their rights in dealing with public service agencies. Information and advice can obtained through personal visits to the local Desk, or via phone calls, letters and in some cases email. Legal advice is available from the locally stationed legal counselors. All services are provided free of cost. Because Desks are community based, localised entities, each Desk adapts to their local circumstances. They may share premises with a Triple C, or be located in their own centre. Advice and Information Desks are an important bridge between anti-corruption campaigns and other rights-based initiatives and organisations. On various local issues alliances are formed, such that Advice and Information Desks can refer citizens to other complementary organisations if TIBangladesh may not have expertise or resources to assist. Satellite Advice and Information Desks have also been initiated to take information and advice to people for whom it is difficult for various reasons to come to the Desks. Advice and Information Desks also act as a link between TI- Bangladesh and the local Triple C, channelling information in both directions. Key strengths ● The decentralized approach of the local Advice and Information Desks is an advantage for responding to corruption concerns of local significance. Potentially this model offers a greater level of local community support, particularly for vulnerable or marginalized groups, than a service that is nationalized and primarily urbanised. ● The success of the Advice Desks has increased the local profile of TI and enhanced public trust and confidence in local Triple C activities. ● The Advice Desks also benefit from the backing of Transparency International as a global, credible anti-corruption movement. Key challenges The Advice and Information Desks approach can also experience many of the challenges of the ALAC model: ● In the absence of an educated and empowered populace, anti-corruption laws or complaint mechanisms cannot achieve sustained progress against corruption. Advice services need to be part of a holistic program that includes public education on corruption and awareness raising about citizen’s rights. ● Advice centres depend on a degree of public disgruntlement about corruption to foster citizens’ motivation to seek assistance or pursue a complaint about corruption. Where there is deep social tolerance or resignation to corruption, or when taboos about discussing corruption are still deeply entrenched, advice centres may not be frequented by the community. ● There could be a distinct lack of community engagement if an advice centre is perceived to be pushing an outside interest. ● Providing professional, accountable and reliable advice requires an investment in high quality advisors. If these advisors are volunteers there may be challenges in recruitment and retention. ● While advice centres can support citizens’ efforts to pursue justice against corruption, political will to reform remains crucial for progress against corruption. ● Advice and Information Desks are linked to corresponding Triple Cs, which vary in their local advocacy activities. Individual Advice and Information Desks may vary in their capacity to leverage community concerns into advocacy campaigns. Transparency International Bangladesh

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

3.5 Community programs and anti-corruption education This section highlights four examples of interesting, successful and innovative community-based programs working with schools and universities to sensitise young people to the effects of corruption. What made these education programs successful was their relevance and resonance with the student participants. Each of the programs described below has tapped into an area of interest for students. Using examples of ethics in sport, setting up clubs in schools or working with students from common faith backgrounds, these programs have come to where students are at, to foster an understanding of governance and corruption through a topic or subject of interest to the students. Not all of these programs tackle corruption head on or explicitly promoted an anti-corruption message. Some are examples of governance programs, seeking to build a sense of civic pride in students. They contribute to building positive awareness and understanding about good governance, local government services and what should be expected from a community that aspires to care for all its members. These types of programs create fertile ground for other anti-corruption programs. Guiding young peoples’ interest in civic matters lays the foundations for a future community that can condemn and speak out against corruption and demand better accountability from government, private business and NGOs. _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY NINE Box 3.9 Ethics and Sport – Italy “Learning to respect game rules today means learning to respect civic rules tomorrow” Since 2003 the Transparency International Italia Ethics and Sport project has promoted ethical behaviour in sport as a means to foster young people’s respect for civic values and distain for corruption. The Ethics and Sport Project exalts the positive values conveyed through sport. In sessions and seminars with schools and sports associations, young people identify the positive personal benefits of sport, such as enhancing skills in teambuilding, group negotiation and cooperation with others. Students and teachers are then guided through discussions on the positive contribution of sport in enhancing social ethics and civic values in young people. An understanding and respect for rules, acceptance of diverse people and fair play for example, all aspects of social ethical behaviour, can be reinforced through principled practices in sport. The project challenges young people to examine the negative impact and destructive force of corruption in sport, not only on the playing field, but in breaking down ethical values and in creating an atmosphere of tolerance for corruption in other parts of society. Students were polled on their perspective of doping in sport, with results showing there was some tolerance and acceptance of the use of drugs and corruption that covered up the use of drugs in sport. To respond to the views and issues, TI-Italia engages prominent sport stars to speak with students and talk about doping and corruption in sport. Giving the students access to sportspeople who are admired and identified as being ‘successful’, and stimulating debate about what was acceptable practice has been a successful method for challenging the mentality of young people, a beginning to guiding them towards an intolerance of corruption in all its manifestations. Key strengths ● The attention of young people will be caught when topics of relevance and interest are raised. Sport offers an excellent entry point for discussion that can cover ethics, rules and laws, and rights and responsibilities. ● Good behaviour in sport is a positive analogy that young people can relate to.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

● The approach is simple and could be adapted to many contexts, especially where sport plays a prominent role in social networking. The program also lends itself to creative and interactive activities, rather than relying on theoretical or classroom based teachings. ● Prominent sports stars, admired and respected by young people, can be influential and positive role models by promoting an anti-corruption message. Key challenges ● The program discovered a degree of young people’s tolerance for corruption in sport was grounded in a view that some corruption practices were not ‘that bad’. Discussion about ethics in sport needs to be complemented by wider public education about the damaging effects of corruption. ● There are challenges in reaching out to sports clubs and associations who may not see a role for themselves in anti-corruption education. Transparency International Italia _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY 10 Many education programs focus on teaching young people about the impact and affect of corruption. However one community-based initiative is demonstrating that young students, including children, can also be powerful agents of change. Giving children a space to discuss what is important in their community and to make changes to the social problems that they confront has been not only a rewarding experience for the students, but has introduced positive changes in the wider community.

Box 3.10 Children's Movement for Civic Awareness – India Children's Movement for Civic Awareness (CMCA) is an innovative program that aims to ‘nourish the spirit of active citizenship, driven by the strength of voluntarism’. CMCA fosters civic and environmental consciousness among children through the establishment of school based Civic Clubs. Commencing as a small initiative with 14 schools in 2000, CMCA now boasts Civic Clubs in over 180 schools in India. Civic Clubs actively engage young students 12-14 years. Clubs are assigned an external volunteer facilitator who visits their designated schools at least once every week. Facilitators, who come from a variety of professional and social backgrounds, conduct sessions based on a common annual curriculum for all Civic Clubs. Schools must also demonstrate support and ownership of the program with an assigned teacher-coordinator to their students’ club, and regular time given each week for Civic Clubs meetings and activities. Sessions consists of outdoor activities, competitions and classes. Topics covered include how to coordinate and work in a group, civic values, active citizenship, rights and responsibilities, urban local government, solid waste management, water conservation, traffic and road safety, urban greenery, public health and sanitation and other local issues. During a given academic year, one of the service themes is selected as a focal issue for all Civic Clubs. In addition to the school-based activities, civic club members also participate in city level annual campaigns, surveys and interclub festivals. Each August and September, Civic Club members hit the streets in fact-finding missions. Armed with questionnaires, children visit households, speaking to adults and collecting information to understand what adults in their city think about local service and governance issues. Surveys collected by Civic Clubs have asked citizens about management of waste, water resources, road and traffic safety and government services. Civic Clubs have made a difference in their communities in very novel ways. One Civic Club has set up awards for service to the community; another has run a campaign to improve waste delivery services. Other clubs have sent out fliers to households regarding waste disposal and safe driving. In recent years the CMCA has seen a growing level of interest from Civic Club members on governance issues. One factor for this is the increasing opportunity for Club members to meet with

