The Positive Functions of Poverty' Herbert J.Gans

ColumbiaUniversity and CenterforPolicy Research

Mertonianfunctional analysisis appliedto explainthepersistence of poverty,and fifteenfunctions whichpovertyand the poor perform fortherestof Americansociety,particularly the affluent, are identifiedand described.Functionalalternativeswhichwould substitute for these functionsand make povertyunnecessaryare suggested, but the most importantalternativesare themselvesdysfunctional fortheaffluent, sincetheyrequiresomeredistribution of incomeand power.A functionalanalysisof povertythuscomesto manyof the same conclusionsas radicalsociologicalanalysis,demonstrating anew Merton'sassertionthat functionalism need not be conservativein ideologicaloutlookor implication. I

Over 20 years ago, Merton (1949, p. 71), analyzingthe persistenceof the urban political machine,wrotethat because "we should ordinarily . . . expect persistentsocial patternsand social structuresto perform positivefunctions whichare at the timenot adequatelyfulfilled by other existingpatternsand structures . . . perhapsthispubliclymalignedorganizationis, underpresentconditions,satisfyingbasic latent functions." He pointedout how the machineprovidedcentralauthorityto get things done when a decentralizedlocal government could not act, humanized the servicesof the impersonalbureaucracyfor fearfulcitizens,offered concretehelp (rather than law or justice) to the poor, and otherwise performed servicesneeded or demandedby manypeople but considered unconventional or even illegal by formalpublic agencies. This paper is not concernedwith the politicalmachine,however,but withpoverty,a social phenomenon whichis as malignedas and farmore persistentthan the machine.Consequently, theremay be some meritin applyingfunctionalanalysisto poverty,to ask whetherit too has positive functionsthat explainits persistence.Since functionalanalysishas itselftaken on a malignedstatus among some Americansociologists,a 1 Earlier versionsof this paper were presentedat a Vassar College conferenceon the war on povertyin 1964, at the 7th World Congressof Sociology in 1971, and in Social Policy 2 (July-August1971): 20-24. The presentpaper will appear in a forthcoming book on povertyand stratification, edited by S. M. Lipset and S. M. Miller, for the AmericanAcademy of Arts and Sciences. I am indebted to Peter Marris, Robert K. Merton, and S. M. Miller for helpful commentson earlier drafts of this paper.

AJS Volume78 Number2

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AmericanJournalof Sociology secondarypurposeof thispaper is to ask whetherit is still a usefulapproach.2 II

Merton(1949, p. 50) definedfunctionsas "those observedconsequences whichmake for the adaptationor adjustmentof a given system; and those observedconsequenceswhich lessen the adaptation dysfunctions, does not specifythe nature or adjustmentof the system."This definition or scope of the system,but elsewherein his classic paper "Manifestand Latent Functions,"Mertonindicatedthat social systemwas not a synonymfor society,and that systemsvary in size, requiringa functional analysis"to considera rangeof unitsforwhichthe item (or social phenomenonH.G.) has designatedconsequences:individualsin diversestatuses,subgroups,the largersocial systemand culturalsystems"(1949, p. 51). In discussingthe functionsof poverty,I shall identifyfunctionsfor classes, interestgroups,socioeconomic groupsand aggregates;specifically, and otherpopulationaggregates,for example,those with shared values or similarstatuses.This definitional approachis based on the assumption thatalmosteverysocial system-and of courseeverysociety-is composed of groupsor aggregateswith different interestsand values, so that, as Mertonputit (1949, p. 51), "itemsmaybe functional forsomeindividuals and subgroupsand dysfunctionalfor others." Indeed, frequentlyone For example,the group's functionsare anothergroup's dysfunctions.3 for the working machine Merton functional was analyzed by political for class and businessinterestsof the citybut dysfunctional manymiddle class and reforminterests.Consequently,functionsare definedas those observedconsequenceswhichare positiveas judged by the values of the as thosewhichare negativeby these groupunderanalysis; dysfunctions, benefitthe groupin questionand dysfunctions values.4Because functions 2 The paper also has the latent function,as S. M. Miller has suggested,of contributing to the long debate over the functionalanalysis of social stratificationpresentedby Davis and Moore (1945).

