Verb Extensions in Vute Rhonda Thwing, 7/2006

1.0 Introduction Vute is a mambiloid language spoken by 20-25,000 people in Cameroon, in the Centre Province in Mbam et Kim and in Haute Sanaga Divisions; in the Adamawa Province in Mayo Banyo and Djerem Divisions, and in the Eastern Province, Lom et Djerem division. It is classified by Grimes as Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Bantoid, Northern, Mambiloid, Suga-Vute (2000, 53). ALCAM classifies it as “bantoid, non-bantu, mambiloid (#720). The Vute population in this large area is very thinly scattered and mixed with Tikar (Northern Bantoid) and Bafeuk/Yangafeuk (Narrow Bantu, A70) speaking peoples. Vute is a S V O language in the indicative, positive, perfective or narrative clause. It shows S O V order in the perfective negative. In the imperfective aspect, S AUX V O and S AUX O V are permitted in both positive and negative, unless O is a pronoun, in which case O V order is obligatory. Likewise, in infinitival complements both O V and V O orders are possible unless O is a pronoun; then O V order is mandatory. This alternation of constituent order allows any new/focused information to occur in clause final position, as well as indicating lowered transitivity.1 For the most part, verb extensions in Vute are derivational extensions, including valency changing, phasal, evidential, adverbial, additive, and directional extensions. Many of the Vute verb extensions transparently reflect the verbs from which they have been derived. With the possible exception of two of the valency changing extensions, the verb extensions of Vute can not be related to proto-bantu or proto-benue-congo verb extensions, but seem to be either the result of the gramaticalization of frequent patterns of verb compounding, which is itself a likely grammaticalization of serial verb constructions (Dimmendaal, 185). Only one of the verb extensions, the hortative plural marker –ná, is inflectional; the adverbial extensions whose meanings resemble those of aspectual markers do not have any effect on the T/A/M of the verb. Some of the extensions can occur with the tense/aspect markers which precede the predicate, e.g., yaá-cì ‘P2.IPFV-already’, du-ɓa ‘IPFV.D-really’, in verbless clauses.

1

Sentence final position is the unmarked focus position. See Thwing and Watters, 1987, for more information on the focus system of Vute.

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1.1 Structure of the verb phrase in Vute The Vute verb phrase is composed of the T/A/M markers in VP initial position, the object NP (especially as a pronoun), and the verb word. The verb word is composed of the verb root, verb extensions (if present), and verb-final aspect/mood markers, if required by the A/M form of the verb.2

VP ---> [T.ASP3 / M + object NP + [[+verb root +extensions] + ASP/M]]] Figure 1: Vute verb phrase structure The inner set of brackets encloses the verb stem, the unit over which the tonal4 morphemes that indicate aspect and mode spread. The middle set of brackets encloses the verb word. The outer set of brackets encloses the whole verb phrase. The morphemes termed verb extensions in this paper are considered to be clitics of the verb root. They obey certain morphophonemic word level rules and they are effected by all the tonal phenomena that effect the verb root (the first morpheme in the verb word). For example, the floating H that is the preverb aspect marker in the perfective aspect, positive form, raises all L tones in the verb word (root and its extensions) to M: (1)

Kí á

mɨ (H) sáktɨ -ya

-ye

Mèín … (t1.44)

AN FOC 1s PFV thank -INCH -before God ...

So, I thank God first ... (sáktɨ ̀-nɨ ‘to thank’, -yà from yà-nɨ ‘to begin’, -yè ‘first, before’)

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These include –nɨ INF, –tɨ ́ PFV, -ré PFV.AM, -ˋr F.NEG, ɗàà IPFV.NEG, -!wá PFV NEG, -tɨ SBJ, as well as some purely tonal morphemes that appear to be suffixes, since they only effect the final syllable of the verb, e.g., a final floating L that indicates the consecutive (CNS) form of the verb. Vute tense markers: P3 = ya, P2 = yi, P1 =tɨ,P0 = Ø, F1 = ɓa , F2 = kwá Vute has three tone levels, H, M, L, plus downstep. Vute has both lexical and grammatical tone. In the Vute 'Vɨ ́te∆(orthography, H tone is written with an acute accent over the vowel/syllable nucleus, L tone is indicated with a grave accent over the vowel, the falling tones (HL or HM) are marked with a circumflex accent, M tone is unmarked as are the rising tones unless they occur on long vowels, when each vowel is marked with the corresponding tone. Downstep is also unmarked. In addition, Vute has some three tone units on single syllables containing two or more morphemes, the HLH(non-perfective) or HMH (Perfective) tone pattern of a gerund formed on a H tone verb or verb extension and HLM (future negative, hortative negative). They are all written with a circumflex accent on the first vowel and either an acute accent or absence of tone mark on the second vowel. All examples after example (2), do not have the floating tones marked in them

2 4

2

The floating L that is the modal verb suffix in the subjunctive causes all final high tones to become HL while L tones remain L. (2)

Kí á

ndèɗú ta

màŋgù góòm -sê-(L)

AN FOC sheep say.PFV hyena look

So Sheep told Hyena to look down.

íí

ɗàá,

(t7.26)

-down.SBJ eyes ground.LOC

(-sé ‘downwards’ from sé-nɨ ‘to descend’)

In addition, the extensions that begin with l have morphophonemic alternates with initial r/l/nd, just like other clitics in the language that begin with 1. 5 The verb final aspect/mood markers are suffixes of the verb word rather than extensions and are inflectional in nature. In the following sections, I present the different types of verb extensions and discuss the syntactic and discourse-pragmatic implications of their use. All Vute citations are in the official orthography for the language. All the data for this study are either from our own data notebooks and transcribed texts, or from books published by the Centre de Litterature Vɨ ́tè, Yoko, Cameroon, which consist of folktales and a hortatory text in Vute.6

2.0 Extensions that change the valency of a verb There are three extensions and some morphophonemic processes that change the valency of the lexical verb.

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In most dialects of Vute l and r are part of the same phoneme (l in root initial position and r elsewhere), while nd is a separate phoneme. r/l/nd alternation is a common morphophonemic process in both verbs and nouns. The variants work in the following manner: the r-initial form occurs following a vowel, that is following open syllables, the l-initial form occurs following a root ending, historically at least, in a stop, the nd-initial form occurs following a root ending in a nasalized vowel or nasal consonant. Besides verb extensions, other instances of this process are found in the demonstratives, –lè∫chrs`k∫+ -lì‘proximal’+-lò‘distal, but approaching’, the cleft sentence marker lu+ and -lé the associative suffix of a verb in the perfective aspect. 6 Dehir Maurice, Nogoadjere Doussam Jean, James Maxey, Oumarou Alfred, Tchouelour Victor, Toueh Roger and Yakoura Valentin, compilers. 1998.Gèìn Vɨ ́tè(Vute folkstories). Yoko, Cameroon: Centre de LitteratureVɨ ́tè. Nogoadjere Doussam Jean. 1997. Hààmɗə́ŋhȩ̀ȩ ́ Muti ́i ́-Yoko, Cameroon: Centre de Litterature Vɨ ́tè.

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(3) (a) -tɨ ̀ (b) -lɨ ̀

valency raising, “causative” valency raising or lowering, idiosyncratically dependant on the verb root

(c) Morphophonemic processes operating on the verb root: i) verb root vowel lengthening/ -hɨ ̀: valency raising ii) change in the quality of the root vowel: valency lowering (d) -nà indirect object / benefactive (IO) Extensions (a) and (b) listed above are partially productive in Vute. Many verbs in regular use today seem to be formed with -tɨ ̀ or -lɨ ̀, but no unextended form of the verb is currently in use in the language. (c), is also partially productive, especially the process of root vowel lengthening, (d) -nà extension is completely productive, but has a different origin from the other valency changing extensions, being part of the verb extension system discussed in Sec. 3-6 below. I have included it here because it functions much like valency raising applicative extensions in Bantu languages. 2.1 -tɨ ̀ : valency raising extension (VR) This extension is a direct descendant of the proto-Niger-Congo causative verb extension *-ti (Williamson and Blench.39) . The most common use of this extension in the current language is to derive a transitive verb from an intransitive (state or process) verb, i.e., to add an agent to the arguments of the verb. The -tɨ ̀ extension immediately follows the verb root and precedes any other extension.

(4) ɓáí-nɨ ɓá-tɨ ̀-nɨ

(5) yèì-nɨ yè-tɨ ̀-nɨ

(6) làì-nɨ là-tɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to live, to save oneself (intr, refl)’ ‘to save someone, to cause someone to live (tr)’ ‘to become tired’ ‘to tire s.o., to cause someone to be tired’ ‘to burn (intr)’ ‘to burn (tr), to light a fire or a lamp’

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Some verb roots only exist in a form that includes this extension. They are all transitive verbs. (7)

nàtɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to wash hands/feet before eating or praying’

cə́ŋtɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to mock, tease’

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cf. mɨ ̀cə́ŋkáín ‘mockery’

2.2 -lɨ ̀ / -rɨ ̀ / -ndɨ ̀ : valency lowering or raising extension (VL) This extension is most commonly found in valency lowering constructions, but also occurs in some valency raising constructions. It has the morphophonemic alternates -rɨ ̀/-lɨ ̀/-ndɨ ̀ as discussed above (footnote 5). Like the valency raising extension in §2.1, this extension occurs immediately following the verb root, preceding any other extensions. 2.2.1 Valency lowering constructions This extension turns an inherently transitive verb into an intransitive one in (8-10 ) below.

(8)

(9)

(10)

sà-nɨ

‘to rub, to clean, to anoint (tr)’

sà-rɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to be clean, sacred (intr)’

gè-nɨ

‘to bring or lead an animate being (tr)8’

gè-rɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to go for a walk’

yɔ́k-nɨ

‘to surpass (tr)’

yɔ́k-lɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to be difficult (intr)’

There is an interesting set of participles that contrast the meanings of –tɨ ̀ and -lɨ ̀ / -rɨ ̀ / -ndɨ ̀: (11)

sîn

‘black’, from an old verb sí-nɨ ‘to be charred’

sírîn

‘black, blackened’ from sí-rɨ ̀-nɨ ‘to blacken (refl)’

sítîn

‘made black, blackened’ from sí-tɨ ̀-nɨ ‘to blacken (tr)’

7

A verb cə́ŋ-nɨ ‘to dry’ exists, but I wonder if it could really be the source of cə́ŋtɨ ̀-nɨ.

8

The verb gè-nɨ is also used today to mean ‘to drive a vehicle’

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2.2.2 Valency raising constructions marked with -lɨ ̀ / -rɨ ̀ / -ndɨ ̀ (12) (a) ɓéín-nɨ (b) ɓé(n)-ndɨ ̀-nɨ (13) (a) sə̀ə(̀ k)-nɨ (b) sə̀k-lɨ ̀-nɨ (14) (a) nyìn-nɨ (b) nyì(n)-ndɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to become hot, to boil (intr)’ ‘to heat, to reheat (tr)’ ‘to humiliate oneself (refl)’ ‘to humiliate, to dishonor someone(tr)’ ‘to talk quietly (refl or intr)’ ‘to greet (tr)’

It is interesting that speakers of one of the more conservative dialects of Vute pronounce (12)(b) and (14)(b) and other verbs whose roots end in n as ɓéín-tɨ ̀-nɨ and nyìn-tɨ ̀-nɨ. This probably reflects the origin of the valency raising sense of the -ndɨ ̀ extension in these verbs. Vute phonology does not allow prenasalised consonants with a sequence of nasal + voiceless obstruent . These verbs seem to have been resyllabified and then the stop became voiced as a result. Examples of this extension with r or l initial and having a valency raising function do exist, e.g., (13) above. At this time in the history of the Vute language, some verb roots only exist in a form that includes this extension. Some behave intransitively (15) and others transitively (16). (15)

(16)

mà-rɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to get used to (intransitive or reciprocal)’

sə̀-rɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to smile, laugh (intr)’

wà-rɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to fry (tr)’

pà-rɨ ̀-nɨ

‘to skin, peel (tr)’

2.3 Other morphophonemic valency changing processes Vute exhibits two morphophonemic processes that influence the valency of a verb. As stated above, these two processes are not classified as verb extensionsm but they act on the verb very much as –tɨ ̀ or -lɨ ̀ / -rɨ ̀ / -ndɨ ̀.