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs and interview public service authorities. These interactions have taken place as a result of student action, either when students from government schools identified infrastructure problems in their respective schools and requested officials to find a solution, or when children attempted to solve a service problem in their local community by contacting the responsible agencies. During the city level annual campaigns, groups of children from different Civic Clubs interview the officials to probe into civic problems and issues. Two agencies that have shown considerable interest and support for in the activities of CMCA are the Traffic Police Department and the Karnataka State Pollution Control Board. Key strengths ● The CMCA initiative takes young students out of the classroom and gives them real-life experiences in ‘good governance ‘ and ‘civic education’. ● Participating schools in the CMCA program welcome the long-term approach of the program, both in running through the academic year, and in returning to schools to establish new civic clubs for the returning students. ● By supporting local volunteer facilitators for the civic clubs, the CMCA program builds community ownership. Facilitators report a ‘sense of belonging’ and ‘ownership’ in the program. This has resulted in high volunteer retention. ● CMCA has ensured that themes and issues of its curriculum complement the civics and environmental science curricula in schools. ● The program provides civic and environmental education that is locally relevant and community centred. Key challenges ● A given school’s approach and commitment to the program is critical. Without support within the school, civic clubs cannot operate. ● Sustaining student’s motivation is a continuous challenge for CMCA. However for students in most schools, the CMCA program aims to provide activities and education that is ‘radically different and absorbing compared to the regular school curriculum’. A collaborative venture of Public Affairs Centre and Swabhimana, Bangalore, India ________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY 11 The following program is an example of fighting corruption through religious and ethical teaching. Building anti-corruption groups in Indonesian Islamic schools, the program mobilised people in their religious community to monitor public spending and condemn corruption.

Box 3.11 Anticorruption education in faith-based schools – Indonesia The Pesantren-Based Anti-corruption Movement is a campaign against corruption based in the religious communities of Indonesia’s Islamic boarding schools (pesantren). As institutes of religious education situated outside of state control, pesantren are autonomous and politically neutral. The religious leaders of pesantren, known as kiai, are also highly respected and trusted members of their community. With this underpinning, the Pesantren-Based Anticorruption Movement began by locating Islamic teachings that expunged the giving and taking of bribes. Working with the kiai, the movement spread the message of a religious condemnation of corruption through booklets, pamphlets and in Friday sermons in mosques. This provided religious communities with a moral platform for their fight against corruption. However, the words of moral teachings alone could mobilise or empower communities to increase their struggle. Communities needed information on where and when public funding was stolen, and assistance in organising effective collection action. They also needed representation to take their concerns and demands to local government.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

The Pesantren-Based Anticorruption Movement responded by tapping into its best and most available resource – pesantren students and kiai in-preparation. Training was organized for students and kiai of all levels on how to analyse local government budgets, how to conduct simple audits of public spending and methods for coordinating public gatherings. Networks of community organizers within pesantrens were formed. Key strengths ● As institutes of religious education outside state control, pesantren are autonomous and politically neutral. ● The kiai represent an important group looked up to by the community as symbols of morality. They command respect in efforts to uphold public ethics. Their influence is strong and places them in a special position in the eyes of the decision-makers in the government. ● The guidance of respected religious community figures and the enthusiasm of young students networked through their pesantren bolstered community efforts to demand greater transparency and an end to theft of public funds. ● Successor forums were set up in almost all of the schools that participated in the PesantrenBased Anticorruption Movement’s campaign. Many students used their training to set up their own groups within their schools and communities to continue monitoring local government budgets. Key challenges ● Customarily kiai are religious leaders and scholars, with minimal training in monitoring public spending. ● In some communities kiai lacked political independence and could not play an optimum role in critiquing government processes. ● Pesantren schools had also had little previous contact with other anticorruption groups working in the community. ● Very often, those involved in corruption resorted to violence and the hiring of street thugs to get their way – a problem compounded by the weakness of law enforcement efforts. Pesantren-Based Anticorruption Movement _________________________________________________________________________________

3.6 Anti-corruption coalitions Building an anti-corruption platform through alliances or coalitions with others can offer communities a number of advantages in the fight against corruption. Coalitions can provide communities with ‘strength in numbers’ and bolster local campaigns through new access to resources and skills (Holloway 2006l). Coalitions can open new opportunities for nationwide monitoring if the alliance members can cover and complement different regions. The Governance Coalition of Bangladesh includes many local development NGOs from across the country. Members have received assistance from the Coalitions’ national program to increase liaison between communities and local government authorities. Broadly representative coalitions, particularly on a national front, can also have greater impact on policy decision makers. This is evident in the national Korean anti-corruption K-PACT, which has brought public, political, private and community sectors together with a unified anti-corruption pledge and strategy. Where individual sectors were unable to make an impact on public policy, K-PACT’s facilitation of collective efforts has yielded impressive results. Similarly the PNG Community Coalition Against Corruption has run national anti-corruption campaigns by linking national anti-corruption organisations with local groups in intimate contact with communities. Coalitions can also bring together representative from different aspects of social communities. The Interfaith Coalition Against Corruption in Indonesia is an alliance across religious and ethical groups, uniting different aspects of Indonesian society in a common struggle.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

CASESTUDY 12 Box 3.12 Multi-sector Coalition – South Korea In 2005 four sectors of South Korean society; Political, Public, Economic, and Civil Society, came together to form the Korean Pact on Anti-Corruption and Transparency, or K-PACT. This social pact brings together a national collective effort to increase transparency and end corruption. K-PACT emerged from mounting public discord towards Korea’s endemic corruption problems. Dogged by repeated slush fund and electoral scandals, government’s claims to be clamping down on corruption were viewed with popular cynicism. Civil society anti-corruption groups were popping up across the country, but with no national coalition or links to the economic or public sector, their campaigns were limited to sideline critiques of business and government. Capitalising on an expressed willingness of the business and economic sector to instigate reform initiatives, and with national community support, TI-Korea proposed the formation of a quad-partite coalition. With the signing of the social pact, each sector committed to national anti-corruption campaigns. K-PACT involves sectoral commitments to address weaknesses to corruption and improve systems. For instance: Public sector: improving local government transparency, reforming Information Disclosure Acts and strengthening anti-corruption education; and improvement in public corporation's transparency Political sector: strengthening of the National Assembly Ethics Committee, eradication of illegal political funds Private sector: improving accounting and audit standards, establishing ethics, protection of whistleblowers and information disclosure Civil society: improvements in accountability and transparency of civil society, introduction of Citizen Ombudsman Logistical support is provided through the secretariat (K-PACT Council), assisting with cooperation between participants and enforcing the four agendas of inspection, evaluation, dissemination, and renewal of the Pact. The K-PACT is not a fixed framework. It is designed to be adapted to fit the different needs of various sectors, spheres, and regions. For example, on the basis of K-PACT Korean medical and construction sectors have established their own pacts, bringing together relevant government, public, private and community stakeholders. Regarding community involvement, civil society groups in the K-PACT network represent 12 of Korea’s 16 regions. Community groups receive K-PACT support for youth education, research and investigation activities and monitoring of local governments’ administration, legislation and finances. The K-PACT Council and civil society organisations organize national public campaigns for occasions such as UN Anti-Corruption Day. A citizen charter is included in K-PACT and citizens can be included in K-PACT through organisations or as individuals. Key strengths ● Results of K-PACT testify to the commitment from each sector to fulfil their commitments and move away from corruption practices. More that 85% of the top 500 South Korean corporations have signed onto the pact. In just 12 months 10 laws have been passed, addressing issues raised by KPACT. ● The program is adopting a long-term view. Future goals include encouraging greater public participation anti-corruption activities and increasing the prominence and understanding of K-PACT in the public arena. ● K-PACT is adaptable to different sectors who can establish their own accountability and transparency pact based on the overarching principles of K-PACT. ● Unlike many coalitions that dependent on members providing all logistical and resource support, the K-PACT is assisted by its own secretariat.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Key challenges ● The K-PACT is highly dependent on political will to reform and make changes to curb and prevent corruption. ● There is no clause regarding non-compliance and as a ‘voluntary’ pact, compulsion must come from within each sector to reform and implement necessary changes. ● Lacking any legal status, K-PACT and the K-PACT Council do not have guaranteed existence should a government hostile to the pact’s goals emerge. K-PACT _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY 13 The Community Coalition Against Corruption in Papa New Guinea brings together the national media council with anti-corruption organisations and local community groups.

