Weekend Trips Second Homes and New Social Realities in the Catalan Pyrenees1 Camila del Mármol

This paper focuses on the changes that have taken place in a valley in the Catalan Pyrenees over the last few decades. Our aim is to analyze the process of change in the social structure, values, identities and life styles in the context of ‘modern rurality’, which is marked by the decline of previous agricultural models, heavy depopulation, economic transformation and the implementation of a set of policies to increase the amount of wilderness and promote cultural heritage and tourism (Cloke 1989; Soriano 1994; Frigolé 2007, 2010; Vaccaro and Beltran 2010). Specifically, the paper will focus on second home owners as a social category, their discourses and practices in relation to the local population, and their economic and political influence. The background description and analysis of second homes can help us shed light on the processes of changes that have transformed local society. To achieve this, we use data gathered through a long-term ethnographic study in a Catalan Pyrenean valley.2 The valley of La Vansa i Tuixent is located on the southern slope of the Cadí Mountain. Agricultural and livestock activities and the use of forestry resources, which are now considered ‘traditional’, have gradually been altered by the impact of a market economy. In the midtwentieth century, an intensive dairy production system was introduced after a series of consecutive agricultural failures. However, the production quotas imposed by the European Union at the end of the 1980s led 1

This study was carried out as part of a project entitled: “Patrimonialización y redefinición de la ruralidad. Nuevos usos del patrimonio local”, which was funded by the Spanish Ministry of Education and Science and the FEDER Program (CSO201129413). I thank Joan Frigolé for his valuable comments. 2 This study is part of a PhD dissertation earned at the University of Barcelona, based on long-term fieldwork carried out in different periods between 2005 and 2008.

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to the decline of this model. As a result, the primary sector focused on new forms of production, such as extensive livestock breeding (Campillo et al. 1992; Aldomà i Buixadé 2003; Escribà et. al. 2001; Fillat 2003). These changes were triggered by a variety of factors, in particular specific national and local legislation as well as several EU policies, many of which were included in the Common Agricultural Policy. Due to these transformations, the social structure, social imaginaries, the community’s representation, and the relationship with the surroundings all changed, leaving a valley that was close to depopulation. In recent decades, different new measures, including the development of physical and social infrastructures, were triggered focusing on incentivizing the formation of a new economy based on tourism (Keating 2000; Smith 1999). The reality of depopulation helps the production of an image of isolation that was thought to be attractive to urban dwellers. The enticement of tourism, which was not an active economy before, can be observed in the application of specific plans and measures directed either by local governments, as well as by the application of EU plans of development. Actions have included: the creation of a natural park; a series of urban development measures to preserve the landscape; the improvement of transport infrastructure; the recovery of old paths; the creation of ethnographic heritage; an increase in the appreciation of local festivals and celebrations; the creation of museums; and the restoration of churches and monuments that are considered of historical interest. Even though most public investment and development projects in the valley are directed to promote tourism, mainly through different EU initiatives and local government plans, this is not solving the problem of depopulation, since new permanent residents are not settling in the valley. The tourism-focused economic system now promotes a rural world that is regarded mainly as a landscape and as a residential and recreational area. The promotion of tourism has been one of the main objectives of political action in many rural areas of Europe in recent decades, as revealed by public policies (Frigolé and del Mármol 2009). Here, we refer to new ways of conceptualizing the region and of exploiting local resources within a new economic model. Specific policies to develop tourism are being promoted in rural areas all over Europe, where a dramatic transformation, if not disappearance, of the former economic

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and social structures has taken place. At the same time, the need to preserve cultural and natural heritage has emerged in the political and juridical discourse over the past few years. These processes must be analyzed in the context of the EU, in which a series of agricultural policies have determined the evolution of different rural areas (see Theodossopoulos 2003; Møhl 1997; Stacul 2003). Some authors have highlighted the importance of considering several sources in the shaping of local realities (Appadurai 1996; Bauman 2003; Hannerz 1996; Moore 2006). In Smith’s words: ‘…the agenda of the dialogue and debate within the community is set pre-eminently by non-local forces’ (1997: 202). In order to analyze local dynamics we need to be aware of contextual processes that have induced several changes; but at the same time it is important not to undermine the power of the locals to shape new realities. Neoliberalism can be defined as a political transformation that did not involve the withdrawal of the State, but a change in the government’s rationale that altered social power relations (Inda 2005: 59). Ferguson and Gupta hold that neoliberalism is not a matter of less government, but a new method that ‘works by creating mechanisms that work “all by themselves” to bring about governmental results through the devolution of risk onto the “enterprise” of the individual’ (2002: 989). Local policies in the Pyrenees were conceived within this new logic of government that brought about a new conceptualization of the region and its social realities. An analysis of these forms of government (Foucault 2000; Lemke 2002) shows the need for a dual approach that recognizes the relationships established between the macro and micro politic spheres. In this context, many social categories have appeared in the valley, which reflects the new realities and the profound changes in social life. An analysis of differences in discourses and practices throughout the region, as well as the way in which different sectors of the population make use of and understand the place, can help us to understand the recent changes. These transformations have also affected the real-estate market, leading to changes in the value of houses that were once central to the configuration of local, social, and individual identity.