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2.3.1 Root vowel lenthening: valency increaser This morphophonemic process is an extension only in the loosest terms. The vowel of the verb root is lengthened by adding a L tone copy of it9. It has two functions in Vute today: a) changes an intransitive verb into a transitive one (this function is less common in the language) b) changes a transitive verb to an iterative/ pluractional verb: many transitive verbs can be marked this way. Iterative / pluractional is the most common meaning for a lengthened vowel in a verb root. (17-20) are examples of intransitive  transitive usage of this morpheme. (21-22) are examples of its iterative/pluractional function. (17) nyàŋ-nɨ nyààŋ-nɨ (18) kú-nɨ kwíì-nɨ (19) ɓáŋ-nɨ ɓáàŋ-nɨ (20) hàm-nɨ hààm-nɨ (21) nóm-nɨ nóòm-nɨ (22) ɓé-nɨ ɓéè-nɨ

9

‘to be good, beautiful (intr)’ ‘to make good or beautiful (tr)’ ‘to die’ ‘to kill’ ‘to be bad (intr)’ ‘to spoil, make bad (tr)’ ‘to grow (intr)’ ‘to raise’ ‘to bite (tr)’ ‘to bite many people or bite many times’ ‘to call’ ‘to call many people or the same person repeatedly’

Some dialects of Vute add the syllable–hɨ ̀ to a verb with a CV or CVŋroot, e.g.,ɓéhɨ ̀-nɨ‘to call many people,

or the same person repeatedly’ rather thanɓéè-nícf. (22); ɓáŋhɨ ̀-nɨrather thanɓáàŋ-nɨ+cf (19).In these same dialects, a CVC shaped verb root becomes CVCɨ ̀+e.g.,hàmɨ ̀-nɨ rather than hààm-nɨ ‘to raise’, cf.(20).

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2.3.2 Root vowel quality changes: valency decreaser Underlyingly transitive verbs become intransitive. This process is limited to two verbs that I know of, but they are both used frequently, so I list them here. (23) cáàŋ-nɨ

‘to finish (tr)’

cɔ́ɔ̧ -̧́ nɨ

‘to finish, be finished (intr)’

(24) láàŋ-nɨ

‘to lose (tr)’

lɔ́ɔ̧ -̧́ nɨ

‘to get lost, “go missing”

Other verbs with roots ending in –aŋ form their (passive) past participles with this same vowel change:  tɔ̧ɔ ̧́ ‘eaten’

(25) tàŋ-nɨ‘to eat’

nyàŋ-nɨ‘to be good, beautiful’ nyɔɔ̧̧́ ‘good, beautiful’ (cf (17) above.) ̧ jɔ̧̀ (lit: evil liver) said of someone who ɓɔ́ɔ̧ ̧́ ‘evil’ cf. ɓɔ́n

ɓáŋ-nɨ‘to be bad’

is mean and spiteful. 2.4 -nà indirect object / benefactive (IO) -nà is added to a verb to indicate that there is an indirect object or benefactive NP present in the clause. Its function is similar to a Bantu applicative extension in this way.10 -nà is derived from the verb nà-nɨ ‘to give’. (26) Kúr

kwè

no, mvèìn yi na-á

village certain in chief

lâs, gè

-wò -nà

ní,

ɓíì

i ̧na -yáànaá nò

noò,

P2 give-PFV order TOP.AM11 how -DM

ni ́

ɓɨ ́ -nà

mwin kɨ ́ ɨ ́r

all bring -CPTL -IO.SBJ LOG LOG call-IO.CNS child



fein

muní

person bear.PFV child.AM

ɗú ré. (t6.6)

AN name LOG want -PFV.AM

In a certain village, the chief gave his order that, whoever gave birth to a child should bring (it) to him, he would call that child the name he wanted.

10

Many African languages use the verb ‘give’ in serial verb constructions to indicate benefactive. Also, in many NW Bantu languages the applicative extension is -n / -en / -ne 11

This possessive form can only refer to the 3s topic of the sentence.

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(27) Nɨ ̀vɨ ́tè

á

ndɨ ̀ŋ-nɨ nyíne

kùŋ

woò

ɨ́



jɨ ̀r

kóóm -é

Vute.person IFPV do -INF 2P.with neighbor 2s.AM NEU go.CNS path fiancée -AM

kóóm ɨ ́

si ̀

-na

wu naŋ, wu a

fiancée NEU cook -IO.CNS 2s

ɓé -ɓwê



wo

gùr -í. (t8.23)

fufu, 2s SEQ call -ADDP.CNS person 2s.AM journey-AM

It is the custom of the Vute (lit: Vute people do) (that if) you and your neighbor go to your fiancee’s, and she cooks fufu for you, then you call also your neighbor of the journey (to eat). -nà can also be used in the negative or when stating that something did not happen for the good of the “malefactee” (28)(a), and also when it indicates an event that is adverse, as in (28)(b)12: (28)(a)Ɗà tùkur á then hare

-kî

fèé

lâs, ŋgə́ mvom nɨ ́m kwè mbɨ ́k -nà -wá (t15.12)

take -comp.CNS meat all 3s

tortoise thing INDF leave -IO -PFV.NEG

Then hare took all the meat, he didn’t leave anything for tortoise. (b) ɓetí

wu ɗə̀əŋ ̀ -wá

because 2s



ɓa wu jíì

-nɨ ɓwâ jábɨ ́r féín-na

wé13.(t11.30)

know -PFV.NEG person F1 2s endure -INF time trouble arrive-IO.PFV.D14 2s.O.AM

because you don’t know who will put up with you when trouble comes to you.

3.0 Extensions with Modal and Phasal meanings 3.1 Modal extension -ná There is one morpheme that occurs as an extension in Vute verbs but functions synactically as part of the A/M inflectional suffixes of the verb. The extension -ná indicates either the cohortative or imperative plural form of the verb. (29) Ɗàrò kɨ ́k -sé now

-ná

-am tó

ɗàá,

nyí a

put -down -HOR.PL -IMP ear ground.LOC 2p

nyàŋhȩ̀

juu. (t14.12)

SEQ make.good.CNS life.style

Now, put your ear to the ground and you will make your life better. (‘put your ear to the ground’ means to listen well.)

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However, –nà is not always present in such statements. Sgdoqnmntmvdæ'vt*@L(b`qqhdrsgd@Lgdqdadb`trdhshrhmehm`konrhshnmhm`qdk`shudbk`trd- 14 In a relative clause or in a sentence in which the scope of focus does not include the verb, the dependent form of the aspect markers (D) is found. See Thwing and Watters, 1987. 02

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(30) (a) Nɨ ́m gɨ ̀-ná-nɨ 1p

cúk. (t17.10)

go- HOR.PL-CF together

Let’s go together. (CF: contrastive focus; traveling together rather than separately.) (30) (b) Nɨ ́m ɗəəŋ -ná -ɓa 1p

-tɨ nɨ ́m kùb

du

tà -nɨ

‘hààm-mèé mutí

know -COH -really -SBJ thing INDF.PL IPFV.D say -INF raise -GER

-í’. (t22.3)

child.DIM -AM

We really should know what ‘raising children’ means. 3.2 Phasal Extensions The phasal function may be encoded by means of an auxiliary verb followed by the infinitive as well as by extensions. yà-nɨ ‘to begin’ is most often found as an auxiliary verb, but occurs as an extension preceding the extension –yè ‘already, before’ to give the meaning ‘first’. As for cáàŋ-nɨ ‘to finish’, about half of its occurrences are as an auxiliary verb + infinitive and the other half as the verb extension, -cáàŋ and its morphophonemic variants. In (31a,b) ‘begin’ and ‘finish’ function as auxiliaries. In (32, 33) we see them as extensions. See also (1) above for another example of the extension –yà. (31) (a) Ɓwâ ŋgə́ yi lé time 3s

nùb

-cu

yó -ò, …

ŋgə́ ɨ ́



nyìndɨ ̀ -nɨ

P2 enter -again.PFV.D house.LOC-AM 3s NAR begin.CNS greet

-INF

lâs. (t9.08)

people all

When he got home, ... he began to greet everyone. (b)

Ɓwâ ŋgə́ yi cáŋhȩ time 3s

ə́r

-ɨ ́b kɨ ́ lâs, á

ŋgə́ yi gɨ -ndóŋ

P2 finish.PFV.D work -PL AN all FOC 3s

tí-í. (t16.18)

P2 go -pass.PFV forehead-LOC

When she finished all that work, she continued on her journey. (32) -yà inceptive (INC) (from yà-nɨ ‘to begin’) Ɗàrò wu ɨ ́ Now

du

gwi moò

ru,

mɨ ɗú -ú

wu hȩ wu

2s SF EQ.D wife 1s.AM CLFT 1s love-PFV 2s

ɗú -ya -ye

like 2s

mé. (t11.25)

love -INC -before.PFV 1s.O.AM

Now it is you who are my wife, I love you as you first loved me. (See also (1) above for another example of this extension.)

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(33) -cáàŋ ‘finish’ (from cáàŋ-nɨ ‘to finish’) a) Á

ŋgə́ ta -na

FOC 3s

cwé ŋgə́ móŋ -yè,

say -IO.PFV death 3s





-cáàŋ -yè

naŋ. (t21.35)

wait -first.SBJ LOG cook -finish -first.SBJ fufu

Then she said to Death that he should wait, she had to finish cooking fufu first. b) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́ 3s



ŋgə́ cɔŋ ŋgə́ yi du

NAR give.CNS 3s

food 3s

nyòm

taŋ -cáaŋ -ndé

ɗàwá -á. (t.20.36)

P2 IPFV.D strength.N1 eat -finish -PFV.AM IPFV.NEG-AM

He gave him so much food that he was not able to finish it.

4.0 Adverbial Extensions There are many extensions that fall into this category. We continue to discover more possible combinations of verb roots with these extensions. Many of the extensions are derived from verbs through a process of grammaticalisation; some are derived from nouns. Only forms that are widely used and may be attached to almost any verb are considered extensions and are listed here. -bɨ ̂ŋ

wholly, to the exclusion of anyone or anything else (from bɨ ̂ŋ (n) ‘a whole one’)

-ɓà

really

-cɨ ̀

already (positive), never again (negative)

-cù

again (from cù-nɨ ‘to return’)

-ɗóò

enough (from ɗóò-nɨ ‘to measure’)

-gàìn

with, accompanying (from gàìn-nɨ ‘to accompany’)

-gì /-gɨ ̀

after, finally (from gì-nɨ ‘to go’)

-há

only

–kɨ ́

completely (from kɨ ́(k)-nɨ ‘to put, place’)

-kòm

often

-kɔ́ɔ ̀

quickly (from kɔ́ɔ-̀ nɨ ‘do quickly, be quick’)

-kwà /-gwà

more

-lɨ ́ŋ

usually

-mè

VER (truly) (from mè-nɨ ‘to stay’??)

-ndóŋ

onward, continually (from ndóŋ-nɨ ‘to pass, surpass’)

-nyààŋ

well (from nyààŋ-nɨ ‘to make good, to repair’)

-tò

by chance

-yè

before, first (positive), not yet (negative)

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Some examples of the use of these extensions follow. (34) -mè ‘VER’ is possibly derived from the verb mè-nɨ ‘to stay’. (a) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́ 3s



ndèɗú du -me

NAR say.CNS sheep

mèín mɨ ̀ténè

EQ.D-VER god

á,

little

ŋgə́ gì

FOC 3s

-nɨ. (t.7.30)

go.SBJ -CF

He said that sheep was truly a small god, that he (sheep) should go. (and he would not eat him) (b) Sə̀mnèe ́

njɔ̧̀

ŋgéé ɓɔ̧ne

ɓe ɗɨ ́m wu tûm -nà ŋgéé, àm ŋgə́ a

wake.GER liver 3s.AM belly.AM with habit 2s



-mè

nɨ ̀vɨ ́tè

mɨr fɨ ́tɨ

show -IO 3s.AM word 3s

ɗə̀əŋ ̀ -cù

-ɓà

-nɨ

SEQ

nɨ ́m ŋgə́

EQ.D -VER.SBJ Vute.person true be.able.PFV.D know -again -really -INF thing 3s

ndɨŋ -ndé, do

ŋgə́ a

-PFV.AM 3s



-hô̧

kɨ ́ du

nyɔ̧né

á. (t. 22.78)

SEQ choose -out.SBJ AN EQ.D good.AM FOC

Wake up his spirit with the habits you show him so that he will be a true person able to really know what he did and to choose what is good. -ɓà ‘really’ (35) Nyòóm Tá,

wu ɨ ́

du

-ɓa

wu yɨŋmîn ndu. (t6.50)

honored father, 2s SF EQ.D -really 2s crazy

CLFT

Chief, it is really you who are crazy. (36) Ŋgə́ féi ́n 3s



nɨ ́r -ì,

nɨ ́r ɨ ́

gàm

-ɓà

ŋgə́ mi ̂n. (t10.10)

arrive.PFV place lion-AM lion NAR receive -really.CNS 3s

well

(When) he arrived at the lion’s place, the lion received him really well. (37) -cù ‘again’ (t5.22) ŋgə́ ɨ ́ 3s

jə́b

-cù

-rê

nɨ ́m

noò

ɗàá

ɗóóŋ.