Box 3.13 Community Coalition Against Corruption – Papua New Guinea The PNG Community Coalition Against Corruption, CCAC, is a loose network of approximately 90 groups coming together to fight corruption. The CCAC was established in 2002 by the combined efforts of Transparency International PNG (TI PNG), the Media Council of PNG (MCPNG), the Ombudsman Commission, The Office of the Public Prosecutor, the PNG Chamber of Commerce, and PNG churches. TI PNG and the Media Council of PNG jointly coordinate the coalition. The CCAC aims to engage the PNG community in all sectors in the fight against corruption. It also promotes good governance, leadership and a message of unity for PNG, such that PNG society can develop itself economically, socially and politically. Members can be groups, organisations or individuals and includes NGOs, churches, community groups, businesses and private sector companies. It is estimated that through members and constituents of CCAC groups, the Coalition can reach out to an estimated at two million PNG citizens. In the lead up to the 2002 national PNG elections the CCAC played an important role in the selfdeclared “War on Corruption”. The War on Corruption was declared to create community awareness, debate and networking opportunities for good governance advocates. Activities included a media campaign supporting voters’ rights, and a civic program raising issues of selling and buying votes, together with discussion on voting for honest leaders. In 2005 the CCAC campaigned against two proposed Bills: the first proposed to exempt PNG MPs from dismissal from office if found guilty of being in breach of the Leadership Code, and the second sought to increase electoral support grants from K500,000 to K1,500,000. Through community groups talking with citizens and explaining the ramifications of the proposed bills, and collecting petitions from across the country, CCAC brought the discord of the community to the PNG government. With obvious public discontent over the bills, the PNG government withdrew the controversial bills. In 2006 the CCAC campaigned to ensure that the Parliamentary Select Committee to review the Ombudsman Commission of PNG did not make changes that would weakened the Ombudsman Commission. As the 2007 national election looms, CCAC members are preparing for community campaigning and education on the inaugural limited-preferential voting system. As a relatively young coalition, the CCAC is determining tactics and strategies for successful campaigning. Maintaining a flow of information between members is seen as critical. The CCAC is also selective about issues and matters for campaigns, advocating on matters with widespread community impact. Consensus between members of the coalition is vital for campaigns. To facilitate discussion the CCAC now holds four forums across the country for members to raise issues and discuss future campaigns. With a diversity of members, the CCAC must ensure the needs of smaller members are considered. One approach is encouraging larger organisations to make resources available to other CCAC

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

members, fostering partner and mentor opportunities. An example of this is the opportunity for CCAC members to link up with media houses in order to access community service broadcasting and obtain coverage of news worthy events. Moving outside the established networks of organisations and groups and engaging communities in campaigns is also a challenge. The CCAC works through its membership to reach communities, providing resources and materials (posters, booklets, petitions) to coalition members who engage directly with citizens. This is backed up by mass media campaigns to reinforce the Coalition’s message. Key strengths ● The CCAC can depend on coordinating organisations to service and facilitate information flow between the Coalition members. ● The CCAC works on priority issues that are accepted by all members. This approach prevents the organisation from ‘burning out’ the capacity or interest of members. ● The CCAC primarily targets short action orientated campaigns to prevent or support specific issues. Key challenges ● A gap between small, local community groups and larger, national advocacy groups can easily form. Open communication, mutual trust between members and a collaborative effort that plays to different members’ strengths will help bridge the gap. ● Corruption problems are systemic and the efforts of the CCAC will have limited impact if political will for reform does not develop. Transparency International PNG _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY 14 Coalitions can be a microcosm of how supply-side and demand-led anti-corruption approaches can be balanced. In the Governance Coalition in Bangladesh, links are made between micro-level governance and human rights activities at a local village or precinct level, and national level advocacy and policy-reform programs.

Box 3.14 Governance Coalition – Bangladesh First established as a regional coalition in South West Bangladesh, the Governance Coalition has grown to become a national network of Bangladeshi NGOs, community groups and community organisations ‘promoting responsive governance and human rights’. Governance Coalition members work on a range of individual program priorities, but are unified by a common goal to improve local governance systems in Bangladesh. Governance Coalition is not a legally bound entity and works with minimum bureaucracy. Support is provided through member organisations and an elected executive committee oversees coalition activities. Programs are framed in a human rights approach and encourage communities to not only be aware of their rights, but to claim their rights. One strategy is to increase communities’ involvement in local decision-making processes. Governance Coalition has supported the formation of Loak Morchas (voluntary peoples alliances) in 66 local government areas. Loak Morchas bring together representatives from community groups, locally elected bodies, NGOs and professional associations. They also target the involvement of young people and women. Loak Morchas act as mediators between local government, community members and service delivery agencies. Through the Loak Morchas, citizens have increased their interaction with local government on constructive anti-corruption activities such as open budget planning exercises. With this grassroots activism engaging local authorities, Loak Morchas have increased the responsiveness of service delivery and seen an improvement in the quality of basic services.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Governance Coalition also works to link micro level activities with macro level advocacy. Governance Coalition organises dialogues and roundtables national level policy makers, members of parliament, journalists, academics, national civil society organisations and other stakeholders to review, change or reform local government systems in Bangladesh. Key strengths ● The Governance Coalition works with various stakeholders (local government representatives, government officials, NGOs, People’s Alliances and community) both at local level and national level. ● Coalition members are involved in very local development programs and ensure the coalition is addressing the communities’ interest ● There is opportunity for communities to participate proactively to claim their rights ● Governance Coalition has created opportunity for development organisations to be involved in governance, anti-corruption and human rights activities Key challenges ● Volatile political situation and a lack of commitment of political leaders to reform limit the impact of a coalition such as the Governance Coalition. ● Long-term support is required to build capacity amongst members Wave Foundation, Bangladesh _________________________________________________________________________________

CASESTUDY 15 Beyond the illegal dimensions of corruption, positions of morality may be a trigger point for opposition for those people able to resist a corrupt activity6. If a moral decision could prevent a corrupt action occurring, religious and ethical education should play a role in preventing corruption. This was the premise for the formation of the Indonesian ‘Interfaith Anti-corruption Coalition’

Box 3.15 An Interfaith Anti-corruption Coalition – Indonesia In 2004 the Interfaith Anticorruption Coalition in the Yogyakarta Special District was formed. The Coalition brought together Moslem, Catholic, Protestant, Buddhist and Hindu representatives to promote anti-corruption values on the basis of ethical and moral positions. Members identified commonalities between their religions in order to establish a multi-faith moral position against corruption. The Coalition’s action-plan to spread the message was multi-pronged. From the top, religious leaders were encouraged to offer moral guidance to give confidence to communities’ struggle against corruption. Materials for sermons and theological discussion were developed, placing anticorruption values in the context of sacred texts, ethical positions and religious teachings. At the grassroots level, young activists or campaigners from each faith group were selected and trained to support community actions against corruption. Training focused on building networks of anticorruption campaigners within each religious community and organisation represented in the Coalition. These young people focused on support for their own communities, promoting anti-corruption messages and linking the community with secular anti-corruption groups. An ‘Interfaith Activists’ Anticorruption Forum’ brought the young campaigners together, resulting in a ‘Coalition of Young Interfaith Anticorruption Activists’ being formed as a sub-set of the overall Interfaith Coalition. Running parallel to the Coalition’s informal education and activities with religious leaders and activists was the development of formal education resources for religion and ethics teachers. Anti-corruption 6