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Coming back in the Summer Time Like other areas in the country (Aceves and Douglass 1976; Collier, 1997), the valley of La Vansa i Tuixent lost a large proportion of its population during the 1960s and 1970s. The increasing participation of the Franco regime in a market-style economy had a great impact on agricultural and livestock production (Shubert 1990). In the valley, these changes involved abandoning the previous use of the land and focusing on milk production. Nevertheless, a large number of families left the area. They closed their homes as the increasing number of emigrants caused house prices to sink. At the end of the 1980s, Spain’s membership of the European Union led to the implementation of production quotas that definitively ended agricultural and livestock production, except for a few livestock farms that raised cows for meat. Even though many families left the villages of the valley without maintaining strong links, others returned to their houses during the summer. They have forged social relations and participated in summer festivals since the 1970s. Along with these early second home owners, the first visitors appeared and spent the summer in the few local boarding houses. Progressively, some of the visitors started to purchase local houses, taking advantage of the large number of abandoned and cheap buildings. Nevertheless, buying a house was not always easy. Locals were often unwilling to sell to strangers because of the social significance of the house and its important role as the centre of family and individual identity and of the family group status (Barrera 1990; Narotzky 2004; Roigé and Estrada 2008). House prices quickly began to rise as people started to become interested in acquiring properties. As a result, the situation has changed from one in which houses were left to deteriorate or bought at low prices for the construction material or for keeping livestock, to one of increasing value. The accounts of people who started ‘coming up’ to the valley during their holidays in the early 1970s and 1980s make us aware of the scale of the changes that have taken place since then. At that time, in spite of the deficiencies of the road system, some families came back from the cities to which they had moved, reopened their houses, and even began to work in agriculture or forestry. Some accounts speak of the continuation of old smuggling activities involving tobacco and other products that were taken from the nearest border into Spain, thus contributing to

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the economy of the family group. Other activities included cultivating small plots of land for consumption or gathering fruits and mushrooms for subsequent sale in the big cities. The first family that arrived as second home owners in the small village of Josa de Cadí recalls that it was difficult to purchase basic items like food in the 1970s, so they had to depend on local help. The depopulation of the villages led to processes of hoarding houses. Some powerful families were able to buy a large number of buildings, but in other cases people from outside the valley tried to monopolize the real estate market in some villages. The depopulation also created a landscape in which people could find solitude. This was an attractive feature for potential new inhabitants, who interpreted the new reality in a romantic way. The social and economic context of the 1970s and 1980s was due to the rural exodus, which led to profound changes that affected local society. Nevertheless, some discourses started to interpret the valley as an earthly paradise that was strongly linked to nature and far away from contemporary social constrictions. During the 1970s, new young inhabitants arrived from urban environments. They were referred to as ‘hippies’ by the local population. The arrival of new inhabitants, the strong waves of emigration and the ageing of local people led to the reconstitution of the social structure, which was conceptualized in terms of new social categories. These categories need to be identified to understand the processes of change in the valley, as well as the attitudes and reactions of different sectors of the population. The proliferation of social labels must be seen as decisive in the production of locality (Appadurai 1996), since they allow the representation and categorization of new realities (see Waldren 1996; Rautenberg et al. 2000). Smith reminds us that the way in which people refer to and question social membership cannot be isolated from the conditions that are required to reproduce their livelihoods (1999: 224). The labelling of society starts with the identification of the legitimized ‘local category’: ‘country offspring’, ‘country people’ or simply ‘those who are from here’. These labels represent ‘authentic natives’, in contrast to people who are not from the place, even when they actually live there. The categories stress the importance of an uninterrupted family link with the region, in contrast to those who emigrated or people from other places, even when they settled a long time ago. Changes