NAR sleep -again -in.CNS thing TOP.AM ground.LOC IDEO: calmly

he laid down and went back to sleep again quietly. (38) -gàìn ‘with, accompanying’ (t10.22) Ɓwâ ŋgáb ŋgóob -so time 3p

ɓe gbɔ́ nɨ ́r -ì,

ji ́i ́

ɨ́

tà

li ̀

ŋgə́ gi ̀ -nɨ

approach-CFGL.PFV.D with cave lion-AM, goat NAR say.CNS dog 3s

go-SBJ

12

nɨ ́m ɓáŋhîn

kwè kwa -tɨ ́

ŋgə́ ku,

thing bad.PRTC INDF find -PFV 3s

ŋgə́ a

there, 3s

lù -gàìn -cù

-wò



yáá.

SEQ run -with -again -CPTL.SBJ LOG QT

When they approached the lion’s cave, Goat said to Dog that he should go, if something bad found him there, he (Dog) should return to him (Goat). (39) -kwà / -gwà ‘more’ (t15.13) Á

ɗú

-ɓà

-nɨ

IPFV need -really -INF 2s

ə́r

mɨ fèé

wu nà -gwà

ɓetí

kundi móò

give -more.SBJ 1s meat because knife

éí -tɨ ́

1s.AM work -PFV

sam.

work.NOM nothing

It is necessary that you give me more meat because my knife worked for nothing. –kɨ ́ ‘completely’ is derived from kɨ ́(k)-nɨ ‘to put, place’. It adds the sense of performing an action completely or thoroughly. It it is interesting that Bybee, Perkins and Pagliuca list ‘to put or place’ as one of the sources for completive aspect markers around the world, though Vute -kɨ ́ (comp.) does not seem to have reached this stage of grammaticalisation yet. (1994, chart p. 58) (40) Óo wu ɨ ́ if

dù

ə́əm ̀ -wá

mvèìn bɨ ́

2s NEU COND accept -PFV.NEG chief

kwíì -kɨ ́

-nɨ

-nà

wu ɨ ́r,

ŋgə́ ɓa wu

name -IO.SBJ 2s name, 3s

F1 2s

á. (t6.14)

kill -comp.-INF FOC

If you do not accept that the chief give you a name, he will kill you. ́ (41) Ɨdù dùrù

yi

ɗú -ú

sə̀ə̀

-kɨ ́

-nɨ

ɓwàjìrí noò. (t5.16)

but baboon P2 want-PFV mock -comp. -INF friend

TOP.AM

But Baboon wanted to thoroughly mock his friend. (42) -kòm ‘often’ (t7.25) Óo ŋgə́ ɓain -tɨ ́ if

3s



á





nàa̧ ́ ̧ ɓain -kom -ndé

naá

strike -PFV LOG manner rain strike -often -PFV.AM DM

ɗə̀əŋ ̀ -gì

ɓè

ŋgə́ du

LOG SEQ know -after.CNS place 3s

mèín mɨ ̀ténè yáa.́

COP.D god

little

QT

If he struck him like thunder strikes (then) he would finally know whether he was a little god.

13

(43) -lɨ ́ŋ ‘usually’ (a) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́ 3s



gì -nɨ

jɔ̀

-lɨ ́ŋ

-nɨ

ɓe

munɨ ́b mbaa bɨ jííb

kwé -è. (t6.16)

NAR begin.CNS go -INF play -usually -INF with children noble PL big.PL village.LOC-AM

He began to go play regularly with the children of the big men of the village. (b) Ɓwâ wa ɓe

kùŋ

ɓan -ndé

ŋgwàr

təə̧̧́

ri,

time fire with neighbour meet -in.PFV.D savannah middle.LOC PROX,

úndi nɨ

mè -lɨ ́ŋ

-nɨ



kɨ ́

ɗàà.

grass NEG stay -usually -INF place AN IPFV.NEG

When a fire meets its neighbour in the middle of the savannah, grass doesn’t usually stay there. (a Vute proverb) (44)-há/ -ha ‘only’ (t13.6) mwin kwíhɨ ̀r rè

Àám kàŋnɨ ̀ lâs ŋgə́ nyin -wú -há words lie.N2 all 3s

speak -up -only.PFV child

death

só.

DIST body.LOC

All lies she only told about the orphan girl. (45) -cì / -cɨ ̀ ‘already’ (positive) (t9.22) Munɨ ́b

yi ŋgàɗə́r

lè -è

ɨ́

sèì

-cì

bɨ ́

mbɔ́klɨ ́b

children P2 form.changer DIST -AM NAR become -already.CNS EMPH.3p slaves

wàánjí

rè -è.

young.man DIST.AM

The children of that form changer became the slaves of the young man. (46) -cɨ ̀ ‘never’ (negative) (t11.26) “ɓetí,

wu tɨ du

mɨ ɗú -wá

because 2s P1 COND 1s

ɓɔɔ̧ ̧

gàm

-ndé -cɨ ̀

mouth receive -in



mɨ yi du

-cɨ

mɨ ́

àm

woò

love -PFV.NEG manner 1s P2 IPFV.D -never 1s.NEG word 2s.AM

-nɨ ɗàà,

wu yè yi mvú-ú

mɨ.”

-never -INF IPFV.NEG 2s POT P2 refuse-PFV 1s

“...because, if you didn’t love me, since I have never listened to you (lit: received the word of your mouth), you would have refused me.”

14

(47)-yè ‘first, before’ (positive) (t3.3d) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́ 3s





-hó̧ -yè

ìì

dúhé yanaá ŋgə́ ɨ ́

NAR say.CNS LOG sweep -out -first.SBJ house DM

wùúm kɨ ́kù á noise

nyìn

3s

ók -cì

NAR hear -already.CNS

-nɨ.

INDF IPFV murmur -INF

She said she should sweep out her house first (before doing other things) and then she heard a little noise. In (48), from the text Why God Hid Death (t21.6b-8), the extension -yè appears twice.

(48) “Yée, jíi

-ye

ŋgób. Gɨ -cu

pity, endure -first little



-kɨ ́

-sò

-m. Wu a

tà -nà

Mèín mɨ

go -again -IMP 2s SEQ say -IO.SBJ God

mucutɨ ́b cɔŋ, wu a

-nà -yè



1s

-gì

mɨ gàm -nɨ yáà.”

cook -comp. -CFGL -IO -before.SBJ children food, 2s SEQ come -after.CNS 1s take -INF POL

“Please, be patient a little. Return. You tell God that I should cook food for the children before you come to take me.” (49) -yè ‘not yet’ (negative) (data notebook) Mɨ mɨ

mwáin nɨ ́m kɨ ́kù tàŋ -yè -nɨ

1s 1s.NEG today

ɗàà.

thing INDF eat -yet -INF IPFV.NEG

I haven’t eaten anything yet today. (50)-gì/-gɨ ̀ ‘after, finally’. The event that is marked with -gì/-gɨ ̀ may be either the goal of the previous event sequence , as in (49), or it may be the more important event. Kí du, ɓwâ ti AN sit

nôm

nɨ ́mè ya du -ré,

kɨ ̀ji ́ri kù

ya ɗú





,

time country 1p.AM P3 sit -PFV.AM elder INDF P3 want -PFV LOG

gal,



a

gɨ ̀ -gì

vɨ ́nȩ̀ȩ.́ (t4.1)

consult.SBJ diviner LOG SEQ go -after.CNS hunt.LOC

That is, when our country existed a certain elder wanted that he consult the diviner, after that he would go hunting.

15

The –yè and –gì extensions work together to encode a temporally prior relationship between predications. (51) Á

ɗú -nɨ mɨ sè -yè

dúhé, nɨ ́m a

IFPV need -INF 1s wash -before.SBJ house, we

gɨ ̀ -gì

Yàùndè.

SEQ go -after.CNS Yaoundé.

I need to clean the house before we go to Yaoundé ndóŋ: ‘onward, continue’ This extension can encode forward movement in space (52)(a, b) or time (53). It is used metaphorically to express forward movement in thought or speech (52). The temporal function of this extension (53) might also be considered a phasal extension. (52) spatial (t8.44) (a)



nèìn



ŋgə́ ya

manner magpie see.PFV.D 3s

mví -ndóŋ

-ré

wàìn -niì,

á

ŋgə́

begin -into.PFV.D sing -INF.AM FOC

3s

tíí.

fly -onward.PFV forward

As Magpie saw that he began to sing, he flew on ahead. (b)

Óo mbére wóò duú if

jínɨ ̀m, wu tɨ ̀ wu gɨ ̀ -wá

nə́m-ndóŋ

-nɨ kɨ ́ kù-b-è.

thumb your IPFV.COND dirty, 2s IRR 2s go -PFV.NEG suck -onward-INF AN one-PL-AM

If your thumb is dirty, don’t go suck that (the thumb)of someone else. (a Vute proverb)15 (53) temporal ‘continue’ (t11.8) (a)



kɨ ́ kuku̧ á

ju

noò

du -ndóŋ

-nɨ, ŋgə́ nɨ ́m kù

thus AN quail IPFV life TOP.AM sit -continue -INF, 3s

lə́əm ̀ -nɨ ɗàà.

thing INDF think -INF IPFV. NEG

Like this, quail continued to live her life without thinking about anything else. (b)

Nɨ ́m kɨ ́kù mɨ ta thing INDF 1s

-ndóŋ

-gwa -cɨ

-ré

ɗàwá . (t2.26)

say -continue -more -not:yet -PFV.AM EX.NEG

There’s nothing more to tell.

15

from: Dehir Maurice, Doussam Jean, James Maxey, Oumarou Alfred, Tchouelour Victor, Toueh Roger

and Yakoura Valentin (compilers).1998. Gèìn Vɨ ́tè (Vute folkstories). Yaounde: SIL.

16

-nyààŋ: ‘well’ (54) Ŋgə́ ta -na -nyaaŋ -ɓa 3s

say -IO -well

-tɨ ́

nùgub lâs nɨ ́m ndè. (data note book)

-really -PFV women all thing DIST

She explained the thing to all the women. (55) Wu a 2s



ŋgə́ sóoŋ ́ , wu a

SEQ give.SBJ 3s

ɓwâ kɨ ́ á

fɔ́

F1 2s ask -INF question different

-INF thing 3s

ɓe

kɨ ́

gbàŋné,

ɓetí

custom family.AM because

kwin-kwin, àm

ɗə̀əŋ ̀ -nyààŋ -nɨ nɨ ́m ŋgə́ pé -ré know -well

ŋgə́ ɗɨ ́m

advice 2s SEQ show -IO.SBJ 3s

ŋgə́ ɓa wu fɔ́ -nɨ

time AN FOC 3s

tûm -nà

ŋgə́ ɗú -ú

word 3s

want -PFV

ŋgə́ ók -lé. (t20.25)

see -PFV.AM with AN 3s

hear -PFV.AM

You should give him advice, you should show him the customs of the family because then he will ask you many different questions because he wants to understand well what he sees and what he hears. -bɨ ̂ŋ ‘totally, wholly’ (t5.30) (56) Cùr kɨ ́ no á

tɨ ́gwi ̀n

yi ta,

á

ɗú

-nɨ lì,



du

mvecɔɔ̀ŋ,

next AN in FOC father.in.law P2 say.PFV IPFV need -INF dog, person EQ.D glutton

ɓú

-bɨ ̂ŋ

nɨ ̀gwi

ɨ́

ndôŋ

dùrù,



du

ɓe

wa

lur



-ì,

marry -whole.SBJ woman NAR pass.CNS baboon person EX.D with fire buttocks -LOC -AM

ŋgə́ tɨ ̀ 3s

toŋ -kɨ ́

nɨ ́

kúr

yáá.