In many situations communities, especially the poor and marginalised have no capacity to resist or fight corruption regardless of any ethical or moral view of the transaction or activity. This program was targeting those in the community who when faced with a potentially corrupt action would have the capacity to resist involvement.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

education resources for university students were developed and tested with a range of religion educators based in Islam, Christianity, Buddhism and Hindiuism as well as teachers in civics, Pancasila philosophy, ethics and other social studies. Rather than setting anti-corruption education up as a separate subject, the materials provided educators with tools for appropriate adaptation and incorporation into their existing courses on values and ethics. Educators and students responded positively to the courses and materials, evaluating them as useful and challenging. Key strengths ● Religious guidance plays an important role in many people’s decision-making processes. The Coalition’s strategy was sophisticated and comprehensive, targeting the involvement of senior religious leaders, educators and young activists. ● Unlike alliances that focus only on discussion about corruption, this coalition developed a collective position, and then focused on practical and tangible projects, such as the production of anticorruption education materials for religion and ethics courses. ● The strategy of integrating anti-corruption education with religion and ethics subjects, already well established in universities’ curriculum, was successful in addressing teachers’ concerns that their curriculum could not accommodate new courses. Key challenges ● With five religious represented in the coalition, and individual religious leaders in each faith-group preaching with their local communities, some inconsistencies emerged across the approaches and messages contained in sermons and preaching. ● Managing coalition members’ view of an appropriate public response to corruption was also a key challenge. Some members sought to mobilise the constituents of their religious community to put pressure on policy-makers. Other religious leaders believed mass mobilisation contravened their religious teachings that condemn violence. In order to bridge these differences, the Coalition first sought open and constructive dialogue with government authorities or officials, and agreed to ask only particular religious communities to mobilise their communities for public activities. ● Individual representatives on the coalition are often community spokespeople or leaders indemand for other community activities. Establishing Anti Corruption Movement through Formal and Informal Religious Education – Indonesia

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

4. Factors for success in community-based anti-corruption programs 4.1 Introduction As noted in section two of this report, McCarthy’s evaluation of Transparency International’s initial Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres program assessed the ‘enabling environment factors’ for the program’s success. McCarthy considered the factors in two categories: internal factors within the local TI Chapter running the advice centres, and the wider environmental dynamics that influenced the program – the external factors. This report expands on that framework. Factors facilitating the success of this paper’s 15 case studies have been analysed as internal or external factors. This has been a qualitative assessment. Some conditions are definitive: program coordinators and evaluations testified that without the particular circumstances, the given program would not have achieved its goals. Other conditions are speculative, based on the available information about the programs and the environment in which they were implemented.

4.2 Internal factors Internal factors are under the control of the sponsoring or implementing organisation. They include how the organisation is functioning before it commences a community-based anti-corruption program, how the program is designed and who is involved in the program. It also includes endemic features of the organisation, such as size, location and relationships with key stakeholders. •

Strategy and flexibility of program

Having a defined focus and strategy for the program was a universal and critical factor for success. How the focus was determined and the strategy designed was also important. Every organisation indicated that community involvement, participation and consultation were essential. Flexibility in the program design was also important with some programs radically changing their plans to respond to requests from communities. The success of MKSS and Bismarck Ramu Group was due to inbuilt flexibility that allowed communities to dictate the pace of work or discussion, with the organisations showing respect for the other demands on community members’ time. Flexibility in their programs allowed time and space for communities to explore their own indigenous solutions to a governance or corruption issue. Some organisations commented that unsuccessful programs lacked flexibility and imposed an unrealistic expectations and timeline for communities to meet or achieve the imposed benchmarks for progress. •

Quality of human resources

Quality of human resources refers to the commitment, competency and reliability of the people associated with any aspect of implementing or facilitating the program. It includes staff and volunteers. Every program was uplifted by the energy, drive, skills and commitment of their staff and volunteer teams. Every organisation and group recognised that looking after staff and volunteers was critical to achieving their goals. For programs that required people with specialised skills, such as report card monitoring or developing education resources for schools, significant investments in recruitment, training and personnel retention was an essential factor for success. Programs offering legal advice (The Advice and Information Desks and Advocacy and Legal Advice programs) depended on advisors that offered professional, credible and informed counsel to clients. They also needed people with the skills to listen to and empathise with clients, and it was recognised as a worthy investment when advisors were trained in active listening and basic counselling.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Investing in support for volunteers also paid off for a number of programs. Evaluations of Textbook Count noted improvements in the process when volunteer monitors were given training that clearly defined their roles. The Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness has a successful rate of retaining volunteer facilitators, attributed to its commitment to support and look after volunteers. Many organisations noted the outstanding contribution of key individuals (staff or volunteers) paved the way to successful outcomes. In some situations it was the passion, commitment and technical competency of these individuals who overcame challenges and without whom, other conditions would have become far more critical. Still, the success of these programs was always due to the human resources factor plus other factors being in place. No program succeeded on the basis of outstanding staff or volunteers alone. There were consistently other critical factors in addition to having the best team available. •

Providing space for communities to take the lead

Consultation with communities and fostering community support was not only an essential prerequisite for success, it is one of the fundamental premises of a community-based program. However there was an added factor for programs that can be described as ‘community-led’ (Committee of Concerned Citizens, MKSS, and Bismarck Ramu Group). In these case studies, the implementing organisation has stepped back and given the community control over the scope and direction of the program. The activities varied, governed by the priorities and concerns of the community. Giving communities control over the program’s decision making, a centrepiece of these organisations’ mission, became a critical factor to their programs’ success. •

Adopting a positive profile

This may at first seem frivolous in light of the seriousness of corruption, but many programs indicated the importance of profiling their activities and anti-corruption messages in a positive manner. Predominantly programs working with children and young people, and some activities encouraging activism amongst communities to prevent corruption embraced a positive profile. This was reflected in an action-orientated approach that gave people simple tools to prevent corruption with (Civic Clubs, Textbook Count) or promotion of the widespread benefits for a society that upholds civic values, respects human rights and creates social equity (Ethics and Sport, Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness). It was evident that a positive, constructive message was especially important for attracting and motivating children and young people. •

Demonstrable success

A number of programs who ran small pilots or trials before expanding their activities noted that the ability to demonstrate a previous achievement was a contributing factor to the success of the scaledup program (Committee of Concerned Citizens, Textbook Count, Advice and Information Desks, Report Card Monitoring, Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres). It was noted that demonstrating an achievement on a small scale increased the opportunity for donor support and could also improve relationships with local government. Demonstrating success, even in a limited area, boosted the confidence of program coordinators, staff and volunteers, and also encouraged other communities or groups to join the activities, or replicate the program in their locality. •

Involving youth as anti-corruption campaigners

While every program tried to reach out and involved young people, some programs actually depended on the involvement of young people as anti-corruption campaigners to mobilise and liaise with community members (Textbook Count, Interfaith Coalition, Pesantren Anti-Corruption Networks, Committee of Concerned Citizens and others). Incorporating a specific focus or activity for young people in local anti-corruption program was seen as beneficial for the overall program (youth bringing

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs energy and enthusiasm, and a link to community networks particularly in schools). It was also an endeavour to build a sustained constituency of supporters for future anti-corruption campaigns. •

Establishing a relationship with government

Establishing a relationship with government was critical to the success of most programs. Launching Textbook Count as a national monitoring exercise was completely dependent on a collaborative and constructive partnership with the Philippines Department of Education. Programs that ran in public schools depended on establishing good relationships to ensure the willingness and support of education bureaucracy. The public advocacy initiatives of the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres were greatly enhanced when resources were allocated towards building relationships with government authorities. Other organisations noted that establishing a relationship with government allowed discrete, informal discussions to take place alongside the more public community activities. •

Being a member of an international organisation…

Being a member of a credible and respected international anti-corruption movement – for most programs membership with Transparency International – was a notable factor for success. For example the profile of Transparency International assisted the promotion of the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres. In Bangladesh, people join Committees of Concerned Citizens recognising Transparency International as a movement that makes waves against corruption. Governments were reportedly more willing to listen to issues raised when Transparency International was seen to be backing the initiatives (McCarthy 2005). In some cases, the Transparency International association provided protection against those whose power was being usurped. •