Probably one of the few instancesin which a phenomenonhas the same function for two groups with different interestsis when the survival of the systemin which both participateis at stake. Thus, a wage increase can be functionalfor labor and dysfunctionalfor management(and consumers),but if the wage increase endangers the firm'ssurvival,it is dysfunctionalfor labor as well. This assumes, however,that the firm'ssurvival is valued by the workers,which may not always be the case, for example, when jobs are available elsewhere. 3

4 Merton (1949, p. 50) originallydescribed functionsand dysfunctionsin terms of encouragingor hinderingadaptation or adjustmentto a system,althoughsubsequently he has writtenthat "dysfunctionrefersto the particularinadequacies of-a particular part of the systemfor a designatedrequirement"(1961, p. 732). Since adaptation and

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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty hurtit, I shall also describefunctionsand dysfunctions in the language of economicplanningand systemsanalysisas benefitsand costs.5 Identifying functions and dysfunctions forgroupsand aggregatesrather thansystemsreducesthepossibilitythatwhatis functional forone group in a multigroupsystemwill be seen as being functionalfor the whole for example,to suggestthat a given system,makingit more difficult, phenomenon is functionalfor a corporationor politicalregimewhen it may in factonlybe functionalfortheirofficers or leaders.Also, thisapproachprecludesreachinga prioriconclusionsabout two otherimportant empiricalquestionsraised by Merton (1949, pp. 32-36), whetherany is everfunctional phenomenon or dysfunctional foran entiresociety,and, if functional, whetherit is therefore indispensableto that society. In a modernheterogeneous society,few phenomenaare functionalor forthe societyas a whole,and most resultin benefitsto dysfunctional in some groupsand costs to others.Given the level of differentiation modernsociety,I am even skepticalwhetherone can empirically identify a social systemcalled society.Societyexists,of course,but it is closerto being a very large aggregate,and when sociologiststalk about society as a system,theyoftenreallymean the nation,a systemwhich,among otherthings,sets up boundariesand otherdistinguishing characteristics betweensocietalaggregates. I wouldalso arguethatno social phenomenon is indispenssable; it may be too powerfulor too highlyvalued to be eliminated,but in most instances,one can suggestwhat Mertoncalls "functionalalternatives"or thatis, othersocialpatternsor policies equivalentsfora socialphenomena, but avoid the dysfunctions. whichachievethe same functions III

The conventional viewof Americanpovertyis so dedicatedto identifying the dysfunctions of poverty,both for the poor and the nation,that at adjustmentto a systemcan have conservativeideological implications,Merton's later formulationand my own definitionalapproach make it easier to use functionalanalysis as an ideologicallyneutral or at least ideologicallyvariable method, insofar as the researchercan decide for himselfwhetherhe supportsthe values of the group under analysis. 5 It should be noted, however, that there are no absolute benefitsand costs just as there are no absolute functionsand dysfunctions;not only are one group's benefits oftenanothergroup's costs,but every group definesbenefitsby its own manifestand latent values, and a social scientist or planner who has determinedthat certain phenomenaprovide beneficialconsequencesfor a group may findthat the group thinks otherwise.For example, during the 1960s, advocates of racial integrationdiscovered that a significantportion of the black communityno longer consideredit a benefit but saw it ratheras a policy to assimilateblacks into white society and to decimate the political power of the black community.

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AmericanJournalof Sociology firstglanceit seemsinconceivableto suggestthatpovertycould be functionalforanyone.Of course,theslumlordand theloan sharkare widely knownto profitfromthe existenceof poverty;but theyare popularly viewedas evil men,and theiractivitiesare, at least in part,dysfunctional forthe poor. However,whatis less oftenrecognized, at least in the conventionalwisdom,is that povertyalso makes possible the existenceor expansion of "respectable"professionsand occupations,for example, penology,criminology, social work, and public health. More recently, thepoorhave providedjobs forprofessional and paraprofessional "poverty warriors," as well as journalistsand social scientists, thisauthorincluded, whohave suppliedtheinformation demandedwhenpubliccuriosityabout thepoordevelopedin the 1960s. Clearly,then,povertyand the poor may well servea numberof functionsformanynonpoorgroupsin Americansociety,and I shall describe 15 sets of such functions-economic, social, cultural,and political-that seem to me mostsignificant. First,the existenceof povertymakes sure that "dirtywork"is done. Everyeconomyhas such work:physicallydirtyor dangerous,temporary, dead-endand underpaid,undignified, and menial jobs. These jobs can be filledby payinghigherwages than for"clean" work,or by requiring people who have no otherchoiceto do the dirtyworkand at low wages. In America,povertyfunctionsto providea low-wagelabor pool that is willing-or, rather,unable to be unwilling-to performdirtywork at low cost. Indeed, this functionis so importantthat in some Southern states,welfarepaymentshave been cut offduringthe summermonths when the poor are needed to workin the fields.Moreover,the debate about welfare--andabout proposed substitutessuch as the negative incometax and the FamilyAssistancePlan-has emphasizedthe impact of incomegrantson workincentive,with opponentsoftenarguingthat such grantswould reduce the incentiveof-actually, the pressureonthepoor to carryout the neededdirtyworkif thewages therefore are no larger than the income grant. Furthermore, many economicactivities whichinvolvedirtyworkdependheavilyon the poor; restaurants, hospitals,parts of the garmentindustry,and industrialagriculture, among others,could not persistin theirpresentformwithouttheirdependence on the substandardwages whichtheypay to theiremployees. Second, the poor subsidize,directlyand indirectly,many activities that benefitthe affluent.6 For one thing,theyhave long supportedboth Of course, the poor do not actually subsidize the affluent.Rather, by being forced to work forlow wages, theyenable the affluentto use the moneysaved in this fashion for other purposes. The concept of subsidy used here thus assumes belief in a "just wage." 6

