CLT-99KONF.60 1/CPL-9 Paris, January 1999 Original: French

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

Commonwealth Secretariat

Colloquium

TO WARDS A CONSTRUCTIVE

PLURALISM

(UNESCO Headquarters, Paris, 28-30 January 1999)

Contribution to the Debate on The Role of Civil Society in the handling of Pluralism

STATE AND DAY TO DAY MANAGEMENT OF

CULTURAL

DIVERSITY

A FEW CONCRE

P

EXAMPLES

bY Marco Martiniello FNRS Qualified Researcher Director of the CEDEM-University of Likge

CLT-99KONF.60UCLD.l

2

The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this document do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the UNESCO Secretariat concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or the delimitations of its frontiers or boundaries. The author is responsible for the choice and presentation of the facts contained in this document and for the opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of UNESCO and do not commit the Organization.

State and day-to-day management of cultural diversity’

Marco MARTINIELLO Qualified Researcher, Fonds National de Recherche Scientifique Director, Centre d’Etudes des Migrations et de 1’EthnicitC (CEDM) - University of Liege

Introduction

Most contemporary societies are multicultural

and multiethnic

groupings in which

individuals and groups having at times very varied ethnic and cultural identities all coexist. Cultural and identity diversity has multiple facets (Kymlicka,

1995).

National minorities,

indigenous peoples, religious minorities, populations resulting from migrations, sexual and “behavioral” minorities, “racialized” minorities, etc., constitute as many intermediate spaces between the individual and the abstract nation organized as a State. Certain of these groups formulate

demands for public

recognition

ranging from purely symbolic recognition

to

recognition as distinct cultural entities in society. Others aspire to preserve and transmit their cultural baggage to following generations, and want the State to provide them with the means for so doing. All of them in any event have to coexist and to share up to a certain point the urban space and the social and political space.

The question of the relations between the States and a population that is becoming more and more diversified will consequently loom increasingly large in the necessary discussion of democratic consolidation: what should the political responses be to the claims concerning identity and to the demands for maintenance of a cultural specificity?

And how can the State

manage cultural diversity on a day-to-day basis.7 What is at stake as the millenium draws to a close is not the choice between building a multicultural

society and building

a culturally

’ This paper essentially repeats the discussion presented in my book Sortir des ghettosculturels (Presses de SC. PO., 1997).

4 homogeneous

society.

multiculturalism

Each society is faced with

the challenge

of

establishing

a

adapted to its population and history.

This paper does not approach multiculturalism discussion of political philosophy.

from the standpoint of a normative

Not that such a discussion would be without merit. But the

fact is that philosophical debates about cultural diversity can quickly give rise to abstract verbal jousts between specialists that have very little to do with the concerns of the political decisionmakers and citizens who live with diversity every day of their lives.

The objective is twofold. multicultural

In the first place, the paper illustrates the variety

of

social practices that individuals are inventing from day to day in connection with

marketing strategies so that one can speak of a “multiculturalism-based

market”. Through these

practices, the social players and the market develop a capacity for managing cultural and identity diversity on a day-to-day basis. This does not, however, exempt or excuse the State from intervening in this field. The second part of the paper illustrates the diversity of multiculturalism policies available to the State. Some specific examples are presented in order to show the operation and/or impact of these policies on cohabitation in cities and neighborhoods and on social and political integration. multicultural

The approach, while definitely inspired by an ideal concept of

citizenship (Martiniello

1997: 117-l IS), is intended primarily

to be concrete,

pragmatic and rooted in day-to-day experience.

The market and multicultural

Today, the majority

social practices

of large towns and global cities are characterized by cultural

diversity (Sassen, 1991). The way of life and consumption habits of a significant proportion of their population are being transformed by the adoption of elements deriving from cultures perceived as foreign and exotic and often imported by immigrants.

Moreover, people are

increasingly rediscovering the culture of their native roots. This celebration of multiculturalism is manifested by the immense attraction exercised by cuisines, music, styles of clothing and philosophies frequently qualified as “ethnic”. esteemed.