…Or being small and local

By contrast, for MKSS in India and Bismarck Ramu Group in PNG, being small and local, and not a member of an international movement was a critical factor for their programs’ successes. Underpinning their ability to facilitate community-led anti-corruption initiatives was their structure: local, grassroots community organisations with a physical and conceptual location in a community context. As small organisations with minimum or no expatriate staff, both MKSS and Bismarck Ramu Group have connections with communities that larger, outside organisations may not be able to establish. Both have adopted a community-led philosophy that puts the community in charge of the direction and strategy of the anti-corruption work. This requires deep community-organisation trust, founded on both MKSS and Bismarck Ramu Group spending significant periods of time in villages to earn people’s trust. MKSS members live in the villages where they work, Bismarck Ramu Group members undertake repeated visits to local villages on a timeframe set by the community. Logistically this is feasible for smaller, local groups.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

4.3 External factors External factors are the wider social, political, cultural7 dynamics of the society and state. Organisations have limited to no control or influence over these factors. Yet these can be the factors that create an enabling environment for a community anti-corruption program. Recognising and understanding the local external environment is essential. •

Trusted by the community

This was a universal factor for the 15 case studies. Every implementing organisation or group needed to have the trust and support of the community before considering their actual anti-corruption program. This is a special factor, as it is perhaps both an internal and an external factor, and so is represented in Table One and Table Two as both an internal and an external factor. Gaining the trust of communities is partly under the control and influence of the organisation. Organisations and groups can do much to build trust, partnership and alliances with communities. Without that investment of time to build community trust and then support, anti-corruption programs will be viewed as outside impositions and even resented by communities. However trust and support must come from the community; it cannot be inserted by an organisation or group. It is also easy to be misled into believing a community has offered their support, for example in attending trainings or workshops, when on closer inspection citizens have not seen the program as a welcome initiative that they wholeheartedly own or even support.

•

Public endorsement by an external supporter

Some programs benefited from the public backing of an external supporter that championed their program’s cause or publicly endorsed the implementing organisation. Textbook Count for instance was greatly aided by the support of a senior authority in the Department of Education. Transparency International Italia’s Ethics and Sport involved prominent sport stars whose profiles advanced the program. External supporters could be less high profile but still influential people in their own community, for instance religious leaders or principles of schools who in their sphere of influence promoted particular programs (Pesantren Anti-corruption Movement, Interfaith Coalition, Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness). Groups wanting to build coalitions and alliances across different sectors of society are especially dependent on external supporters. •

Different stakeholders recognise corruption as a problem

Particularly for coalitions, the emergence of a corruption problem or situation that impacted on different sectors of society was a factor for bringing groups and organisations together. The proposal of draft legislation mobilised support around the anti-corruption campaign of the Community Coalition Against Corruption in PNG. Public corruption scandals and widespread community discord with government response to corruption provided an opportunity for a national coalition such as K-PACT to gain traction with government, business and the community. When establishing local anti-corruption groups (Committees of Concerned Citizens or the Loak Morchas established in anti-corruption programs of the Governance Coalition), recognition amongst different community members that corruption had a negative impact for the whole community was a driver in motivating people to join the group.

7

There is evidence that economic factors also influence community-based programs, however there was no capacity for this research to analyse economic factors.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs •

Political will for reform

Political will for reform is essential for sustained impact against corruption. But is it a necessary factor for the success of community-based anti-corruption programs? In the long-term, the answer is yes. Communities (or the private sector) cannot make an enduring improvement against corruption without commitment and genuine efforts by all levels of government to also address and solve corruption problems. Certain programs directly depended on government’s willingness to instigate reform, for example Textbook Count depended on a pro-reform climate. Other programs benefited from local government’s willingness to introduce or uphold anti-corruption laws, for example the Lamon Bay program. In the short-term, some community programs can navigate around a lack of political will. For programs empowering communities to fight corruption, a lack of political will can be a mobilising factor for communities to find their own methods of addressing corruption. Community programs can also compel government, especially local government, to introduce anti-corruption measures. •

Communities are talking about corruption

In many cases, communities needed to be at a stage where discussion was open about the problems of corruption for anti-corruption activities to succeed. For instance the Interfaith Coalition and Pesantren Anti-corruption Movement identified that community tolerance to corruption would be significant challenges to any anti-corruption campaigns. But above the community tolerance was a growing level of ‘noise’ in the public domain about corruption as an increasing problem. Communities were not at a place to mobilise in public collective action or as social change activists, but neither were they intimidated about a discussion on corruption. In these circumstances, methods such as education programs, creating a dialogue on ethics and anti-corruption through faith-based communities, and working in schools or with children were successful. •

Communities are ready to take action

In other situations communities faced a different obstacle to fighting corruption. People were angry about corruption, ready and wanting to take a stand, yet were unable to, not knowing what to do or who could help them. There was enough public discussion condemnation of corruption, and citizens were arriving at the next stage of wanting practical assistance to become anti-corruption activists and agents of change. They were willing, eager, prepared to be involved and eventually take the lead in anti-corruption programs. Programs that offered campaign tools and assistance with collective actions, such as local volunteer anti-corruption groups and networks, volunteer coastal patrols, public meetings with access to authorities and monitoring and watchdog activities all thrived in these conditions. •

Vocal media against corruption

Local media willing to report incidents of corruption was an enabling factor for a number of programs. Independent media’s interest in corruption enhanced other conditions, such as communities talking about corruption, which in turn fostered support for community anti-corruption activities. For example, the reporting of corruption incidents in Bangladeshi press has been used by Transparency International Bangladesh to build a ‘Corruption database’. This has fostered community debate, raising the level of noise about corruption. Monitoring programs benefit from media reports on their corruption surveys. Advice centres that produced reports on the trends and patterns of corruption also depend on a media willing and able to cover corruption stories. Building relationships and credibility with media could also be considered an internal factor, and many organisations did work to build good relationships with journalists or secure access to media outlets

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

4.4 Summary The context and environment of each program was unique, and on first glance, the differences between influences on the programs seem stark. No two programs demonstrated the same set of conditions or factors for success. Some programs were influenced by many factors, other programs appear to be driven by a few key factors. Across the case studies, internal factors appear to be more influential over the success of the programs than the external factors. The process for designing and implementing the program, the people employed and engaged by the implementing organisation or group, and the ability of the implementing organisation or group to engage with other stakeholders, especially government authorities, was critical to the success of most programs. It is not surprising that the organisations running successful programs against corruption optimised their internal factors before their program was launched. External conditions were important, even highly influential, but appear to have less of an impact on the success of the programs than the internal factors. For most organisations, external factors were more like dynamics or limitations that their programs needed to work within. Successful programs were therefore situated in a position that gave the implementing organisation room to manoeuvre within the local social, political and cultural context. In addition, external factors were fluid and susceptible to sudden change that was also out of the organisations’ control. Programs needed to evolve to changing circumstances. As the local corruption situation improved or worsened, or external dynamics shifted, successful programs evolved and adapted to the new environment – for example the work of MKSS, Textbook Count and the Lamon Bay project changed and adapted to the shifting external environment. The importance of external factors as factors for success should not be discounted in favour of a sole focus on the internal factors. Every program was affected by outside conditions. It was important that organisations understood and considered carefully the likely impact of external conditions on community programs. Two external factors were important for a majority of programs: ‘Different stakeholders recognise corruption as a problem’ or ‘community members are discussing or talking about corruption’ were essential for nearly two thirds of the case studies. Other factors also exhibited a possible reciprocal relationship for programs. For example, programs that did not depend on ‘political will for reform’ were dependent on the factor of ‘presence of vocal media’ – and vice versa. There were also unanticipated catalysts, external factors that were difficult to predict and had been realised as facilitating success only in hindsight. This was an external supporter offering unexpected public endorsement of a program, or a crisis event that jolted people’s consciousness about corruption. Catalysts are difficult to cultivate and predict, so it is helpful to note that in no case study was an unexpected catalyst the sole reason for a program’s success. This is the most significant result of this research – there was no single condition, factor or catalyst that underpinned the success of a community anti-corruption program. As shown in Table One (internal factors) and Table Two (external factors), every program was successful because of a combination of factors, sometimes only a few, but often up to six or seven significant reasons. Overall only three factors appear to be universal and essential to success of all programs. First is the internal factor of determining a clear and defined focus and strategy for the program with in-built flexibility, and second the human resources component – having a skilled, competent team to implement the program. Third, having the trust of communities was also a universal reason for success. This is a special factor, as it is both an internal and external factor. Organisations and groups need to look inwards and structure their processes for maximum participation with community members. However, trust must come from the external community towards the program and program implementers.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs Table three shows the frequency of each factor across the 15 case studies. This shows that in addition every program depending on the above mentioned ‘universal factors’, two-thirds of programs were dependent on ‘citizens talking about corruption’, and two-thirds of programs were dependent on ‘other stakeholders sharing a goal with the program’. In fact, only two case studies (Ethics and Sport and Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness) did not depend on either one of these factors. This suggests that in the absence of these two external factors, options for community-based anticorruption programs may be limited and the impact of other factors would become critical. The next steps to understanding why certain community anti-corruption programs have been successful should be to rank the importance of conditions and enabling factors for individual programs. No doubt there also other yet unfound internal and external factors that fostered programs’ achievements, factors that would be identified and better understood with in-depth field based research. It would also be important to independently assess the impact of short-listed programs (see next section) on reducing or curbing corruption.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Table One: Internal factors for success in community-based anti-corruption programs