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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty the consumptionand investmentactivitiesof the private economyby virtueof the low wages whichtheyreceive.This was openlyrecognized at the beginningof the IndustrialRevolution,when a French writer p. 7) pointed out that "to quoted by T. H. Marshall (forthcoming, assure and maintainthe prosperitiesof our industries,it is necessary that the workersshould never acquire wealth." Examples of this kind of subsidizationabound even today; for example,domesticssubsidize theuppermiddleand upperclasses,makinglifeeasierfortheiremployers cultural,civic, womenfor a varietyof professional, and freeingaffluent or social activities.In addition,as BarrySchwartzpointedout (personal the low incomeof the poor enables the rich to divert communication), and thus a higherproportion of theirincometo savingsand investment, to fuel economicgrowth.This, in turn,can producehigherincomesfor everybody, includingthe poor, althoughit does not necessarilyimprove since the benefits the positionof the poor in the socioeconomic hierarchy, of economicgrowthare also distributed unequally. economy.BeAt the same time,the poor subsidizethe governmental cause local propertyand sales taxes and the ungraduatedincometaxes levied by manystates are regressive,the poor pay a higherpercentage of theirincomein taxes than the restof the population,thussubsidizing the manystate and local governmental programsthat servemoreaffluent taxpayers.7In addition,the poor supportmedicalinnovationas patients in teachingand researchhospitals,and as guineapigs in medicalexperipatientswho alone can affordthese ments,subsidizingthe moreaffluent into medicalpractice. innovationsonce they are incorporated Third,povertycreatesjobs for a numberof occupationsand professions which serve the poor, or shield the rest of the populationfrom them.As alreadynoted,penologywould be minisculewithoutthe poor, as wouldthepolice,sincethe poorprovidethe majorityof their"clients." Other activitieswhichflourishbecause of the existenceof povertyare the numbersgame, the sale of heroin and cheap wines and liquors, pentecostalministers,faith healers, prostitutes,pawn shops, and the peacetimearmy, which recruitsits enlistedmen mainly fromamong the poor. Fourth,the poor buy goods whichothersdo not want and thus prosuchas day-oldbread,fruitand vegetables longtheireconomicusefulness, whichwould otherwisehave to be thrownout, second-handclothes,and automobilesand buildings.They also provideincomesfor deteriorating 7Pechman (1969) and Herriottand Miller (1971) found that the poor pay a higher proportion of their income in taxes than any other part of the population: 50% among people earning $2,000 or less according to the latter study.

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AmericanJournalof Sociology doctors,lawyers,teachers,and otherswho are too old, poorlytrained, or incompetent to attractmoreaffluent clients. In addition,thepoorperform a numberof social and culturalfunctions: Fifth,the poor can be identified and punishedas alleged or real deviantsin orderto upholdthelegitimacy of dominantnorms(Macarov 1970, pp. 31-33). The defendersof the desirability of hard work,thrift, honesty, and monogamyneed people who can be accused of being lazy, spendthrift, dishonest,and promiscuousto justifythese norms; and as Erikson (1964) and othersfollowingDurkheimhave pointedout, the normsthemselvesare best legitimatedby discoveringviolations. Whetherthe poor actually violate these norms more than affluent people is still open to question. The workingpoor work harder and longerthan high-status jobholders,and poor housewivesmust do more houseworkto keep theirslum apartmentsclean than theirmiddle-class peers in standardhousing.The proportionof cheatersamong welfare recipientsis quite low and considerablylower than among incometaxpayers.8Violentcrimeis higheramongthe poor,but the affluent commit a varietyof white-collarcrimes,and several studies of self-reported delinquencyhave concludedthat middle-classyoungstersare sometimes as delinquentas thepoor.However,thepoorare morelikelyto be caught whenparticipating in deviantacts and, once caught,to be punishedmore oftenthan middle-classtransgressors. Moreover,they lack the political and culturalpower to correctthe stereotypesthat affluent people hold of them,and thus continueto be thoughtof as lazy, spendthrift, etc., whateverthe empiricalevidence,by those who need living proof that deviance does not pay.9 The actually or allegedlydeviant poor have traditionally been describedas undeserving and, in morerecentterminology,culturallydeprivedor pathological. Sixth,anothergroupof poor,describedas deservingbecause theyare disabledor suffering frombad luck, providethe rest of the population withdifferent emotionalsatisfactions;theyevoke compassion,pity,and charity,thusallowingthosewhohelp themto feelthattheyare altruistic, moral,and practicingthe Judeo-Christian ethic.The deservingpoor also enable othersto feel fortunatefor being spared the deprivationsthat come withpoverty.10 8