This diversity is sought after and socially

5

In the culinary realm, the degree of multiculturality

of cities seems to depend on the

number and diversity of restaurants labeled “ethnic” or “exotic” in them. Tastes in this field change with some frequency and each big city has one or more in types of multicultural

cuisine

that are popular at any given time. In Paris, Tex-Mex cuisine from the southwest of the United States was in vogue a while ago. Birmingham, England, claims to be the world capital for B&i, a dish that originated in Kashmir. The ultimate multicultural experience is to go enjoy it in one of the many restaurants to be found along three streets in the poor neighborhood of Sparkbrook, where large numbers of Indians and Pakistanis live and which has been the scene of racial violence on several occasions.

The New York culinary scene displays an almost infinite ’

diversity, offering some most unusual gastronomic hybrids (Sino-Cuban cuisine, for example). Amsterdam virtually boasts of not having a local cuisine in the strict sense of the term but is proud to offer one of the largest selections of cuisines in the world. In France and Italy, on the other hand, authentic local and regional cuisines are highly regarded. “Real” Perigord downhome cooking will set you back plenty in Paris, just like “real” Tuscan cuisine in Rome.

In the music sphere, the ’80s and ’90s saw the development of “world music” and the styles of music termed “ethnic”.

Numbers of African, Asian and South American artistes have

been discovered and are performing in Europe and North America in the growing number of “ethnic festivals” now being staged. They make records and appear on television.

Certain of

them have become world stars of popular music. Among recent examples, one can cite the revival of Cuban music, in Spain first of all and then in Europe in general and in North America. Global urban youth is dancing to the rhythms of SOIZ,the traditional music of eastern Cuba. The Cuban wave is therefore following the kawaal wave, that mystic Pakistani music popularized worldwide by Nusrat Feteh Khan and his trance-like states.

Styles of clothing, philosophies and religions from other parts of the world are also very much in vogue. The attraction of Buddhism is nothing new. Now today we can also observe the success of the American Indian philosophies. clothing or jewehy.

The western world readily adopts “exotic”

For example, a few years ago the typical trousers worn by women from the

mountain regions of Anatolia were all the rage among young European women.

6

These social practices, these life styles and consumption habits, are certainly evidence of an escapist urge among an urban population that sometimes finds it hard to wait for the vacation season to go traveling.

They also reflect a search for individual development on the part of

persons freed from certain purely material cosmopolitan in outlook.

constraints and who feel themselves to be

At the individual level, some feel constricted in the national identity

and culture into which they have been born. They accordingly open up their cultural and identity spectrum by for instance adopting the social and cultural practices of which some examples have been given. In other words, they search for and flaunt their multiculturality

and their multiple

identity.

Moreover, each society is the theater of cultural constructions and inventions that shape another aspect of its multicultural

face for it.

In this respect, the “racialized” groups looked

down upon by those who consider themselves their superiors not infrequently demonstrate a noteworthy cultural dynamism. For example, it has been asserted that jazz is the United States’ main contribution to the cultural heritage of humanity.

That music is historically linked to black

Americans’ experience of slavery extending into our own times. In Great Britain and France, writers from Indo-Pakistani and North African immigrant backgrounds have produced important works deriving from their reflection on the special features of their social condition.

To refer

back to popular music once again, young people of immigrant parentage invent partially new musical forms by combining elements of the traditional musics of their parents’ countries of origin and more modem musics characterized by frequent recourse to technology. Thus, young Indo-British

artistes bring traditional Indian music and techno together, just as young Franco-

North Africans have sought to combine rai and rock, or even rai and rap.

In the cinema,

painting, dance and for that matter sculpture, gifted individuals from racial, ethnic and cultural minorities are from day to day enriching the cultural heritage of the societies in which they live by their creations, which are on occasions inspired by their own condition.

In the capitalist societies, the multicultural

practices of consumption and the cultural

diversity associated with them are often recognized and encouraged by the market. When it becomes apparent that there is a demand for cultural goods combined with a solid purchasing

7 power, a supply designed to meet this demand can materialize, giving rise to a market multiculturalism.

For example, Spanish-speaking television channels have sprung up in regions

of the United States with sizable Hispanic minorities.

On the one hand, they are meeting a

demand for a cultural good, but on the other, they are also able to generate a substantial economic profit. The same applies in other contexts for other media created to meet the demand from ethnic or cultural minorities. The quest for the exotic already referred to has also prompted the development of a market for such products that in a certain manner serve to increase the cultural diversity of society.

The “ethnic music” or “world music” shelves in the big record

shops are an example of the wide range of cultural products available.