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in recent decades have led people in this category to reconsider their economic situation and productive strategies. Other agents within the new economic system are those who settled in the area when it was partially depopulated. As mentioned above, the material and social conditions of the region attracted those who wanted to live an alternative way of life, inspired by the ideal of selfsufficiency. These people were known as ‘hippies’, a label that is still in use today. The new economy also attracted people who lived elsewhere. We should distinguish between two categories: people who came back to the place after their emigration some decades before, and those who came to the area without any family links. We refer to the latter as ‘newcomers’, a label which can be used by both locals and outsiders, but one that it is also very dependent on the context in which is being used. The category of second home owners includes a wide spectrum of people. Some of them were originally born in the valley, but left many years ago, during the decades of depopulation. Others acquired their houses long ago, attracted by what is considered the beauty of the place and looking for a quiet spot in which to spend their holidays. In these two cases, the owners are often highly integrated into the population in the valley. Other second home owners have bought houses in the last few years, and have not formed close relations with local inhabitants. In some cases, families that lived in the region for short periods keep the house as a second home once they decided to leave. The opposite situation can also be found: some people start to visit the region, buy a house and then decide to move there permanently. This situation is most commonly found among older couples after retirement. The categories used to define a person vary according to the social and communicative context. A person’s classification shows their level of legitimacy in a certain situation, or in relation to a specific subject. This legitimacy is usually related to the individual’s affinity with a particular faction in a social reality characterized by conflict and opposition. In this respect, political orientation can determine the use of different labels to refer to the same person, depending on the context. To understand the multiplicity of categories and their uses, we need to consider a reality that is expressed in terms of conflict and opposition. We refer here to a situation of social division that affects every aspect of social life. The experience of conflict is not new in these

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regions, and can be traced back to past political and ideological differences in some cases. However, the present is of key importance for the correct interpretation of such conflicts. Due to the profound transformations these societies have undergone, it is essential to identify processes related to continuity and change, and to focus on interests in the new realities. Today’s conflicts are directly related to the current economic structure, which is based on public service. To understand the existing social unrest, we need to identify the factors that determine control over local resources and to characterize new interests in this emerging economic system. Some of these factors include subsidies from outside the area, municipal concessions, and control over planning permission, amongst others. Control of these variables is a central issue that can cause conflicts and opposition. When did you arrive? This is the way that many conversations with second home owners start. A visit to the bar, a walk through the village, or a local festival establishes the context for reactivating social relations. The routines and practices of second home owners changed considerably during the 1980s and particularly in the 1990s. Agricultural activities and forest exploitation now lack their previous systematic character and the final product is no longer sold. Similar activities are now continued as hobbies; they are carried out for pleasure rather than for economic interests. This reflects a considerable change in perceptions, in which the region is now a recreational instead of a productive space. A new kind of consumption is being promoted, to attract urban populations in search of ‘nature’ and ‘tradition’. The changes in second home ownership in recent decades are associated with a series of regulations and guidelines that have shaped the opportunities for local development. The Catalan government’s creation of a National Park, and protected areas that cover most of the valley, happened shortly after the failure of the last productive system involving animal husbandry. The new directives determine a new conception of turning land into landscape and abandoning the productive model to create new dynamics of consumption. Similarly, town and country planning not only limited the growth of small villages, but also developed a new conception of ‘beauty’ related to the townscape, based

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on new ideas of ‘tradition’, ‘rurality’, and ‘authenticity’. Within these processes, heritage discourses have revisited the local past to legitimize new cultural assets that can be exhibited. New assets have been recognized in the context of new values of the past, to capitalize the symbolic legitimacy of heritage (Friedman 1994; Kirschenblatt-Gimblett 1998; Rautenberg et al. 2000; Bensa and Fabre 2001). The transformation of old productive resources into assets for consumption has not been easily accepted on a local level. For example, communal or private woods that were one of the most important sources of income in the past are now part of ‘natural heritage’ under state control. For locals, the old landscapes of farmed fields, with the different colours of potato, grain and cattle crops, is in great contrast to the current image of wild forest that is no longer cleared, cultivated or transformed by human work (Vaccaro and Beltran 2009). The discourses of locals often centre on the problem of having lost control over their own land. An old woman born in the valley who has worked the land for over 65 years pointed at a long line of pines trees on her plot, and recalled that in the past she did not have to ask for the park’s permission when she needed firewood. The natural domain is not the only one that has been through a process of dispossession, creating the conditions in local discourse for narratives and metaphors of loss of control and foreign interference. In recent years, different areas have undergone processes of resignification, in which the power of action and decision has been transferred from a local arena to a wider scope. In some ways, the local representation of this interference can be identified with the new social categories. In particular, newcomers as well as second home owners might be interpreted as directly representing the foreign discourses and the new values that are being introduced in the valley. Even though these sectors of the population are no different from the local population in terms of ethnicity, culture, language, or even income, in many ways they are bearers of discourses and perspectives that reflect the ideological basis of the new political programs that are being implemented locally. The perceived radical differences in the perceptions and conceptions of the local area constitute the strongest division between insiders and outsiders. These differences can be summed up by the way the region is conceived on a scale that ranges from a productive space, as in the past,