IRR burn-comp.PFV NEG village QT

After that the father-in-law said that it was better that Dog, the one who was a glutton, marry the woman rather than Baboon, the one who has fire on his buttocks, lest he burn down the village. -ɗóò ‘enough’ from ɗóò-nɨ ‘to measure’ (data notebook) (57) Mɨ taŋ -ɗóo

-tɨ ́.

1s eat -enough -PFV I ate enough. I had enough to eat.

17

-kɔ́ɔ ̀ ‘quickly’ from kɔ́ɔ-̀ nɨ ‘to do quickly, to be rapid’ (t22.30) (58) U̧

á

wu fɨ ́tɨ

ɗə̀əŋ ̀ -kɔ́ɔ ̀

-nɨ

ɓè

ŋgə́ du

thus FOC 2s be.able.PFV know -quickly -INF place 3s

ɓwâ ŋgə́ ɓa dù time

-nɨ

jɔ̀ -cɨ ̀

-nɨ

yáb

-niì

kə́sə́k,

IPFV.D be.sick -INF.AM easy

ɗàwá rɨ ́.

3s F1 IPFV.D -CF play -no.longer -INF NEG

PROX

Thus you can know quickly whether he is sick when he won’t play anymore. -tò ‘by chance’ (59) Ye kù,

ŋgə́ yaá

day INDF 3s

ndóŋ -tò

-kwà -nɨ

mɨ ̀yɨ ́ kɨ ́.

P2.IPFV pass -by:chance -more -INF place AN

One day, she happened to pass that place again.

5.0 Extensions governed at higher levels than the Sentence There are two groups of extensions whose function may be governed by paragraph and even discourse level considerations in some cases. In other cases they function at sentence level. These are the additive or conjoining extensions and the directional extensions.

5.1 Additive/Conjoining Extensions In Vute there are three extensions that function much like a conjoining conjunction such as ‘and’ in English. Two of them -cé and-cè mark the addition of another event or predication. The third one -ɓwê marks the addition of another participant, which may function as subject, object or indirect object in the clause. 5.1.1 Event additives -cé and -cè The event additive extensions are used to join two events or sentences. Investigation is still needed to determine the exact difference between them. At this time, it appears that the distinction is that -cè indicates the addition of a simulaneous event (ADDSM), while -cé indicates the addition of a sequential event (ADDSQ).

18

(60) -cé sequential events (a)

Mvèìn ya -ré -é chief

cɔŋ mɨ ́ŋgòŋ -nɨ ̀, ŋgə́ ɨ ́

begin -in -PFV food corn

njènnèé

-AM 3s



-ré -cê

NAR begin -into -ADDSQ.CNS

ŋgwé -é. (t6.33)

shave.NOM head -AM

(When) The chief began eating the corn, then he began shaving (the chief’s) head. (b)

Cùr

kɨ ́ ya, kùb



ŋgwé kɨ ́k -lé

behind AN on people place head

gùúm

ɗùgɨ ̀ -cé

àmɨrì

pé -cêe,

put -PFV.AM see -ADDSQ.FNEG

ɗàà. (t22.59)

CONC -ADDSQ marriage truth.AM EX.NEG

‘After that, the people of her family / her home (lit: place put head) will not see her, there won't even be a true marriage.’ See also (65) below. (61) -cè simultaneous events: different subjects, contrasting events Lì

ɨ́

jə̂b

ŋgə́ mwi ̧. Dùrù

dog NAR sleep.CNS 3s

one

a

jə́b -ce



ɓe

nɨ ̀gwi. (t5. 18-9)

baboon SIM sleep -ADDSM -PFV with woman

Dog slept alone. (But/At the same time) Baboon slept with the woman. (62) -cè simultaneous events: same subject, second predication adds details about the first predication. Ŋgáb yi ya 3p

-ré -é

kɨ ́ŋ -nɨ, ŋgáb a

P2 begin -into -PFV yell -INF 3p

ta -ce

-é …

(t5.27)

SIM say -ADDSM -PFV ...

They began to yell, they also said “…”. In (63), a narrator interruption is encoded as simultaneous with the event in the preceding sentence. The event in the relative clause is then encoded as simultaneous with the event in the story that is immediately previous to the interruption).

19

(63) Cɨ ̀cɔɔ̧̧̀

ɨ́

ɗə̂ŋ

ɓe

ɨ ́sɨ ̀m. Ɨna,

nyí fɔ -ce



mɨ nɨ ́m

guinea.hen NAR straighten.CNS with tears how?, 2p ask -ADDSM -PFV 1s thing

kuku̧ yi ndɨŋ -kom -ce quail

P2 do

ɓwâ kíì

-often -ADDSM.PFV.D time

àà? (t11.12-13)

AN.AM Q?

Guinea Hen was overcome with tears. What? Are you asking me what Quail was doing (lit: the thing that quail was doing) at that time? 5.1.2 Participant additive -ɓwê -ɓwê (ADDP) may occur by itself, but frequently occurs with –cé/-cè in a narrative text, since adding a participant often entails adding another event. The added participant may function as subject, direct object or indirect object in text material. (64) is a conversation between a young boy, More-Clever-than-Chief, and the village chief. (64) Chief, in front of his household, to boy (indirect quote): (t6.50, 52) Ye ŋgé

á

ŋgə́ ók

day which FOC 3s

-cé

-ye

nɨ ̀ŋgwá fein

hear -ADDSQ -before.PFV man

-tɨ ́

mwin yàà?

give:birth -PFV child

Q

When did he hear before that a man gave birth to a child? Boy to chief (direct quote): Ye ŋgé

á

wu ók -ɓwée -cé

i ̧na-yáànaá mberè

-ye

day which FOC 2s hear -ADDP -ADDSQ -before.PFV how-DM

fein

-tɨ ́

ram

mwin?

give:birth -PFV child

When did also you also hear that a ram gave birth to a kid? (65) Hȩ

nyó̧ó̧ lé

nɨ ́



ku



-é, ŋgə́ ɨ ́

manner snake enter.PFV.D ANT house.LOC there DIST -AM 3s



-ɓwê -cê



NAR

ku ... (t3.3a,b)

enter -ADDP -ADDSQ.CNS house.LOC there

As the snake had entered the house there, then she also entered the house ... (See also (27) the last clause, where -ɓwê indicates the calling of an additional participant to eat.)

20

5.2 Directional Verb Extensions As stated above directional extensions, like additive extensions, tend to be governed at a higher level than the sentence. The directions indicated by the extensions usually point to the current centre of reference in a text. Their basic meaning is spatial direction, but the function of some of this type of extensions has been metaphorically extended to include direction in time (temporal centre) and one can be used to encode a purpose relationship, cf. -wò ‘toward centre of reference (CPTL)’ is used spatially in (66-67); it is used as ‘toward the temporal centre’ (68); in (69) it indicates ‘action toward a purpose’.16 Some of these extensions could also be considered valency raisers in a wider sense because they require the presence of a locative NP. However because the locative NP follows the direct object17 and is marked with the locative case18 (73, 76 etc.) or occurs in a postpositional phrase (77, 81 etc.), I have not considered them to be part of the nucleus of the clause, and therefore a peripheral element. Thus these extensions are not valency raisers in Vute in the truest sense of the term, though they have been analysed as such in some Cameroonian languages (Wiesemann, Nseme and Vallette, 94). The centre of reference can usually be determined by checking which participant is referred to by a pronoun, or even by Ø, which indicates that that participant is thematic at that point. In cases where there is only one participant in a clause, that participant may be referred to by a full NP, e.g., when there has been a referential discontinuity and a new thematic participant is being staged/restaged. Directional extensions may occur with verbs that are not motion verbs as well as with motion verbs.

16

Some of the examples in this section are longer because the discourse context is necessary to show how the extensions function. 17 The direct object is the usual boundary of the clause core. 18 usually nasalisation of a final vowel or the addition of a nasal consonant

21

5.2.1 -wò ‘toward centre of reference (CPTL)’19 This extension refers to an event that is conceived as moving toward the centre of reference; in (66) the young man is following the topical participant who is referred to by means of a pronoun. (66) Mutí wàánjí



a

tu

-wo

-ce



ŋgə́ ɓe

child young.man DIST SIM follow -CPTL -ADDSM -PFV 3s

fɔ́

cúk. (t9.16)

with question together.

That young man followed him, asking questions. (67) Kí á

màŋgù ta



ɗú -ú

ŋgə́ mi ̀ -só

AN FOC hyena say.PFV LOG want-PFV 3s

-wò

nàá … (t7.11a)

mist -down -CPTL.SBJ rain

So Hyena said that he (hyena) wanted him to make rain mist down … (Both participants are part of the referential centre here, although the hyena may have more status since he is telling the sheep to do something; both are referred to with pronouns in the indirect citation: Hyena by a logophoric pronoun and Sheep by the regular 3s pronoun.) In (68 we see the –wò extension used temporally. Note the focus markers (FOC argument focus, CF contrastive focus) that accompany the temporal expressions in the three sentences. The centre of reference here is temporal, the time when the main participant in the story was born. (68) Nɨ ́m á 1p

lə́əm ̀ -nɨ ɗɨ ́m kɨ ́ yi ya

fein

ɓwâ Mèín yi nyaŋhȩ

IPFV think -INF habit AN P2 begin -CPTL.PFV time God

Éìyè, ɗɨ ́m kɨ ́ yi -nɨ ́ no

-wo



-wò -wá

ɓwâ kɨ ́. Yi ya

ɗɔ̀ɔb ́ -í

á.

P2 create.PFV world -AM FOC.

-wo -nɨ ɓwâ kù yi

habit AN P2 -NEG begin -CPTL -PFV.NEG time AN. P2 begin -CPTL -CF time one P2

Kɨ ̀cáab ̀ Ndóŋ Mvèìn á. (t6.2-4)

give:birth.PFV.D Clever

Pass

Chief

FOC

We think that the custom (of parents naming their own child) began when God created the earth. No, the custom did not begin at that time. It began when More-Clever-Than-Chief [lit: Clever-Pass-Chief] was born.

19

I have followed Wiesemann, Nseme and Vallette. 1993. in using the abbreviation CPTL (centripetal) to gloss this extension rather than the long gloss “toward deictic centre”. In the same way CFGL (centrifugal) is used rather than “away from deictic centre”. See §6.2.2.

22

In (69) the –wò extension refers to the central purpose of the action. (see also (81) below) (69) Á

ŋgə́ ta -na

FOC20 3s

Á

Máálàm naá, yà

say -IO.PFV (name)

ŋgə́ téi ́n -wo -tɨ ́

FOC 3s

DM



gi -í

ɗȩ̀ȩ ̀

-nɨ mwar heé.

mother LOG -AM go -PFV cultivate -INF field

kpárè kúkú

cut -CPTL -PFV stalk



-mé, ŋgə́ a

cassava -AM 3s



new.

dòŋ -nɨ

SEQ go.CNS plant -INF

mwar hehí. (t12.25-6) field

new.AM

So he told Malam that his mother went to cultivate a new field. She cut pieces of cassava stalk, then she then went to plant (them) in the new field. 5.2.2 -sò ‘away from centre of reference (CFGL)’ -sò refers to an event that is conceived as moving away from the centre of reference. The lexical verb may or may not be a motion verb, cf. (71) below. (70) Ɓwâ kùb

na

nɨ ́m cɔɔ̀ŋ,

time people give.PFV.D 1s

lee

-hó̧ -sòo

wu nɨ

food.AM 2s

kúkwí kɨ ́ lúu

NEG bone

AN outside

yáà. (t5.8)

throw -out -CFGL.FNEG PC

When people give us food, you shouldn’t /please don’t throw out the bones. (71) Àm





á

wu me -kɨ ́

-so

yó? (data notebook)

word what -AM FOC 2s stay -comp. -CFGL.PFV house.LOC

Why did you stay home [not coming along with the others])? In (72) we see –sò and -wò contrasted within the same sentence. The participant referred to by the 3s pronoun is the young man who is the central participant in the story. (72) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́ 3s

ók -cù

-sò

cùrì

na, kúu



kwè -è

á

tà -wò -nɨ …

NAR hear -again -CFGL.CNS behind DM voice person INDF -AM IPFV say -CPTL -INF

20

The FOC is used at the beginning of both sentences indicating that this information is the answer to a question and/or information that needs to be established. It begins with the FOC because the premise (in the question) isn’t stated in the answer.