What is more, the considerable interest in discussion of cultural and identity diversity has enabled -- especially in North America -- a market for multicultural publishing to explode. The number of works devoted to these questions has grown exponentially since the ’80s and ’90s. Certain of these works have proved to be enormous popular and therefore economic successes. Some authors have become rich, others have moved full-time into writing on multiculturalism.

Finally, the working world has given another form of recognition to cultural and identityrelated diversity.

In Jacobin France, prayer areas were set aside for Muslim workers in certain

big auto plants in the 1970s. The employers thought that this would improve the productivity of Muslim immigrant workers. To some extent, this was a case of the private sector taking action in a matter concerning which the State had not set specific rules or guidelines. In the ’80s and ’90s the concept of intercultural management gradually gained ground. The presumed benefits of multiculturality

in business have been underscored. For example, in April 1997 the Swedish

employers’ association recognized the benefits that a multicultural work force could engender in a globalized economy.

These different forms of market multiculturalism

are based on a simple economic

calculation aimed at profiting to the fullest from the prevailing multiculturality

and the debates

that it sparks in society. Diversity is recognized and even encouraged by the private sector, to the extent that it can be a source of economic profit.

It is particularly in this context that the

8 recent development of intercultural management as a field of study in schools of management must be assessed (Joynt and Warner, 1996).

Thus, individuals and the market are managing from day to day a cultural diversity which they moreover frequently encourage. However, this does not call into question the value of action by the State in the management of cultural diversity.

The fact is that not everybody has

the same resources (financial or other) for finding their feet in a diversified environment.

What

is more, the market only responds to demand for cultural goods that is backed by the resources to pay for them, and it responds in its own way. The State can therefore act in a relatively broad arena by intervening where the market is absent or where its action does not reach everybody. It can also enlarge access to cultures for all, even if they are citizens before becoming consumers, and thereby promote equality of all vis-a-vis culture.

Management of cultural diversity and public policies

Being confronted with a more or less pronounced cultural and identity diversity, States are obliged to take this reality into account and may well envision a whole range of public interventions in different fields. The policy actions devised and put into effect to respond to diversity can vary considerably from one country to another, and from one era to another. The policies in respect of multiculturalism cover a broad spectrum of public interventions in different fields that presume more or less significant public expenditures.

The multicultural

nature of society can be perceived first of all in the Constitution of

certain federal States, i.e. at the highest and most stable echelon of their legal order. In Belgium, the federal structure of the country recognizes the existence of communities and regions that correspond in reality to the territorial national groups (the Flemings, Walloons, German-speakers and the inhabitants of the Brussels metropolitan area). By so doing, the Constitution gives each of these groups a certain right to govern themselves. The country is divided by a language frontier that separates the areas in which only one language is spoken, with Brussels, the sole officially

bilingual region, being the one exception.

Moreover, Belgium refuses to sign the

Council of Europe Charter on protection of national minorities.

9

Secondly, the State can take cultural diversity into account, and in the event encourage it, by allocating financial resources to associations whose purpose is to maintain and pass on to young people the cultures of the countries of origin of immigrant population groups. Thus, in the context of the Swedish policy on multiculturalism, Yugoslav

folkdancing

groups.

financing has been made available for

In Quebec, the foreign-language newspapers produced by

immigrant associations have received public support. In addition, the authorities can also grant subsidies to groups and initiatives

designed to improve mutual understanding among the

different cultural groups in a country or a city and to foster their peaceful coexistence. In this way, for some years now an annual neighborhood festival entitled Bruxelles en Couleurs has been held in Brussels, which is aimed at precisely these objectives and receives public support and backing in various forms.

Thirdly, the different public initiatives undertaken to combat racism and xenophobia can also fit in perfectly with the strategies for managing cultural diversity. As a starting point, States can adopt specific legislation in this field. In certain countries, public or parapublic institutions have been set up to ensure the application of this legislation, such as the Commission@

Racial

Equality in Great Britain and the Centre pour 1‘Egalite’des Chances et la Lutte centre le Racisme (Center for Equal Opportunity

and the Fight against Racism) in Belgium.

On occasions,

individual antiracism programs are devised and implemented in the public schools. Finally, some countries have established recommended terminologies to be used in workplaces and schools for referring to different cultural groups without causing them offense. This practice, which is associated with the “political correctness” movement in the United States, also exists in Great Britain. None of these initiatives directly encourage the maintenance of cultural diversity. However, they seek to ensure that no one will suffer discrimination on the basis of their cultural, ethnic, national or racial background.