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to a natural refuge in which ‘original’ and ‘authentic’ values are prevalent and tend to be consumed by urban dwellers. This dichotomized discourse works more as a flexible scale for people living in or visiting the valley. Individuals may instrumentalize differences in the discourses, depending on the social context or their political interests. Different people in the spectrum of social categories may play indistinctly with the discourses of local belonging or emphasize their distance from what can be considered rural values, depending on the specific situation. Living apart Together Relations between the permanent population of the valley and second home owners should not be depicted as mostly conflictive. As mentioned above, many second home owners are descendants of families that left the region a long time ago, but maintained strong social links with locals and are considered locals in many contexts. However, such relations can be perceived in conflictive terms when the conceptions and uses of the region are incompatible or frankly contradictory. We suggest that opposition within the local population of permanent residents or second home owners reflects an ideological confrontation that is a political matter and related to the recent changes. One of the major conflicts refers to livestock activities that do not fit in with other images of the towns. A man who has a second home in one of the villages and who left the valley at the age of 6 years old has returned there every summer since he was a teenager, back in the 1980s. After agreement with second home owners of his generation, he decided to ask the mayor whether a communal field could be used to organize football matches and other games in the context of the local festivals. This request was categorically refused, as the mayor, who was a shepherd, stated that the fields were for sheep. The man attributes the decision to a ‘closed mentality’ and the fact that old locals cannot accept a new leisure-based reality, in which the village is considered mainly as a site for recreation. Many problems arise when livestock activities are practised within the perimeter of the villages. The few shepherds and farmers who are still active complain about the lack of tolerance and support from local government and from some of the people who live in the valley or visit it regularly. A local shepherd described the old respect for cattle farm-

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ing, in comparison with the current lack of interest and political indifference. Many farmers have been criticized by second home owners who arrive in the villages in search of bucolic rurality, but feel disappointed when they have to coexist with manure and cattle farms close to their homes. In many cases, stories are told about second home owners knocking on the doors of local houses to ask for the removal of cowbells in order to get a good night’s sleep. Similarly, manure spreading on fields leads to complaints and criticism that are normally disregarded by farmers. An old farmer described his indignation as the local government ignores the fact that its main source of funds is the taxes paid by the two local shepherds for the use of the communal land. He stated that roads and streets are paved when summer arrives, but no animal enclosures have been built in a long time: ‘This town has been made by shepherds for thousands of years, not by weekend visitors3’. Another farmer referred to the problem in his village. He stated that the old farmers who had gone to live in the cities were the worst, as they wanted to disown their rural origins. Some problems arise when local mayors seek funding to improve the local road network. The access roads to the valley have been paved in different periods, starting in the 1980s and continuing today. Some of the old routes that connect valleys are not yet paved, which is a major concern of local councils. In Sorribes, the seat of one of the local councils, complaints have been made by some second home owners, including influential families linked to Catalan politics and media who have kept their old family homes as summer residences, and a French family who came to the area in search of a ‘petit paradise’. These people were frightened by the idea of losing their isolated paradise. However, for the people who live and work in the valley, expansion of the road network would significantly improve their living conditions. The attitude towards second homes is ambiguous, particularly towards those owned by people who have no previous connections with the region. Some of the local people are in favour of second residences, as house renovations lead to less ruined buildings, which helps to improve the image of the village. In addition, the purchase of houses and plots, as well as building and renovation work, has brought money to the region. Others are against the restoration of houses for use as se3

The word locally used is ‘domingueros’, referring to ‘Sunday visitors’.

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cond residences as owners do not necessarily settle in the region, whilst some ‘newcomers’ have difficulties in finding a house. In many cases, second residences have produced fear and hostility, as shown by some local residents who consider them a ‘plague’. Conclusion The region may be regarded either as an area for production, or as an area for recreation and leisure, which leads to conflicts in terms of political action. These two perspectives have been tackled in recent decades to define local development, not just in this region but in the whole of the Catalan Pyrenees. The production quotas that were imposed during the 1990s as part of the Common Agricultural Policy triggered a process of radical change. In this context, some rural areas could not develop intensive exploitation models for agriculture and cattle farming. This led to market exclusion and strong political determination to search for alternatives in diverse economic areas, especially tourism. There is a new political conception of rural space that often refers to concepts such as ‘sustainability’, ‘development’, ‘capitalization of available resources’, ‘valuation of landscape’, and so on. These concepts have been turned into specific policies that, beyond the vague and generic discourse in which they are expressed, have shaped and determined the social and economic context of several rural areas over the past few decades. An extensive political, legal and administrative corpus have been created, which covers different regions in which a generalist and inclusive perspective is applied. In this process, the social, cultural and historic differences of each area are ignored, and the idea of a common Europe that can be understood on the basis of global concepts is promoted. We refer to these power streams as determining factors in the region’s development. These specific dynamics are reflected at local level. As we have seen, the discourses and practices of second home owners and local inhabitants can condense ideas and conception that are also expressed in political action. The feeling of invasion expressed by the idea of a ‘plague’ can be analyzed in this highly controversial context, in which changes are experienced as outside interference in many cases. An analysis of these relationships can help us understand how these pro-

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