23

(72) cont.

“Gùr

móŋ kùŋ

yoo, gùr

móŋ kùŋ

yoo.” (t8.13)

journey wait neighbour TAG, journey wait neighbour TAG

He heard again from behind, the voice of someone saying (towards him), “Journey wait for (your) neighbour, won’t you?” 5.2.3 -tè / -tèè ‘around’ . This extension is the distributive marker and refers to an action done all around the centre of reference or the referent of the locative phrase. In some ways, this extension could also be interpreted as iterative. However, the most common process used to indicate the iterative form of the verb in Vute is that discussed in §2.3.1 above. Also, the lengthened vowel of the verb root, does not indicate action all around the center of reference as -tè does. In (73) we see –tè used with a locative NP in the main clause. However, the postposed clause contains no locative phrase, and –tèè seems to refer only to the sick child, who is the centre of reference in the sentence21. (73) Hȩ

ŋgə́ go

manner 3s

gù -nɨ yébì,



nóò

ɓe



nóò

ɨ́

come.PFV fall -INF sick.AM father TOP.AM with mother TOP.AM NAR

lù -tè

kwébìn,

má -tèè

-nà -ɓà

-nɨ ŋgə́ ŋgár

run -around.CNS village.PL.LOC seek -around -IO -really -INF 3s

̧ ̧ uu

háa̧ ́ ̧.

(t19.6)

medicine thus long:time

As he fell sick, his father and his mother ran around the villages searching all over for medicine for him for a long time. (74) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́ 3s



-tèè

-hô̧

kúkwí dùrù

NAR hunt -around -out.CNS bone

tɨ lee

-hó̧

lúu

kɨ ́. (t5.18)

baboon P1 throw -out.PFV.D outside AN.

He hunted all over for the bone that Baboon had thrown outside. (75) Ŋgáb ɨ ́ 3p



ɗóò

-tè

-nà -nɨ

mɨ ̀kóom ́ ɨ ́b lâs, má -nɨ



NAR begin.CNS measure -around -IO -INF young.girls all, seek -INF person

gùr noò

ɓa

èrɨ ̀ -nɨ

ɓe

táb

kíì.

(t13.24)

foot TOP.AM really fit -INF with shoe.N1 AN.AM

They began to measure all the young girls, seeking for the one whose foot really fit that shoe.

21

Note the use of the topical participant possessive form, nóò in the main clause.

24

5.2.4 -wú ‘up, upwards’ (from wú-nɨ ‘to climb toward the center of reference’). It refers to an action that includes upward motion, often upward towards the centre of reference. It requires the addition of a locative phrase (76) Nɨ ̀mɨr ti

-i

ɨ́

sàrɨ ̀ -wû

ŋgáár ŋgwȩ́ȩ.́ (t6.36)

owner country -AM NAR rub -up.CNS hand head.LOC

The chief rubbed his hand on his head. (77) Yáya

péín

mvii taarɨ ́b -í, mɨ ya

yesterday side.N1 sun

mo22

three-AM 1s

kɨ ́ -wú -nɨ píím

-ré

begin -into.PFV put -up -INF lime

dúhé ya naá … (t2.5)

1s.AM house on DM

Yesterday about 3pm, I started to whitewash my house and then ... (78) Kí á

mɨ ya

ŋgə́ ya ku

AN FOC 1s begin 3s

ɗèì -wú -nɨ

u̧. (t2.12)

on there step -up -INF thus

So I started to step on him like this. 5.2.5 -sé/ -só ‘down, downwards’ (from sé-nɨ ‘to descend’) encodes movement downward from a source above. This extension requires the addition of a locative phrase if it does not clearly refer to the centre of reference. (See also (67) above.) (79) Mɨ yóŋ -tɨ ́

wu, hain

1s pray -PFV 2s

wu a 2s

kɨ ́k -sê

mɨ wo

njumí,

óo wu pe

carry.IMP 1s 2s.AM back.LOC if

2s

-hó̧ -tɨ ́

cəə́r,

cross -out -PFV other.side.LOC

mɨ ɗàá. (t14.8)

SEQ put -down.CNS 1s

ground.LOC

I pray you, carry me on your back, if/when you cross to the other side, then you put me down. (–sé here indicates that the direction is down away from the centre of reference.) Compare the following example (80) with (78) above, both from the same text. In Vute, you step up on, but hit down on a mouse on the floor—starting position of the instrument in

22

note also the reversed possessive adjective - head noun order, which is common to all locative phrases.

25

relation to the surface of the object/centre of reference seems to determine which extension is used. (80) Mɨ ɨ ́ 1s

á

-wò -ɓà

ŋgɨ ́ŋ kàm kɨ ́kù, mɨ ɨ ́

NAR take -CPTL -really.CNS stick big

láà -sé

INDF 1s



ŋgə́

NAR begin.CNS 3s

-nɨ ŋgwȩ́ȩ.́ (t2.19)

hit -down -INF head.LOC

I brought a big stick and I began to hit him on the head. When the –sé extension combines with –wò ‘toward centre of reference’, the result is –só(w)ò, as in (81, 82) below. (81) ɗà

mutí á

-nɨ ŋgə́ pé -só

then child IPFV -CF23 3s

-wò -nɨ

yɔ̀ rè

ya (t9.14b)

see -down -CPTL -INF tree DIST on.

Then the youth saw him from the tree (the youth had climbed a tree). (82) Mèín yi tóm -só God

-wo -na -á

nɨ ́m mwin noò. (data notebook)

P2 send -down -CPTL -IO -PFV 1p

child TOP.AM

God sent us his son. 5.2.6 -hó̧ ‘out’ from fó-̧ nɨ / hó-̧ nɨ ‘to leave, go out’. This extension is often combined with –sò ‘CFGL’ as in (83). In both these examples there is a locative NP, which I think results from a combination of the main verb and the extension hó.̧ (83) Ŋgáb ɨ ́ 3p

tóm -hó̧ -sò

ndèìn ŋgwàrí. (t12.39)

NAR send -out -CFGL.CNS cow

savannah.LOC

They sent the cows out to the bush. (84) Á

-hô̧o,̧́

mɨ á

take -out.NOM 1s



cùr

-hó̧ -ce

ndú̧ u̧ kɨ ́, mɨ ɨ ́

take -out -ADDSM.PFV sack



lèè

-sò

ŋgə́

AN 1s NAR throw -CFGL.CNS 3s

rè. (t2.7)

house.LOC.N1 behind -AM DIST

Taking out, I took out the sack, I threw him (shrew in sack) out behind the house. 23

CF contrastive/ counterexpectation focus because it is unlikely that a young person could see through the form changer’s sorcery.

26

5.2.7 -lé ‘in, into’, from lé-nɨ ‘to enter’, requires the addition of a locative phrase, even when it refers to direction with respect to the centre of reference. It can be used both spatially and temporally. In (85-87) the extension is used spatially. In (85), ‘into’ is directed toward the centre of reference, which is Baboon at this point in the story; both the verb ‘enter’ and the extension ‘into’ are used in this one sentence. (86) is a proverb, a statement of general truth. In (87) -ndé refers to the locative NP, ‘in/on each neck’. This extension obeys the morphophonemic l/r/nd rule, like all other l-initial clitics and suffixes. (85) Li ̀

ɨ́

ŋgèè -rê

ŋgə́ i ́i ́

dog NAR look -into.CNS 3s





-wo

no vùŋ

-cù

-nɨ kúúr ɓe

kùŋ

eye in remember -again -INF secret with neighbour

jȩ̀ȩn ̀ è. (t5.15)

P1 enter -CPTL.PFV.D path.LOC.AM ‘Dog looked him (Baboon) in the eye remembering the secret with neighbor that they

entered on the way there. (Note also the –wò extension in the relative clause.) (86) Ŋgɨ ́ki ̀n ti

ŋgób ɨ ́ du

pɨ ̀i ̀ -lé -kɨ ́

-nɨ nɔk

waá̧ ̧

sìrì

ndu. (9.25)24

splinter DIM little SF COP.D spill -in -comp -INF pot.N1 cook.GER.AM fire.LOC CLFT

It is a little piece of wood that spills the cooking pot into the fire. (a Vute proverb) (87) Ŋgáb ɨ ́ 3p

sûŋ -ndé -kɨ ́

-sò

ndèìn bɨ lâs ke

NAR tie -into -comp.-CPTL.CNS cow

mȩ̀ȩ ́

mȩ̀ȩ.́ (t12.44)

PL all leaf neck.LOC neck.LOC

They tied up all the cows with leaves around each neck. This extension can also be used for non-spatial relationships. For instance, it combines with the verbs yà-nɨ to begin’ (88) and éí-nɨ ‘to leave’ (89) with an incipient sense, adding the meaning of an action that has just gotten underway, an entrance from the previous event or state into the current one. (88) Hȩ

cɨcɔɔ̧̧̀



ŋgwáá

kú -nɨ

rè -é,

á

ŋgə́ ya

manner guinea.hen see.PFV.D husband die -INF DIST-AM FOC 3s

24

-ré

begin -into.PFV

The verb rootpɨ ̀i ̀ ‘spill’ historically ended with an alveolar stop, i.e.,pìt.

27

kɨ ́i ́ -nɨ

ŋgwáá, ŋgə́ a

cry -INF husband 3s

soŋ -ce



wàì

lè. (t11.9)

SIM sing -ADDSM -PFV song.N1 DIST

As Guinea Hen saw her husband die, she began to mourn her husband, and she sang this25 song: See (59, 76) above for other examples of yàrénɨ. ́ (89) Ɨdù dugii ́ u̧,

mbɨ ́b yi móóŋ

ɓwâ ŋgə́ éí

but even thus feces P2 wait.PFV time 3s

-cu

-ré

gùr



-ì. (t8.20)

leave -again -into.PFV.D journey -LOC -AM

But even so, Feces waited until he (the young man) started his journey again. (90) Á

màŋgù él

FOC hyena

-lé

lùú.

Ndèɗú él

leave -into.PFV run.NOM sheep

-lê

gùr. (t7.33-4)

leave -into.CNS walk.NOM

Hyena took off running, then Sheep left walking.

6.0 Number and Order of Extensions in Natural Text In natural text one frequently finds examples of up to three extensions following a verb root, e.g., examples (52) and (86) above. Some examples of four extensions following a verb root also occur in one folkstory “The Children who Waited for Termites”. (91) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́ 3s

ɓóŋ -ndé -kɨ ́

-sò

-nà

Mèékɨ ̀r waá

NAR steam -into -comp. -CFGL -IO.CNS ogre26

siín. (t16.49)

fire.AM under.LOC

She steamed (it) for Ogre at the fire (and left it for him). (92) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́ 3s

sàìn -kɨ ́

-sò

-nà -ɓwê

ŋgə́ gɔɔ. (t16.55)

NAR roast -comp. -CFGL -IO -ADDP.CNS 3s

termites

She also roasted termites for him (and left them for him).

25

The use of the DIST here 1) identifies the song as thematic in the story and 2) indicates that the song will follow. In English we use the near demonstrative this to indicate both of these things, so I have translated the DIST as this in the free translation. 26 In Vute culture, a mythical being with horns, a long beard and huge testicles.