Program

Committees of Concerned Citizen Lamon Bay Fisheries MKSS Bismarck Ramu Group Report Card Survey Textbook Count Advocacy & Legal Advice Centres Advice & Info Desks Pesantren AntiCorruption Networkds Ethics and Sport Child Movement for Civic Awareness K-Pact Coalition CCAC Coalition Interfaith Coalition Governance Coalition

Program uses obvious positive messaging

Implementing organisation has demonstrated previous success

Focused and flexible program

Human Resources

Space for communityled initiatives

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X X

X X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

Implementing organisation explicitly involves young people

Implementing organisation establishes relationships with govt

X

Implementing organisation is small, local group without international affiliation.

Implementing organisation is trusted by community

X

X

X

X

X

X X X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X X X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X X

X X

X

X X

X X

X X

X X X

X

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X

X X

X

X

Implementing organisation is local member of international affiliation

X

What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Table Two: External factors for success in community-based anti-corruption programs

Program Committees of Concerned Citizen Lamon Bay Fisheries MKSS Bismarck Ramu Group Report Card Survey Textbook Count Advocacy & Legal Advice Centres Advice & Info Desks Pesantren AntiCorruption Networks Ethics and Sport Child Movement for Civic Awareness

Implementing organisation is trusted by community

External supporter endorses and publicly supports program

Different stakeholders recognise corruption as a problem

Political will for reform is present

X X

X

Citizens are talking about corruption

Citizens are ready to take action against corruption

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X X

X

X X

X

X

X

Vocal media against corruption

X X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

K-Pact Coalition

X

X

CCAC Coalition

X

X

Interfaith Coalition

X

X

X

Governance Coalition

X

X

X

X X

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Table Three: Frequency of internal and external factors across case studies

Internal Factors

Number of case studies dependent on factor (total number of case studies 15)

External Factors

Number of case studies dependent on factor (total number of case studies 15)

Focused and flexible program

15

Implementing organisation is trusted by community

15

Human Resources

15

Citizens are talking about corruption

10

Space for community-led initiatives

8

Different stakeholders recognise corruption as a problem

9

Implementing organisation establishes relationships with govt

7

Citizens are ready to take action against corruption

7

Local implementing organisation is affiliated with international organisation

7

Vocal media against corruption is present

6

Implementing organisation explicitly involves young people

6

External supporter endorses or publicly supports program

5

Implementing organisation has demonstrated previous success

5

Political will for reform is present

4

Program uses obvious positive messaging

4

Implementing organisation is small, local group without international affiliation.

4

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

5: Linking to a Pacific context 5.1 Introduction Stage one of this research was to investigate community-based anti-corruption programs, analysing the factors for their success. The second stage is to recommend what mechanisms could be employed in future Transparency International programs in the Pacific region. Before outlining what anti-corruption programs this research recommends for further analysis, two important considerations need to be taken into account. First, the National Integrities Systems report of 12 Pacific Island Countries and second, the capacity and views of local Transparency International Chapters.

NISPAC reports In 2004, Transparency International coordinated the National Integrity Systems surveys of Pacific Islands Countries (NISPAC program). The NISPAC studies offered an assessment and comparison of anti-corruption activity in 12 Small Island Pacific States8 (excluding PNG and Fiji, which were studied earlier and separately by local Transparency International groups). The picture of the Pacific from the NISPAC reports reveals societies experiencing pressure from varying vulnerabilities to corruption. The studies found perception of corruption varied within and between states, with ambiguity and disagreement about what might be considered as corruption. In some Pacific states corruption is being contained and reportedly decreasing, whereas in other states corruption is at ‘endemic proportions’. Corruption problems were largely in political corruption, particularly during election campaigns, and exposure to corruption was found in all public services. On a positive note, judicial systems, especially higher courts, were consistently regarded as independent and robust against problems of corruption. All Pacific Island states examined in the NISPAC studies, as well as Fiji and PNG, have laws, or provision in their criminal code or public service regulations that define and prohibit certain kinds of corruption – usually bribery. Some gaps exist, but generally the studies not recommend a widespread need for changes in legislation. Electoral administration and audit offices were found to be generally corruption free, although they struggled with a lack of resources and governments unwilling to listen to them. The challenge is to leverage up these existing institutions. They need space to speak up against corruption, and greater resources to effectively do their jobs. While the institutions and processes to counter corruption are largely in place in Pacific States, community and citizen demand for public accountability needs to be bolstered. In regards to civil society in Pacific communities, the NISPAC reports found differences between their existence, composition and effectiveness. In some states, such as Kiribati and Nauru, no citizens groups were identified. In Tonga civil was described as ‘poorly developed’. By comparison Vanuatu, Cook Islands and Solomon Islands have diverse and active civil societies. Most significant to this research was the extremely limited number of community groups focused on corruption. Aside from Transparency International groups in Vanuatu and Solomon Islands, the 12 NISPAC reports found no other organisations or groups that monitor or speak out against corruption. Where lawyers’ associations are mentioned in the reports (in Samoa and Palau) they were apparently not focusing on corruption issues. Some NISPAC reports commented that traditional, cultural or familial factors could affect people’s willingness to act against corruption, even when it was common knowledge that corruption had taken place. Cultural factors were not causing corruption to happen, but contributing to corruption remaining unchallenged. Some reports suggested that people were ‘fearful of intimidation, or reluctant to rock the boat by public criticism’. Others suggested that communities seemed simply forgiving of corruption, particularly of kin. 8

Cook Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Niue, Nauru, Palau, Tonga, Tuvalu, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu - 45 -

What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs The recommendations of each NISPAC report were prepared in response to the circumstances of individual states. The general awareness and ownership of corruption as a problem with negative ramifications on the whole society was reportedly low, and specific education campaigns aimed at organisations that influence community and communities’ values was recommended. Reports advised that donors, development agencies and anti-corruption organisations needed a deeper understanding of cultural values and tradition governance systems, including research into how traditional governance systems could work together with more western governance structures. Overall the findings of the NISPAC reports give a sense of the different social, political and cultural factors that challenge, and encourage, anti-corruption efforts in the Pacific region. This has been immensely useful when considering what community-based anti-corruption programs might be suitable for a Pacific context.

Transparency International in the Pacific There are currently six Transparency International Chapters or groups in the Pacific region: Australia, Fiji, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. Capacity and resources vary across these chapters/groups. Before commencing an in-depth scoping mission in the Pacific on the proposed short-list of community anti-corruption programs (outlined below) there must be considerable consultation and dialogue with local Transparency International representatives. A pilot or trial of any of the following programs, large or small, would have a significant impact on local Transparency International groups. The views of local Transparency International members on what community-based activities would be most effective and appropriate in their local communities need to be considered, and respected. The priorities, strengths, weaknesses and future plans of Pacific Transparency International members also need to be better understood.