Fourthly, recognition of cultural diversity in the field of education can be the subject of more or less structured public initiatives. These initiatives often give rise to intense debates and political struggles in the United States. In certain southwestern states, some public schools have put bilingual

English-Spanish

programs into effect for the children of Spanish-speaking

10 immigrants, concerning which there is fierce political conflict.

Some see bilingual education as

simply intended to facilitate for immigrant children the transition from a minority language -- in this case Spanish -- to the majority language. Others, however, perceive bilingual education as designed to teach children two languages to the degree that both are strongly represented in certain regions. It is not hard to see that these two approaches cannot be immediately reconciled.

Furthermore, the question of the acknowledgment in school curricula of cultural diversity and of the contribution of immigrants and ethnic minorities to the national culture is also a matter of considerable debate and the subject of concrete initiatives.

Thus, there are some who

advocate teaching of the history of immigration in the general history courses. In Canada and the United States, departments of ethnic and racial studies have been set up in numerous universities, both public and private. The Council of Europe has been considering introduction of intercultural education for some time now. European countries.

Pilot projects have been developed in several

The question of State-financed denominational schools arises. Thus, in

Belgium catholic schools benefit from public funding whereas the idea of Islamic schools encounters considerable resistance.

As regards out-of-school education, the establishment of museums of immigration along the lines of the Ellis Island Museum in New York, can also be considered in the context of policies aimed at making the general public aware of a country’s multicultural

history.

Ellis

Island has become one of New York City’s most popular tourist attractions. As a result, this little island just across from Manhattan where incoming immigrants were screened up till the 1920s has become a symbol of America, a land of immigrants.

In Belgium, an initiative

comparable in intent if not in scale has been launched by historians, leading to the opening of the ‘Cantine des Italiens”, a small museum set up on a site where immigrant workers arriving after World War II were housed.

In the sphere of linguistic policy, as a fifth category, measures can be taken to facilitate relations between the State and persons who do not speak the language of the country or region in which they live.

By way of example, French-speaking inhabitants of certain Flemish

communes near Brussels benefit from a system of “linguistic facilities” under which they can use

11 French in their contracts with the Flemish administration.

In other countries, various other

foreign-language services may be made available to immigrants.

For instance, ballot papers in

different languages are provided in certain New York neighborhoods such as Chinatown.

In

many countries, interpreters are provided to assist foreigners embroiled with the justice system. Finally, in certain districts and neighborhoods with a high density of immigrants, the local authorities post announcements and notices aimed at the population in several of the main languages involved.

Then sixthly, the public authorities can intervene to facilitate the religious practices of minority groups in various ways. Exemptions to certain legal requirements can be granted to allow adherents of particular religions to observe their dress codes. For example, whereas London Transport regulations require staff to wear a peaked cap, since the 1970s Sikh employees have been authorized to wear their traditional turban. Recently, a Sikh worker dismissed by the management of a Dutch hotel in which he worked because his turban was not in compliance with the hotel’s uniform, had to be reinstated. The court took the position that as long as his turban was the same color as the uniform, it could not be deemed unacceptable.

Moreover, religious holidays can be recognized. At the very least, arrangements can be devised to enable Mews and Muslims living in countries of Christian tradition to observe their religious holidays. Finally, steps can be take to facilitate ritual slaughter, by means of special arrangements with abattoirs. During the Muslim Ait AZ Adha festival in 1997, five Brussels communes took the initiative of organizing at their expense a collection of sheep carcasses in neighborhoods with a high density of Muslim inhabitants, which was generally adjudged a success. The outcome was that the Muslims were able to enjoy this time of intense religious significance and rejoicing in peace while the non-Muslim

population had no grounds for

complaining about the environmental problems that can result from slaughter of the sheep.

Lastly, public policies in the context of “affirmative minorities) are often ranked with policies on multiculturalism primarily

action” (measures to favor

even thought they are not aimed

at cultural or identity-related objectives. First forrnulated in the United States in the

196Os, after racial equality had been achieved in law, these policies seek to translate this equality

12 into fact by increasing, by means of specific measures, the participation and representation of blacks in public administrations, in the universities, on the employment market and in politics. It is therefore a matter of putting an end to the de facto discrimination, which remains considerable and not a question of recognizing a cultural or identity diversity of any sort. These policies have subsequently been extended to other categories, such as women, the other racial minorities and certain ethnic minorities.