28

See also (95) below for another example of four extensions following a compound verb. The Vute verb extensions seem to occur in a fixed order The following chart gives our best guess at the order in which the extensions occur. Extensions that are in the same column do not co-occur in our data. Since only three or four extensions at most ever co-occur following the verb root, it is difficult to say with certainty in which order they occur and which extensions can not co-occur. Three extensions, -ɓà, -ndóŋ and -kɨ ́, occur in two different positions in the verb word in our data. The position of -ɓà seems to be determined by whether the verb root itself or one of the extensions are being marked as intensified. The semantic or synactic rules that govern the choice in ordering for the other two have not yet been discovered. 1

2

3

4

tɨ ̀



tèè



lɨ ̀

ɓà

ndóŋ



cáàŋ



5 kɨ ́

6

7





8 kɨ ́*



9

10

11

12







ɓwê

nyààŋ tò

hó̧

13

14





kwà



cɨ ̀

kòm



gɨ ̀

lɨ ́ŋ

bɨ ̂ŋ

ndóŋ * ɗóò ɓà * kɔ́ɔ ̀ Table 1: Order of Vute verb extensions included in this paper *extensions occurring in two different positions

7.0 Post-script: the origin of Vute verb extensions Throughout this study, we have examined Vute verb extensions that are transparently derived from verb roots that are still in use in the language today. In the process of grammaticalisation some have lost the phonological characteristics of independent verbs (-lé in 5.2.7 above), and the directional extensions that are derived from verbs have acquired syntactic/pragmatic functions that the verbs themselves do not have (5.2 above). In Vute narrative and hortative texts one sees some examples of two verb roots juxtaposed, seemingly within one word, i.e., there is no pause between them nor can a NP occur between

29

them; also, the second verb root is often followed by verb extensions. The combinations of verbs in these juxtaposed verb roots resemble verb serialisation in other African languages. However, in Vute there do not seem to be the regularised patterns that are usually found with serial verbs; rather, each combination idiosyncratically “fits” its context with the second verb serving to modify the first verb, i.e., (93) gù -cáàm -sé

-nɨ

(94) tàŋ -ɓáà -nɨ

fall -kneel -down -INF

eat -meet -INF

to fall down in abject supplication

to eat together

A poignant example was found recently of a father who had died and left his wife and children. Then the mother also died, leaving the children orphans. (95) Ŋgə́ yi kú -mbɨ ́k -kɨ ́ 3s

-so

-ɓwê -cé



mwin nààsɨ ̀b kɨ ́. (data notebook)

P2 die -leave -comp. -CFGL -ADDP -ADDSQ -PFV child four

AN

(Then) she also died and left the four children. Example (95) illustrates the idiosyncratic nature of these verb root combinations. (95) also shows how the extensions that follow the second verb root may also modify the first verb root: the entensions (-ɓwê ADDP), -cé (ADDSQ) and possibly -kɨ ́ (‘completely’) modify both kúnɨ ‘to die’ and mbɨ ́k-nɨ ‘to leave, allow’. Only -sò (CFGL) might be considered solely to modify mbɨ ́k-nɨ. These two-verb root forms raise some questions about their classification. Is the second verb a verb extension like those in previous sections of this study, are they compound verbs, or is this a serial verb construction? 7.1 Serial Verbs One possibility for the origin of the Vute verb extension system is a further grammaticalisation of a serial verb pattern. Some languages that are closely related to Vute, e.g., Kwanja (Weber, 1), use serial verb constructions to handle some of the functions which verb extensions handle in Vute (96-97)27.

27

Kwanja has the following verb extensions: the directional–bá (toward centre of reference) -kɨ́ ‘iterative’, -ná

distributive, ‘all around’ and the perfect aspect marker–kɨ.Used together,-kɨ ́-náoften adds the idea of reciprocity.

30

(96) Nyaa wu béémɨ ́ ywá -kɨ ́ P3

3s

lay

monɨ ̀ tɔ̀ɔ ́ sáŋdɨ.

put -ANT child into basket.

She had laid the child into (her) basket. (97) A tɨ ̀ wɨ ̀rà

má ku,

bààkɨ ́nɨ ́

mɨ ̀

if P1 someone COP there sufficient RES

təə swar ywá mɨ ́ yá yəə̀, … 28

take hold put

me outside

If there were someone who could take me outside, … Vute does not employ a serial verb strategy, but uses verb extensions (as in §2-5 above) or a second nominalized clause verb (infinitive or gerund), as in (98) below. (98) Kúr

kwè no, ŋgàɗə́r

village INDF in

kwè yi ndóoŋ -tɨ ́

ɓe

kwíhèé nɨ ̀vɨ ́tɨ ̀b -ì. (t8.1)

form.changer INDF P2 pass.TR -PFV with kill.NOM people -AM

In a certain village, a form changer overdid the killing of people. See (60) above for another example of a nominalized clause with gerund plus associated noun. See (85, etc.) above for examples of a lexical verb +infinitive. In Vute, these two types of two-verb constructions (verb + infinitive and verb + gerund) share the same subject and T/A/M interpretation but, if both verbs are transitive, they can not have different syntactic objects, as in classic serial verb constructions such as, a) take knife cut meat: ‘cut the meat with a knife’ or b) take book give John: ‘bring John a book’. In SVO languages, in a serial verb construction, the non-final verb(s) may serve 1) to indicate the T/A/M of the verb, 2) to modify the verb as adverbs, or 3) to add a participant or prop. In Vute only true T/A/M markers precede the semantically main verb while all the valency changers and modifiers follow it as extensions, (see Sec. 1.1 for ). So it does not seem likely that the double root verb forms in Vute are serial verb constructions in their present form.

28

RES is Weber’s abbreviation for ‘resumptive pronoun’.

31

7.2 Verb plus Extensions or Compound Verbs? Dimmendaal (185) states: “Verb compounding appears to be a natural outcome in languages employing verb serialization.” In light of this statement, I began looking for criteria that might reveal whether these two-verb forms are lexical verb plus verb extension or a compound verb. The characteristics that verb extensions and these double-root verb forms share are 1) the two verb roots share the same subject just as extensions share the same subject with the lexical verb 2) they have the same aspectual/modal tone pattern overlying both of them just as for a verb and its extensions. 3) Verb extensions follow the second verb just as they would any other verb 4) The post-verb aspect/mood markers occur only once—at the end of the verb word However, there is one major difference between these two types of constructions, the second verb in a compound verb does not show the root-initial morphophonemic alternations that occur at the boundary between a verb and its extensions. In the following example (97), the verbs are juxtaposed with the subjunctive tone pattern over both of them. But àŋ-nɨ ‘to cross’ begins with a phonetic glottal stop in sɨ ́m-àŋ-nɨ ‘jump across’ just as it or any other vowel initial noun or verb root would in word initial position29. (99) Nɨ ́m kɨ ́ á

tɨ ́ŋgar

kɨ ́kù ta -na

ŋgáb yòó, ŋgáb ɗú

thing AN FOC medicine:man INDF say -IO.PFV 3p

ŋgábè ɓát -tɨ ̀

kàà,



ŋgáb sɨ ́m -àŋ

3p.AM live -VR.SBJ therefore only 3p

kù lat -tɨ

VOC 3p

wa àm

mwin

want.PFV.D child

kɨ ́kù

jump -across.SBJ fire huge INDF

ɗàâ. (t19.8)

one burn -VR.PFV.D ground.LOC.AM

So a medicine man said to them, if they wanted to save their child, then the only way was to jump across a huge fire that was lit on the ground. 29

Unfortunately, none of the verb extensions begin with a vowel so comparison is difficult. However, compare the behavior of the IPFV á or the SF ɨ ́ when following the immediately preceding subject or noun or pronoun in one phonological word: mɨ + á –> [maá] ‘1s.+ IPFV’ , wu + ɨ ́ –> [wií] ‘2s + SF’ (It’s you who …)

32

The verb word in (100) consists quite obviously of two separate verb roots rather than a verb root plus extension: it violates the morphophonemic word level rule involving l/r/nd at the boundary between the two verb roots (See Sec. 1.1 above.). (100)Yɔ̀

du

gum jáàb

-wá

-á,

kùb

ɨ́

téín -lèè

-ré -kî

tree COND fruit produce.fruit -PFV.NEG -AM people NEU cut -throw -into -comp.CNS

waá̧ ̧

á. (data notebook)

fire.LOC FOC

If a tree does not produce fruit, it is cut and burned If lèè ‘throw’ was really functioning as an extension in (98) one would expect it to begin with nd following the nasal consonant in final position in the first verb root, like the extension -lé ‘into’ or -lɨ ̀

‘VL/VR’ (§2.2): *téín -ndèè -ré -kɨ ́ -nɨ. Therefore I conclude that compound

verbs are a part of Vute grammar today. Perhaps the only difference between compound verbs and verb root plus extension, other than clear cases of compounding where inadmissable phonological sequences occur between roots, is the increased frequency with which verb extensions occur in Vute, as attested by the examples in this paper. 8.0 Conclusion Vute uses verb extensions to accomplish many purposes: as valency changers, as adverbial modifiers, and as discourse/pragmatic category indicators, among others. Synchronic evidence from related languages indicates Vute verb extensions might have developed from earlier serial verb constructions which have gone through two stages of grammaticalisation 1) serial verb constructions which were reconstrued as compound verbs 2) frequently occurring non-initial verbs in compound verbs were grammaticalized as verb extensions on the analogy of certain already existing verb extensions, such as the CFGL, CPTL, valency raising and valency lowering exensions (§7 above). I would like to propose a continuum of grammaticalisation for the verb forms we have examined with compound verbs on one end of the scale and inflectional suffixes on the other,

33

with the derivational verb extensions presented above in Secs. 2-6 falling somewhere between them. Compound Verbs

Derivational Extensions

Inflectional Suffixes

Figure 2. Continuum of Grammaticalisation: Vute Verbs

34

Bibliography Bybee, Joan L., Revere Perkins, William Pagliuca. 1994. The evolution of grammar: tense, aspect and modality in the languages of the world. Chicago: U. of Chicago Press. Dehir Maurice, Doussam Jean, James Maxey, Oumarou Alfred, Tchouelour Victor, Toueh Roger and Yakoura Valentin (compilers).1998. Gèìn Vɨ ́tè (Vute folkstories). Yaounde: SIL. Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. 2000. Morphology. In African languages, an introduction. Heine and Nurse (eds). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Dooley, Robert A. and Stephen H. Levinsohn. 2001. Analyzing discourse: a manual of basic concepts. Dallas, Tx: SIL International Durie, Mark. No date. Towards a typology of verb serialisation. Parkville, Australia: University of Melbourne Linguistics Dept. Foley, William A. & Mike Olsen. 1985. Clausehood and verb serialisation. In Grammar inside & outside the clause: some approaches to theory from the field, ed. by Johanna Nichols & Anthony C. Woodbury, 17-60. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Givón, T. 1991. Some substantive issues concerning verb serialisation: grammatical vs. cognitive packaging. In Serial verbs: grammatical, comparative and cognitive approaches, ed. by Claire Lefebvre, pp. 137-184. Amsterdam/Philadephia: John Benjamins. Heine, Bernd and Derek Nurse (eds). 2000. African languages: an introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Maxey, James.1994. Relative clauses in Vute. MA thesis, University of TX at Arlington. 97 pp. Nogoadjere Doussam Calvin. 1997. Hààmɗə́ŋhȩ̀ȩ ́ Muti ́i ́. (The raising and disciplining of children) Centre de Litterature Vɨ ́tè: Yoko.