5.2 Short listed community-based programs Introduction The following is a short-list of programs recommended for further research and investigation for possible piloting in the Pacific. Note that all of the 15 programs documented in this research were creative and successful initiatives in their fight against corruption. There may be elements from each program that could be adapted for a Pacific context. Therefore the following short-list should not deter Transparency International from considering additional research on any of the other case studies. What the following programs offer is a spread of activities that could be adapted for small, rural and isolated communities, as well as small urban populations. They include activities that adopt a ‘positive message’ framework, which does not require the condition that populations are vocal about or discussing corruption. Predominately these are programs that do not depend on political will for reform in order to achieve short-term progress. These are straightforward activities for communities to pick up and modify to suit local circumstances. Civic Clubs in schools can work on a range of local governance issues. Committees of Concerned Citizens can be established through the churches or with traditional leaders. These are also programs that can build awareness and break down taboos about corruption in a non-confronting, nonthreatening manner, such as a version of Ethics and Sport. Complex programs with many components – for example the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres – deserve further investigation because of their immense success in many different countries, demonstrating a degree of transferability, and because they confront corruption on many fronts: through education, individual support for victims, empowering communities and capacity building of accountability mechanisms.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

1. Committees of Concerned Citizens (CASE STUDY ONE) The Committees of Concerned Citizens (Triple C) program from Transparency International Bangladesh establishes autonomous community committees to work on corruption issues at their local level. Triple Cs bring together an appointed group of people selected for their ability and capacity to mobilise and motivate citizens against corruption. The model of small, local volunteer groups networked through a national anti-corruption movement is adaptable for rural or isolated communities. For Pacific communities, tribal leaders, church leaders and community representatives could be approached for committee membership. The Bangladesh model for support of the Triple Cs maintains ongoing technical assistance and training for committee members, but only provides initial financial support. Committees undertake to source long-term financial support from their own community. This would encourage committee members to establish community support and ownership for the program. Committees can also ‘opt-in’ to national level anti-corruption campaigns, giving them the profile and positive association with an international anti-corruption movement such as Transparency International. The Triple C program in Bangladesh is also closely linked with the provision of advice and support for citizens pursing a complaint against corruption (Advice and Information Desks program, case study eight). The decentralised, localised features of the Advice and Information Desks program would be appropriate for many Pacific communities. There would be challenges for a Triple C and its associated services in a Pacific context. There can be difficulties fostering initial support and maintaining the momentum for volunteer groups. A Triple C program may also struggle to mobilise people in situations where familial and tribal links are valued above wider community or national identities.

2. Textbook Count (CASE STUDY SIX) The runaway success of Textbook Count in mobilising thousands of people as volunteer monitors is a wonderful example of employing simple tools in a sophisticated effort against corruption. The program is worthy of further investigation. Already the model has been replicated in other sectors, for example monitoring construction of public buildings such as schools or roads. Textbook Count was dependent on a number of external factors, including the public and political support of a senior authority, the then Under Secretary for Education, and the political will of the Department of Education to clean up corruption within its ranks. However the support of the Under Secretary was cultivated after Textbook Count had demonstrated success on a small scale. A pilot scheme in the Pacific could monitor a relevant issue or sector link to a government department that is showing the motivation to address corruption, but is lacking the resources or capacity for thorough monitoring of its services. A model similar to Textbook Count could also be incorporated with other community-based programs; such as the Civic Clubs established though the Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness. This would tap into a large source of volunteer monitors, offer students and teachers a practical monitoring exercise that would bring momentum to the Civic Clubs, and illustrate to students and the community that with simple tools successful efforts against corruption can be achieved.

3. Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres (CASE STUDY SEVEN) The Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres offer a successful model that complements direct services and support for victims of corruption with comprehensive education, advocacy and policy reform programs. In most Pacific Island States, coverage of anti-corruption legislation is reasonable and accountability institutions do exist, although experiencing a lack of resources and/or lack of clout with government.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs There are currently no services providing legal advice to assist citizens to access complaint mechanisms or accountability institutions. Such a service, in line with advocacy for governments to improve resources for institutions such as Ombudsmen or Public Auditors, could be a powerful tool in fighting corruption. The capacity building aspect of the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres program would be very relevant for the Pacific region. Centres in Eastern Europe and Central Asia have been shown to increase and bolster the profile and capacity of the associated Transparency International Chapters. In some Pacific Islands, Transparency International is the only NGO or community group working on anti-corruption. Capacity building for these Transparency International members is a key priority for future anti-corruption activities. Capacity building for the current accountability mechanisms and institutions is also very important in the Pacific. These institutions exist in many Pacific Island countries but suffer from a lack of resources and governments unwilling to listen to them. With a better-informed population regarding complaint processes, and Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres providing policy recommendations to government, advice centres in Europe have contributed to strengthening state-level accountability mechanisms. This could also be achieved in the Pacific. There are obvious challenges to an Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres program for the Pacific. Issues such as remoteness and smallness of population, lack of access to telephone services, specific cultural and social issues that may stop people coming to an advice centre, social tolerance towards corruption, or reluctance to ‘rock the boat’ and make a complaint, possible lack of community ownership of an advice centres if viewed as outside imposition – these and other challenges to an adaptation of the Program for the Pacific need to be considered.

4. Ethics and Sport (CASE STUDY NINE) This may first appear to be a small target project. However it has potential to be expanded to not only target school students, but to also reach a wide community audience by working with sports clubs and associations. People don’t necessarily need to be playing sport to be engaged in this program. People (usually) agree on the principle that respecting the rules of the game makes for an enjoyable sport experience, regardless of being a participant or a spectator. Simple, positive analogies from good behaviour in sport can be made with civic values, transparency and accountability and eventually anti-corruption. The previous success of this program did not depend on a high level of community discussion about corruption, and so would be appropriate for a situation where talking about corruption remains a social taboo. In many Pacific Island countries sport is very popular, and sport stars admired and respected in the community. Their involvement and endorsement of the program’s messages would be crucial.

5. Civic Clubs, Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness (CASE STUDY 10) The Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness is a creative program aimed at building civic and environmental awareness among children through their participation in Civic Clubs. The program has successfully fostered a culture in schools that supports and encourages children to be active in local governance issues. This is a stepping-stone towards bringing up a generation that will hopefully be outspoken against corruption. Currently there are anti-corruption education programs run by Transparency International PNG and Vanuatu. The model of Civic Clubs could be included in their school programs and adapted to include projects on anti-corruption. The Ethics and Sport (case study nine) program could be an introductory anti-corruption project for a Civic Club. Civic Clubs depend on the resources of skilled and committed club facilitators; external adults who guide and instruct the young club members. The Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness has a very high rate of retention for volunteers, attributed to its efforts in caring for volunteers and ensuring they

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs feel involved in all aspects of the program. This is resource intensive, however finding and training volunteer facilitators would be a significant factor in the programs success.

6. Coalitions (CASE STUDIES 12-15) More research is needed into the viability of cross-sector anti-corruption coalitions in the Pacific. This is where Transparency International can play a unique role. With individual members coming from business, community and public sectors, Transparency International Chapters are already forming their own microcosm coalitions. Coalitions are examples of where Transparency International can muster community support for anticorruption actions through a partnership with more experienced community-based organisations. Transparency International needs to investigate how and where it can build links and relationships with local Pacific NGOs, community groups and organisations. Local community organisations and groups often witness and deal with the negative results of corruption, but don’t have the capacity or resources to engage in national level campaigning and policy reform. International and national anticorruption movements may be able to affect change at a top-down level, but are not equipped or appropriate for basing themselves in a local community to foster the demand for better governance from the ground up. Certain conditions need to be in place for anti-corruption coalitions to come together. It will be very difficult to build an anti-corruption coalition in a setting where public discussion on corruption is nonexistent; each coalition in this report depended on a level of community awareness and argument about corruption. There also needs to be a common goal that can unite members. This seems to occur when there a corruption problem affects a broad sector of society. It is difficult to create a sense of urgency or crisis when entrenched corruption is regarded with apathy or even tolerance. However the ‘crisis’ factor has been useful for galvanising support in a number of analysed coalitions. Coalitions should not be viewed as a permeant structure on the anti-corruption landscape. They may focus attention around a particular issue or event (forth coming elections for example) and then reassess their viability after that event.