Contrary to what one may often read, they rarely result in ethnic and

racial quotas being imposed.

The primary objective is to arrive at a better representation of

under-represented, or de facto excluded, groups at all levels of society.

Accordingly, when a

choice has to be made, say, by an administration to hire a new employee, all else being equal the candidate from a particular group will have preference. For several years now a debate that we cannot go into here has been raging about affirmative action (Curry, 1996). It is sufficient to note that to the extent that these policies concern primarily moreover

frequently

defined

in terms of racial,

disadvantaged groups who are

ethnic or cultural

background,

it is

understandable that they should be discussed in the debates on multiculturalism.

This inventory of policies on multiculturalism

is far from exhaustive, but in any event it

serves to illustrate the impressive variety of public actions designed directly or indirectly to take the cultural and identity-related diversity of society into account. At this level, the issue is not the principle of recognition of this diversity but rather that of concrete recognition through public expenditures enabling implementation of certain particular policies. A question of allocation of public funds and of redistribution, and therefore also of social justice, is accordingly posed.

It is crucial to recognize that the processes of formation and affirmation of certain ethnic and cultural identities on the one hand, and the processes of exclusion and of recomposition of social and economic inequalities on the other, are closely connected.

The fact is that a

proportion of these who are disadvantaged or excluded at the social and economic level are also those whose culture and identity are stigmatized and considered illegitimate or even dangerous for social cohesion. Ethnicization or even racial discrimination mechanisms serve to explain in large measure their disadvantageous social position and strengthen their quest for security and protection in identities that are assuming increasingly closed characteristics.

13 Consequently, it would appear dangerous for democracy to dissociate the debate on multiculturalism from the debate on the struggle against social exclusion and inequality. In point of fact, if the social and economic divides increase, if they are superimposed on ethno-cultural affiliations, any attempt at building a democratic multicultural

society will remain an illusion.

The more socioeconomic inequalities and insecurities increase, the greater will be the number of those who will seek refuge in cultural and ethnic affiliations of an exclusive, but protective, nature, and the more they will tend to reject individuals who are perceived as being different. The outcome will

be that culture and cultural identities can become either a means for

compensating frustrations experienced elsewhere, or else a weapon for achieving domination. Alternatively, a more favorable distribution of available resources will favor the affirmation of more open and inclusive cultural identities.

In other words, managing cultural diversity and

solving of the problem of growing inequalities and of social and economic exclusion at both the global

and the local

level will

require

concurrent

political

efforts.

Socioeconomic

“balkanization” is at least as dangerous for the very idea of democracy as is the commonly stigmatized cultural and identity diversity.

Moreover, all these policies do not lessen the importance of the symbolic recognition of diversity.

In this connection, Belgium provides a concrete example of an interesting evolution

toward a symbolic recognition of a frequently stigmatized dimension of the country’s cultural diversity.

The cases of pedophilia and child murder which exploded in the course of 1996

severely impacted several families of partially or fully immigrant origins, especially as regards three of the five little girls and adolescents whose bodies were found (the father of Melissa is of Italian and working class origin; the grandmother of Julie is of Spanish origin; Loubna’s parents are Moroccan immigrants).

These facts constitute an additional proof that immigration

clearly left indelible traces in Belgian society, of which it forms a significant

has

structural

dimension. In addition, the personality of Nabela Benaissa, Loubna’s older sister, was brought publicly to the fore through these cases. Nabela played a crucial role in her parents’ struggle. This veiled young women who made no secret of the fact that she is an adherent of a Muslim faith often feared in Belgium and deemed to be a predemocratic archaism, distinguished herself by adopting lucid, measured, dignified and courageous positions notwithstanding an unspeakable sadness and an altogether legitimate anger at the bumbling

bureaucratic handling of the

14 investigation.

Belgian society became accustomed to the image of a veiled young woman

speaking perfect French, projecting both the fact that she is Belgian and her Muslim faith, and who thinks in terms of, fights for and defends a common set of fundamental values and principles shared with the other parents of missing children and, ultimately, with a considerable proportion of the country’s citizens.