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Nogoadjere Doussam Calvin, Mvoutsi Nicolas, Kouadjinlo Lazare, Oumarou Alfred, James Maxey. 1998. Dictionnaire Vɨ ́tè-Français. Centre de Litterature Vɨ ́tè: Yoko. (Compilation begun by Ron and Rhonda Thwing.) Satre, Scott. 2004. Ngomba, a “verbing” language. ms Thwing, Ron and Rhonda. 1974. Textes pour le projet “concordance” en vute. 143 pp. Thwing, Ron and Rhonda. 1978. Deux contes en langue vute. 14 pp. Thwing, Ron and Rhonda. 1979. A phonology of Vute (Babute). 54 pp. Thwing, Ron and Rhonda. 1981. Alphabet of the Vute language. 5 pp. Thwing, Rhonda. 1987. The Vute noun phrase and the relationship between Vute and Bantu. MA thesis, University of Texas at Arlington. 112 pp. Thwing, Rhonda and John R. Watters. 1987. Focus in Vute. JALL 9:95-121. Weber, Joan. 2004. Grammatical Sketch of Kwanja. Ms Wiesemann, Ursula, Cledor Nseme and René Vallette. 1993. Manuel d’analyse du discours (second edition). Yaounde, Cameroon:PROPELCA Williamson, Kay and Roger Blench. Niger-Congo. In African languages: an introduction. Heine and Nurse (eds). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yakoura, Valentin (ed). 2002. Tùkur ɓe Mekɨ ̀r: gèìn lɔ́ɔ̧ ̧ (Hare and Ogre: lost folktales). Yaounde: SIL

36

Abbreviations Used 1s

1st person singular

2s

2nd person singular

3s

3rd person singular

INF

infinitive

1p

1st person plural

intr

intransitive

2p

2nd person plural

IO

indirect object/ benefactive

3p

3rd person plural

ADDP

participant additive

IPFV

imperfective AUX

ADDSM

simultaneous event

IRR

irrealis

additive

LOC

locative

ADDSQ

sequential event additive

LOG

logophoric pronoun

AN

anaphoric pronoun or

N1

head noun in a NP

demonstrative

NAR

narrative conjunction

AM

associative marker

NEG

negative

ANT

perfect/ anterior

NEU

neutral conjunction

CF

contrastive focus

NOM

nominalising suffix

CFGL

centrifugal, motion away

P0, P1-3

present and past tenses

from centre of reference

PC

polite command

CLFT

cleft sentence

PFV

perfective marker

CNS

consecutive

PL

plural

COH

cohortative

POT

potential mood

comp.

completely

PROX

near demonstrative

COMP

complementiser

Q

question marker

COND

conditional

QT

quote particle

COP

copula

refl

reflexive

CPTL

centripetal, motion

SBJ

subjunctive

toward referential centre

SEQ

sequential

dependent form of aspect

SFs

ubject focus

marker

SIM

simultaneous

DIST

distal demonstrative

TOP.AM

possessive form referring to

DM

developmental marker

F1-2

Future tenses

tr

transitive

FOC

Focus marker

VL

valency lowerer

IMP

imperative

VOC

vocative particle

VR

valency raiser

D

INDF

indefinite pronoun or determiner

marker

the topical participant

37

Appendix I: Texts used in this paper True Stories (1st or 3rd person) Vute Title

English Translation

1. Gùr Yáyàà

Yaya’s Journey

2. Mɨ ́njùmnjúm

The Shrew

3. Nyó̧ó̧ Yó ku

A Snake in the House

4. Fùgamè á Wu Bìnɨ

The Buffalo will Catch You Folkstories

5. Dùrù ɓe Lì

Dog and Baboon

6. Kɨ ̀cáàb Ndóŋ Mvèìn

Clever Pass Chief

7. Ndèɗú ɓe Màŋgù

Sheep and Hyena

8. Mutí ya Ni Mbɨ ́b Ɓéhíì

The Boy who Defecated on the Rock

9. Mutí ɓe Ŋgàɗə́r

Boy and the Form Changer*

10. Lì ɓe Jìì

Dog and Goat

11. Cɨ ̀cɔɔ̧̧̀ ɓe Kuku̧

Guinea Hen and Quail

12. Máálàm

Malam

13. Àm Níì á du Ɗúwá Kùb Ɓáín Mwin Kwíhɨ ̀r

Why Orphans Shouldn’t be Mistreated

14. Tùkur ɓe Mɨ ̀nyà

Hare and Scorpion

15. Gɔ̀ Tùkur yi Gɔklé

Hare’s Way of Sharing

16. Mucutɨ ́b yi Gi Gɔɔ Móŋniì

The Children who Went to Wait for Termites

17. Tùkur, Màŋgù ɓe Mɨ ̀cɨ ̀k

Hare, Hyena, and Civet Cat

18. Mvì ɓe Tùkur

Toad and Hare

19. Ɓwàjɨ ̀rí ɓe Kùŋ

Friend and Neighbor

20. Wàánjí ɓe Nɨ ̀wàtɨ ̀b

Young Man and Evil Spirit

21. Àm níì á Mèín ya Yokkɨ ́ Cwé

Why did God Hide Death?

Hortatory Text 22. Hààmɗə́ŋhȩ̀ȩ ́ Muti ́

The Raising and Disciplining of Children

*form changer: a person, belonging to a secret society, who turns himself into an animal to harm others.

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Appendix II. Vute Text Dùrù ɓe Lì (Baboon and Dog) P1. 01

Ók -ye

nɨ ́m yi ndɨŋ

dùrù

ɓe

v

n

n

prep n

-vex

t

v



du -cɨ

bɨ ́

ɓwàjììb sé-é.

cop -vex

asp

n

prt

hear -first.IMP thing P2 do.PFV.D baboon with dog EQ.D -already 3p.ANT friend.PL

EQ. NEG-AM

Listen to the thing that made Baboon and Dog not be friends any more. 02

Sàa̧ ̀ ̧ mɨ du

wu átɨ ̀ -nà -nɨ rè

n

pro v

pro asp

story 1s IPFV.D 2s

yi ndóóŋ ɓwâ ya kɨ ̀ji ́i ́b -ɨ ́

-vex -vsfx dem t

v

n

t

n

á.

-nsfx prt

tell -IO -INF DIST P2 pass.PFV time P3 elders -AM

FOC

The story I am telling you today happened during the time of the ancestors. 03

Ɓáŋɓɨ ́

kùb

tɨ ̀ fein



ɗàà,

ɨ ́dù ɓe

n

pro

m

pro

prt

cnj

v

ju gín

prep n

kɨ ̀ji ́i ́b -ì

n

n

á

-nsfx prt

past.events INDF.PL IRR give.birth 1s.O.AM IPFVNEG but with life side.N1 elders -AM FOC

mɨ dəŋhȩ

sàa̧ ̀ ̧ kɨ ́ ru.

pro v

n

1s

det prt

know.PFV.D story AN CLFT

There are no past events before I was born, but it is with life near the elders that I know this story. 04a

Yée, mɨ yoŋ-tɨ ́ ex!

pro v

Pity 1s

nyí kɨ ̀ji ́i ́b, nyí nɨ

-vsfx pro n

pray-PFV 2p

elders

pro prt 2p

lɨ ́tɔɔ̧̧́

cɨ ́ra

n

n

mâa

sumé,

v

n

NEG afternoon.LOC waste.time.NOM seek.FNEG wine.LOC

04b,c

ɨ ́dù du -ná

-am

cnj

v -vex

-vsfx

but

sit -IMP.PL -IMP

waá̧,̧ n

nyí a

átɨ ̀ -nà

mucutɨ ́b sàa̧ ̀ ̧ hȩ

kɨ ́

pro

v

n

pro dem

fire.LOC 2p

cc

-vex

SEQ tell -IO.CNS children

n

n

rè.

story manner AN DIST

Mercy, I pray you, elders, You should not seek to waste time with wine this afternoon, but sit by the fire and you will tell children a story like this.

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39

P2, 05

Dùrù

ɓe



n

prep n

yaám ɓwàjìrí ɓe cop

n

kùŋ

á.

prep n

baboon with dog P3.EQ friend

prt

with neighbor FOC

Baboon and Dog were friend and neighbor. 06

Ye kwè, ŋgáb ɨ ́

tà

vúm

gɨ ̀

kóom ́ ɓé -nɨ

n

v

pro

v

n

det

pro

cc

day INDF 3p

v

á

-vsfx prt

yáá. prt

NAR say.CNS LOG.PL go.SBJ fiancee call -INF FOC QT

One day, they said that they should go to call a fiancee. 07



ŋgáb yi du -ye

jȩ̀nè,

á



ta -na

Dùrù, “Ɓwàjìrí moò,

n

pro

n

prt

n

v -vex

n

t

manner 3p

v -vex

P2 sit -before.PFV.D path.LOC.AM FOC dog say -IO.PFV baboon

wu á

mɨ ɗú -nɨ

ceí, mɨ ɗəŋ -tɨ ́

pro asp

pro v

adv

2s

IPFV 1s

-vsfx

pro v

love -INF much 1s

n

poss

friend

my

u̧.

-vsfx adv

know -PFV thus

As they were already on the way, Dog said to Baboon, "My friend, you love me a lot, I know this. 08

Ɓwâ kùb

na

n

v

pro

nɨ ́m cɔɔ̀ŋ, wu nɨ kúkwí kɨ ́ lúu pro

time INDF.PL give.PFV.D 1p

n

pro prt n

food.AM 2s NEG bone

det n

lèè-hó̧-sòo v -vex -vex.vsfx

yáà. prt

AN outside throw-out-away.FUT.NEG POL

"When people give us food, please do not throw the bones outside. 09

Ɓetí

dù -nɨ

jɨ ̀r

tárì

moò á.”

cnj

cop-vsfx

n

n

poss

because EQ.D-INF

taboo father.AM my

prt FOC

"Because it is my father's taboo."

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40

10

Dùrù ɨ ́

pi ̀i ̀ -nà

ŋgə́, ŋgə́ ɨ ́

n

v

pro

cc

-vex

-vsfx pro pro v

pass

-PFV AN 1s

wé, pro

àm jɨ ̀r

tárì

pro m

n

n

2s

n

n

wu tɨ dù

cnj

pro t

n

rè dem



pro v

ɓetí

love.PFV.D 2s.O.AM because 2s

wu yè wú pro

v

ɗûnɨ ́m wu ɗú

3s NAR say.NS father love

kɨ ́ mɨ ɗú

v

Tá,

pro cc

baboon NAR reply -IO.CNS 3s

ndóŋ -tɨ ́

tà,

2s

pro

like.PFV.D 1s.O.AM

mɨ ɗú -wá,

mood pro v

P1 COND 1s

-vsfx

love -PFV.NEG

yà -wò -wá. v

-vex

-vsfx

POT 2s.NEG word taboo father.AM DIST begin -CPTL -PFV.NEG

Baboon answered him, he said, "Father, the love (with which) you love me surpasses that (with which) I love you, because (if) you didn’t love me, you would not have first told(about) (your) father’s taboo.” 11

Ɗàrò jɨ ̀r

moò á

n

n

poss

now

taboo my

kùb

á

-kɨ ́

ŋgéré

moò lur-í

rè.”

prt pro-nsfx v

-vex

n

pos

dem

FOC INDF.PL take -comp.PFV loin.cloth my

n-nsfx

buttocks-LOC DIST

“Now my taboo is that people take off my loin cloth." P3, 12

Ɓwâ ŋgáb lé

-cáŋhȩ

kúúr kí -ì,

n

pro

v

-vex.PFV.D

n

time

3p

enter -finish.PFV.D secret AN-AM

kwí

kóómé

yá.

n

n

postp

á

ŋgáb gɨ

det-nsfx prt pro

v

FOC 3p

fén -nɨ v

-vsfx

go.PFV arrive -INF

village.N1 fiancee.AM LOC

When they finished telling these secrets, they arrived at the village of the fiancee. 13

Ɓwâ mɨkóómɨ ́b yi pé

ŋgáb-è, cunɨ ́b

yi kú -ú

ye kí -ì

n

n

t

pro-nsfx n

t

n

time

young.girls

P2 see.PFV.D 3p-AM

v

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v

-vsfx

det -nsfx

chickens P2 die -PFV.D day AN -AM

41



nɨ ́m fain -ndé

sé.

prt

n

prt

v

-vsfx

PRED thing count -PFV.AM

EQ.NEG

When the young girls saw them, the chickens that died that day were not a thing to count. 14a,b

Ŋgáb ya -ré -é

cɔŋ, dùrù

-vex-vsfx

n

n

nyə́mnè kúkwi ́ mwi,̧

pro

v

v

n

3p

begin -into -PFV food baboon suck.CNS

nu

bone

one

14c

ŋgə́ ɨ ́ pro cc 3s

lèe ̀ -hô̧ v

lúu.