Summary The Pacific Islands represent a unique region of island states with very small nation-state populations and diverse and isolated communities. There are issues in the Pacific, such as small population, some weak governments and lack of civil society that may limit the applicability of the case studies outlined. Based on the factors for success in the above short listed case studies, the following, in order of importance, is a very general criteria to consider when assessing if an individual program would suit a particular Pacific Island community: 1. Are citizens open to discussing or talking about corruption – important for three programs 2. Is the media reporting corruption as a problem – important for three programs 3. Is there recognition among different community stakeholders of the problems of corruption – important for three programs 4. Is there political will for reform – important for two programs In the absence of any of these four factors, the dependence on an external supporter to endorse or support the program is critical. It would also suggest two programs; Ethics and Sport and Children’s Movement for Civic Awareness, would then be the most appropriate community programs to consider. The most important stakeholders in determining what, if any, case studies could work in the Pacific will be the citizens of the Pacific Islands’ communities. Time spent identifying and understanding the social, cultural, political and economic environment with the full participation of the community should result in the conception of an anti-corruption program that addresses the priority concerns of the community, rather than imposing an outsider’s agenda. This will result in program that is appropriate for, relevant to and welcomed by Pacific community.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

6. Recommendations for Transparency International This research is hopefully a first step in a process of learning about what works in community based anti-corruption programs, and investigating what might be appropriate for community anti-corruption programs for the Pacific. The following are recommendations for what next steps Transparency International to advance this process.

Field-based research for short-listed programs To learn and understand the nuances and subtleties of these successful community programs, Transparency International needs to invest in field-based research of the short-listed case studies. The internal and external factors that have aided the success of these programs needs to be better understood. Ranking the importance of various factors for individual case studies would also be useful. Transparency International should not consider a pilot or trial of any of the anti-corruption programs described in this report simply because they have previously been successful. They must be found to be appropriate for a Pacific context. There needs to be further, thorough research and discussion with Pacific Islanders about the appropriateness of any of these programs for a Pacific context. That requires community-level engagement. And while this report has carefully considered the merits of the six short-listed case studies for a Pacific context, Transparency International should seek other comments and views on the possible transferability of these programs, especially from Pacific Chapters and other relevant Pacific-based stakeholders.

Consult with Transparency International Chapters in Pacific Transparency International Australia needs to work with the guidance of Pacific Island Transparency International Chapters. There are experiences of the Fiji, New Zealand, PNG, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu chapters that TI Australia can learn from. Given AusAID’s new priority focus on anticorruption, TI Australia should look to playing a greater role in facilitating the views, advice and experience of Pacific TI Chapters to AusAID. The available resources, priorities and strengths of each Pacific Island Transparency International Chapter/group should be carefully considered before further discussion about what, if any, communitybased anti-corruption programs Transparency International could support in the Pacific. Recognising that the resources of TI Australia are also limited, TI Australia should consider securing additional resources to support a coordinator to build stronger relationships with community-based organisations in the Pacific to listen and learn from their experiences and identify areas where TI Australia can provide, or source, practical assistance for local anti-corruption programs. This should be explored with Pacific TI Chapters and the TI Asia Pacific Desk of the TI Secretariat.

Repeat NISPAC studies The NISPAC reports provide a detailed outline of Pacific Island states’ current mechanisms and structures for fighting corruption. The reports are now almost three years old, and the situation in most states will have changed. Transparency International should consider follow-up in-country research to update each NISPAC report. This would not require an entire re-write of each report. Rather, key issues could be updated and recommendations expanded to include a focus on what practical community-based anti-corruption activities would be relevant and needed by communities. This would require bringing researchers with community development experience and engaging them in a discussion on anti-corruption strategies.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

Research role of traditional governance systems Traditional governance systems placed great power but also great responsibility on the shoulders of local leaders. Today this responsibility can be brutally abused. While traditional governance is an area not usually considered within the National Integrity Systems, Transparency International should consider a specific cross-cultural study to investigate traditional governance systems in Pacific communities and their possible role in anti-corruption strategies. Bringing together a cross fertilisation of the traditional and ‘Western’ models of community governance can enhance the role of customary processes while also bringing greater public accountability and transparency to the traditional leadership roles. Learning about the different governance experiences of other communities would also be constructive. The Indigenous Community Governance Project of the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research (CAEPR) in the Australian National University would be a useful guide and reference. This project is exploring the state of community governance in Indigenous communities in Australia, including looking at different models of governance, the factors influencing culturally legitimate governance arrangements and the challenges and strengths in traditional community governance. There may be relevant learnings for Pacific communities from the experiences of small, isolated Australia Indigenous communities attempting to meld traditional and western governance systems.

Ask what Transparency International cannot do Transparency International needs to consider carefully its role in community-based activities. Working at the ‘grassroots’ may be ideologically appealing, but it requires significant periods of time and allocations of resources to develop a genuine partnership with communities, one that is equal and free of a perceived authority of an outsider over the community. Transparency International should study the experiences of the Bismarck Ramu Group and the MKSS, organisations that facilitate entirely community-led programs. Their success in community-led programs involved years of relationship building, a distinct absence of outsiders and a willingness to not simply listen to communities, but to be directed by the priority concerns of communities. On the basis of its current structure as national-level advocacy groups, Transparency International could face numerous challenges in building and supporting a local or grassroots community constituency against corruption. The fight against corruption necessitates a balance of community-based programs with higher level campaigning from NGOs to change policy and affect change at a national level. Transparency International should not lose sight of the bigger picture policy changes that are needed. It may on occasion be more appropriate for Transparency International to lend to support to other established community organisations, and to complement their grassroots efforts by focusing on macro level advocacy. This will vary from TI Chapter to Chapter, and when considering a region program against a national or local program. The question of what an organisation should not do is a challenging and confronting subject. It does not suggest that Transparency International does not have an important contribution to make in community-based anti-corruption programs. As witnessed through many case studies, a range of local TI Chapters are working at a very grassroots and direct level. Transparency International must now consider its own ‘internal’ factors amongst local Pacific chapters and determine if the preconditions are ripe for considering a community-based anti-corruption program.

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What works and why in community-based anti-corruption programs

7. References Anderson, Tim, 2005, ‘Challenging ‘integrated conservation and development’ in Papua New Guinea: the Bismarck Ramu Group’ Pacific Economic Bulletin pp 56-70 Botes, Lucius and van Rensburg, Dingie, 2000, ‘Community participation in development: nine plagues and twelve commandments’ Community Development Journal, vol. 35, iss. 1, p. 41 Brady, Gregory 2002 Strengthening Civil Society Lessons Learned An Analysis of CARE’s Experiences In Africa Holloway, Richard 2006, NGO Corruption Fighters’ Resource Book – How NGOs can use monitoring and advocacy to fight corruption Larmour, Peter and Barcham, Manuhuia, 2006, National Integrity Systems Pacific Islands Overview Report Asia Pacific School of Economics and Government, Australian National University Larmour, Peter and Barcham, Manuhuia, 2006, ‘National Integrity Systems in Small Paciic Island States’, Public Administration and Development vol. 26, pp 173-184 Mansuri, Ghazala and Rao, Vijayendra 2004, Community-Based and -Driven Development: A Critical Review, World Bank McCarthy, Paul, 2005, Drivers of Change: An evaluation of the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres Project, completed on behalf of Transparency International Mishra, Neelabh, People’s Right to Information Movement: Lessons from Rajasthan, Discussion Paper Series 4, United Nations Development Programme Transparency International 2002, Corruption Fighters’ Tool Kit: Civil society experiences and emerging strategies Transparency International 2005, National Integrity Studies of Pacific Island Countries (NISPAC) http://www.transparency.org.au/nispac.php Transparency International 2005, Stealing the Future: Corruption in the Classroom Transparency International, UN-HABITAT, 2004, Tools to Support Transparency, in Local Governance, United Nations Human Settlements Programme, Urban Governance Toolkit Series,

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