The funeral of the unfortunate little Loubna served to continue to develop this awareness that the presence of an immigrant population in Belgium did not represent the danger that certain quarters perceived it to be. There was a realization that in the last analysis the immigrants and their children are simply human beings: they are seeking happiness for themselves and their families, they feel themselves affected by the problems encountered by the society in which they have made their home and which impact them just as directly as the other segments of the population.

In sum, they are neither a threat to nor a danger for Belgian society.

They are no

more and no less a component of that society, even though they are not yet sufficiently recognized as such.

It was a big first to watch the direct broadcast of a funeral service from a mosque, in this case the main Brussels mosque, on most of the national television channels, both public and private. That decision can be considered a symbolic recognition of the contribution of Islam to the cultural and religious diversity of the country. There was clearly an educational aspect to the televised broadcast. Many non-Muslims discovered an aspect of that religion, certain features of which were explained by Muslim religious experts brought in to comment on the proceedings together with the TV commentators.

The viewers were thus enabled to observe the flexibility

and openness of Islam, which most often seeks to adapt itself to the European environment: chairs in a mosque, participation by non-Muslim women speaking in French and Flemish, etc. We are far from the caricatures of Islam too often trotted out by the media and the extreme right. Sadly, it required the sordid happenings involved for the authorities and Belgian society to begin to genuinely recognize Islam as an element in its own right of the nation’s diversity. True, this recognition is yet fragile.

The uncovering of a Moroccan Dutroux would demonstrate that

without any doubt. Nevertheless, the progress that has been achieved is by no means negligible.

15 While it is true that symbolic recognition of diversity does not in itself put an end to social, economic and political inequalities or to the ethnic, racial and cultural discrimination sometimes underlying them, it can nevertheless create a favorable context in which the public policies actually pursued with the aim of favoring better management of cultural and identityrelated diversity will be more effective.

Finally, common sense and good will in day-to-day interaction can sometimes favor a certain harmony

in the public

area without

necessarily entailing

complex

and costly

governmental action. Let’s take three examples.

Offering the greatest possible variety of foods in the restaurants and cafeterias of universities, plants, hospitals or ministries, would enable everyone to follow his or her choices or dietary obligations, whether they are connected with religious practice or not. It is not a matter of providing dishes from every possible country, but rather a diversity of foods that can satisfy everybody.

For example, offering only pork for a clientele or guests who may also include

Muslims or Jews reveals a lack of multicultural

sensitivity that can easily be corrected.

The

example of the provision of sheep carcasses organized in certain Brussels communes bears repeating here.

It is an excellent illustration of the fact that a policy decision can line up

perfectly with appropriate exercise of common sense. Finally, a third example of well-timed flexibility

is provided by the Italian legislative elections of 1994. In order to enable 30,000

Jewish Italians to vote without violating their religious convictions, the polling stations were kept open longer. This simple step thus contributed to ensuring that suffrage remained universal.

Conclusion

In the present political climate, the State just about everywhere is tending to divest itself of the ever-increasing number of responsibilities it assumed during the second half of this century in particular.

The field of culture, whatever the meaning one assigns to the word, is

suffering from this progressive withdrawal on the part of the State.

However, the present

examples indicate that in the sphere of management of cultural diversity the role of the State can be crucial and positive as regards creation of a multicultural citizenship. True, allowing the State

16 to intervene in this field will not solve all the problems connected with public management of cultural diversity.

In certain cases, action by the State can in fact give rise to some unexpected

effects of an undesirable nature.

Asserting that the State can intervene in the field of culture does not amount to stating that every individual and every group demanding cultural recognition or financial resources must be recognized and/or helped. Since the available financial resources are far from unlimited, criteria have to be established for selecting what cultural forms will be recognized or assisted. To a large extent these criteria will be specific to each national context. However, respect for the physical and psychological integrity of the human person could represent the least common denominator for assessing the legitimacy of cultural claims. For the rest, it is up to each State to invent its own multiculturalism on the basis of its history, its population and the claims that are voiced.

References

Curry G. (Ed.) (1996) The Aff zrmative Action Debate, Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley

Joynt P. and Warner M. (Eds.) (1996) Managing across Cultures: issues and perspectives, London, Boston: International Thompson Business Press

Kymlicka W. (1995) Sortir des ghettos culturels, Paris: Presses de Science PO. , La Bibliotheque du Citoyen

Sassen S. (1991) The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press