-vex

n

NAR throw-out.CNS

outside

They started to eat, Baboon sucked one bone, he threw it outside. 15



ɨ́

ŋgèè -rê

ŋgə́ i ́i ́ noò30 vùŋ

n

cc

v

pro n

-vex

dog NAR look.at -into.CNS 3s

lé -wo

jȩ̀nè.

v

n

-vex

poss

eye his

-cù

v

-nɨ

-vex

kúúr ɓe

-vsfx n

kùŋ

prep n

tɨ t

remember -again -INF secret with neighbor P1

enter -CPTL.PFV.D path.LOC.AM

Dog looked at him into the eye, remembering the secret with his neighbor entered into on the road. 16

́ , dùrù yi ɗú Ɨdù



sə̀ə̀

-kɨ ́

cnj

n

-vsfx

v

-vex -vsfx

but

baboon P2 want -PFV

t

v

-nɨ

ɓwàjìrí noò* á. n

shame -comp. -INF friend

poss

prt

his

FOC

But Baboon wanted to shame his friend completely.

30

*This possessive form may only refer to the third person topic of the sentence in which it

occurs.

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42

17a,b

Ŋgə́ ɨ ́

á

-kwà

kúkwi ́ mwi,̧ ŋgə́ ɨ ́

lèè -hó̧ -kwà lúu.

pro

cc

v

-vex

n

v

3s

NAR take -again.CNS bone

nu

pro

cc

-vex -vex

n

one

3s

NAR throw -out -more outside.

He took another bone, he again threw it outside. 18a,b

Lì nɨ

kɨ ́ ji ́i ̀

-cɨ ̀

-wá,

ŋgə́ ɨ ́

jù -tèè

n

pro v

-vex

-vsfx

pro

v

prt

cc

dog NEG AN endure -already -PFV.NEG 3s

tɨ lee -hó̧

lúu

kɨ ́.

t

n

det

v

-vex

-hô̧

-vex

kúkwi ́ dùrù

-vex

n

n

NAR hunt -around -out.CNS bone

baboon

P1 throw -out.PFV outside AN

Dog did not put up with it, he hunted all around for the bones that Baboon threw outside. 19

Ɓwâ ŋgə́ gì -nɨ júŋ -nɨ n

pro

time 3s

v -vsfx v

kúkwí -í,

-vsfx n

ŋgə́ júŋ -cɨ

-nsfx pro v

go -INF seize -INF bone

-AM 3s

-vex

-nɨ

mɨgùne

ɓusiín á.

-vsfx n

n

prt

grab -already -CF mother-in-law groin FOC

When he went to seize the bone, he already grabbed his mother-in-law in the groin. 20

Dùrù ɓe n

nùb

prep pro

lâs

ɨ́

quant cc

baboon with people all



ŋgə́ sɔ̀k -nɨ.

v

pro

NAR begin 3s

v

-vsfx

mock -INF

Baboon and everybody began to mock him. 21

Ye kɨ ́, nɨ ̀gwi ɨ ́

mvû

ŋgə́; lì

ɨ́

jə̂b

ŋgə́ mwi.̧

n

v

pro

cc

v

pro

det n

cc

day AN woman NAR refuse.CNS 3s

n

dog NAR sleep.CNS 3s

nu one

That day the woman refused him; Dog slept by himself.

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22

Dùrù

a

jə́b -ce -é

n

cc

v

ɓe

nɨ ̀gwi.

-vex -vsfx prep n

baboon SIM sleep -also -PFV with woman

Baboon also slept with a woman. P4 23a

Cɨ ́ɨ ́m,



dùrù yi du

wum -í

n

n

n

n

t

asp

rè-é,

li ̀

-nsfx dem-nsfx n

ɨ́

nè

-wû

cc

v

-vex

còóm, n

night.LOC manner baboon P2 IPFV.D sleep -LOC DIST-AM dog NAR be.quiet -up.CNS high 23b,c

ŋgə́ ɨ ́

gì á

-nɨ ŋgéré

tɨ dùrù -ù

rè, ŋgə́ ɨ ́

tàŋ -kî

ŋgéré

kɨ ́,

pro cc

v

-vsfx n

t

dem pro cc

v

n

det

3s

v

n

-nsfx

NAR go take -INF loin.cloth P1 baboon -AM DIST 3s

-vex

NAR eat - comp.CNS loincloth AN

23d

ŋgə́ ɨ ́

jə́b -cù

-rê

nɨ ́m noò ɗàá

ɗóóŋ.

pro cc

v

-vex

n

ideo

3s

-vex

poss n

NAR sleep -again -into.CNS thing his

ground.LOC calmly

During the night, since Baboon was asleep, Dog got up quietly, he took Baboon's loincloth; he ate that he went to back to bed and slept quietly. P5 24



ye sallé,

n

n

v

ŋgə́ ɨ ́ pro cc

éí -wû

còóm, gì -nɨ nyìndɨ ̀ -nɨ tɨ ́gwi ̀n

ɓoò31.

v

n

poss

-vex

manner day dawn.PFV.AM 3s NAR leave -up.CNS high

v -vsfx v

-vsfx n

go -INF greet

-INF father:in:law their

As day dawned, he got up to go greet their father-in-law. 25

Dùrù n

ɨ́ cc

mè -rê

yó,

ɓetí

ŋgə́ yaá



v

n

cnj

pro t/a

v

-vex

baboon NAR stay -in.CNS house.LOC because 3s

-nɨ ŋgéré -vsfx n

noò. poss

P2.IPFV search -INF loin.cloth his

'Baboon stayed in the house because he was searching for his loincloth.'

31

This possessive form can only refer to the 3rd person plural topic of the sentence in which it occurs.

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26

Mvii yi tam

-ce



n

t

-vex

-vsfx quant pro

sun

P2 get.stronger -already -PFV all

v

lâs,

ŋgə́ á asp

3s

-yè

yó.

-vex

n

IPFV -first house.LOC

The sun was already high, he was still in the house. 27

Sèré lí

ŋgáré

ɗàà,

ɨ ́dù lí

n

n

prt

cnj

n

ŋgéé, nò

n

poss

parɨ -ré

nɨ ɗàà

v

prt

pro

-vsfx

prt

shame cord hand.LOC IPFV.NEG but cord 3s.AM person detach -PFV.AM NEG EX.NEG

Shame has no cord, but its cord, no one can untie it. (a proverb) 28





sèré

adv prt

n

yi kwéí

dùrù.

t

n

v

thus FOC shame P2 tie.up.PFV baboon

It was like this that shame tied up Baboon. 29a

No njɔ̀ɔ̧ ,

ŋgə́ yi ɗə́əŋ ́ -tɨ ́

li ̀ yi éí

ni ́

ə́r

kɨ ́

poss n

pro

n

pro

n

det prt

his

liver.LOC 3s

t

v

-vsfx

t

v

ru,

P2 know -PFV dog P2 work.PFV.D LOG work AN CLFT

29b

á prt

ŋgə́ ga -hó̧ pro

FOC 3s

v

-vex

take -out

si ́i ́

lúu

ɓe

sèré.

n

n

prep

n

body outside with

shame

In his heart he knew that it was dog who had done this to him. 30a

Ɓwâ nɨ ̀vɨ ́tɨ ̀b yi pé

lur

ŋgéé jandîn, á

n

n

poss

n

t

v

prtcp

time person.PL P2 see.PFV.D buttocks 3s.AM red

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ŋgáb yi ya -ré -é

prt pro FOC 3p

t

v

kɨ ́ŋ -nɨ,

-vex -vsfx v

-vsfx

P2 begin -into -PFV shout -INF

45

30b,c

ŋgáb a

ta -ce -é, ‟Ŋgə́ á

ɓe wa mbɨ ́m-bín.”

pro

cp

v

prep n

3p

SIM say -also -PFV 3s

-vex -vsfx pro

asp

n

-nsfx

IPFV with fire anus -LOC

When people saw his red buttocks, they began to shout, they said, "He has fire on his back side!" 31

Dùrù ɨ ́



-ndôŋ

lȩ́ȩ

n

v

-vex

prtcp n

cc

káhȩ̀ȩ.́

baboon NAR enter -pass.CNS deep forest.LOC

Baboon entered deep into the forest. P6 32

Yà -nɨ v

ye kɨ ́

-vsfx n

á,

dùrù

det prt

n

begin -INF day AN FOC

sei

nyàm

káhȩ̀né.

v

n

n

baboon become.PFV animal.N1 forest.LOC.AM

Beginning with that day, Baboon became a forest animal. 33a,b

Cùr

kɨ ́ no,

n

det postp prt

back.N1 AN in

á

tɨ ́gwi ̀n

yi ta,

á

ɗú -nɨ

n

t

asp

v

v

lì,



du

mvècɔɔ̀ŋ,

-vsfx n

pro

cop

n

FOC father.in.law P2 say.PFV IPFV need -INF dog person EQ.D glutton

33b (cont)

ɓù

-bɨ ̂ŋ

nɨ ̀gwi ɨ ́

ndôŋ

v

-vex

n

v

cc

dùrù, nò n

pro

du

ɓe

wa lurí-ì,

cop

prep n

n

marry -whole woman NAR pass.CNS baboon person IPFV.D with fire buttocks.LOC-AM 33c

ŋgə́ tɨ ̀

toŋ -kɨ ́

nɨ ́

kúr

pro

m

v

m

n

3s

IRR burn -comp.-PFV 3S.EMPH village QT

-vex

yáá. prt

After that, the father-in-law said, it was necessary that Dog, the one who is a glutton marry the woman rather than Baboon, the one with fire on his back side, lest he burn up the village.

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46

34



á

lì yi sei

nyàm

kwé -è

n

prt

n

n

n

t

v

thus FOC dog P2 become.PFV animal.N1 village.AM

Like this, Dog became an animal of the village. P7 35

Nɨ ́m yi ndɨŋ

dùrù ɓe

n

n

t

v

lì du

prep n

nyɔɔ̧̧́ fó̧ -nɨ ɗàwá

bɨ ́

asp

prt

prtcp v



-vsfx prt

á

-nsfx prt

kí. pro

thing P2 do.PFV.D baboon with dog IPFV.D 3p.ANT good exit -INF IPFV.NEG -AM FOC AN

The thing that made Baboon and Dog not come out well is this. 36

Á

-cè

asp -vex



ɓe

kùŋ

n

prep n

ɓain -ndé v

fɨ ̀n

tɨ ̀

səm -há

mvókín

ŋgábè.

n

m

v

n

pro

-vsfx

-vex

IPFV -also place with neighbour meet -PFV.AM corpse IRR wake -only.PFV place:between 3p.AM

Also where(if) they meet, a corpse should not wake up between them.' 37

Hò̧ne

á

mɨ yɨ ́k -lé

sàa̧ ̀ ̧ dùrù

ɓe

n

prt

pro v

n

prep n -nsfx prt

here.AM FOC 1s

-vex

n

lì -í

ru.

limit -into.PFV story baboon with dog -AM CLFT

It is here that I end the story of Baboon and Dog.

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List of Abbreviations asp

aspect marker

cnj

conjunction

comp.

completely

cop

copula

cc

clause chaining conjunction

DIST

distal demonstrative

dem

demonstrative

EQ

equative

det

determiner (anaphoric or

EX

existential

indefinite)

F1

near future tense

ex!

exclamation

FOC

focus marker

ideo

ideophone

IMP

imperative mood

m

mood marker

INF

infinitive

n

noun

IO

indirect object marker

nsfx

noun suffix

IPFV

imperfective aspect

poss

possessive form

IRR

irrealis mood

postp

postposition

LOC

Locative

prep

preposition

LOG

logophoric pronoun

pro

pronoun

N1

modified head noun of a NP

prt

particle

NAR

narrative verb form

t

tense marker

NEG

negative

t/a

tense/aspect marker

NEU

neutral verb form

v

verb

O

object form

vex

verb extension

P1

near past tense

vsfx

verb suffix

P2

far past tense

P3

removed past tense,

1s 2s 3p

CPTL

centripetal (toward center of reference)

D

dependent, non-focused form of the verb

st

1 .person singular

background information

nd

PFV

perfective aspect

rd

PL

plural

rd

2 person singular 3 person plural

3s

3 person singular

POL

polite command marker

AM

associative (genitive)

POT

potential mood

AN

anaphoric determiner

PROX

proximal demonstrative

ANT

anterior aspect

Q

question marker

CF

contrastive focus

QT

end of quotation marker

CFGL

centrifugal (away from

SBJ

subjunctive

center of reference)

SEQ

sequential chain

CLFT

cleft sentence postclitic

SF

subject focus

CNS

consecutive verb form

SIM

simultaneous chain

COP

copula

TOP

topical participant

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