Most officialinvestigationsof welfare cheating have concluded that less than 5% of recipientsare on the rolls illegally,while it has been estimatedthat about a third of the population cheats in filingincome tax returns. 9AIthough this paper deals with the functionsof poverty for other groups,poverty has often been described as a motivatingor character-building device for the poor themselves;and economic conservativeshave argued that by generatingthe incentive to work, povertyencouragesthe poor to escape poverty.For an argumentthat work incentiveis more enhanced by income than lack of it, see Gans (1971, p. 96). 10 One psychiatrist(Chernus 1967) has even proposed the fantastichypothesisthat

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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty Seventh,as a converseof the fifthfunctiondescribedpreviously,the sexual, in the uninhibited peoplevicariousparticipation poorofferaffluent alcoholic,and narcoticbehaviorin whichmanypoor people are alleged and of affluence to indulge,and which,being freedfromthe constraints they are often thoughtto enjoy more than the middle respectability, classes. One of the popularbeliefsabout welfarerecipientsis that many vacation.Althoughit may be truethat the sex-filled are on a permanent behavior,studiesby Rainwater(1970) poorare moregivento uninhibited and otherobserversof the lowerclass indicatethat such behavioris as and that it results oftenmotivatedby despairas by lack of inhibition, less in pleasurethanin a compulsiveescape fromgrimreality.However, whetherthe poor actuallyhave moresex and enjoy it morethan affluent people is irrelevant;as long as the latterbelieve it to be so, theycan share it vicariouslyand perhapsenviouslywhen instancesare reported formats. journalistic,or sociologicaland anthropological in fictional, Eighth,povertyhelps to guaranteethe status of those who are not society,wheresocial mobilityis an especiallyimporpoor.In a stratified tant goal and class boundariesare fuzzy,people need to know quite urgentlywheretheystand. As a result,the poor functionas a reliable and relativelypermanentmeasuringrod for status comparison,particularlyforthe workingclass, whichmustfindand maintainstatusdistinctions betweenitselfand the poor, much as the aristocracymust find itselffromthe nouveauriche. ways of distinguishing Ninth, the poor also assist in the upward mobilityof the nonpoor, for, as Goode has pointed out (1967, p. 5), "the privileged . . . try sys-

tematicallyto preventthe talentof the less privilegedfrombeingrecogor being nized or developed."By beingdeniededucationalopportunities to enable others thus poor the unteachable, or stupid stereotypedas moved have of people number unknown Also, an obtain the betterjobs. themselvesor theirchildrenup in the socioeconomichierarchythrough theincomesearnedfromthe provisionof goodsand servicesin the slums: by becomingpolicemenand teachers,owning"Mom and Pop" stores, in the slums. or workingin the variousracketsthatflourish grouphave financedtheir In fact,membersof almosteveryimmigrant upwardmobilityby providingretail goods and services,housing,entertainment,gambling,narcotics,etc., to later arrivalsin America (or in the city), most recentlyto blacks, Mexicans,and Puerto Ricans. Other of bothEuropeanand nativeorigin,have financedtheirentry Americans, into the upper middle and upper classes by owningor managingthe thatservethepoor,as wellas thelegal but not respectillegalinstitutions able ones,such as slumhousing. the rich and the poor are engaged in a sadomasochisticrelationship,the latter being supportedfinanciallyby the formerso that they can gratifytheirsadistic needs.

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AmericanJournalof Sociology Tenth, just as the poor contributeto the economicviabilityof a numberof businessesand professions(see function3 above), theyalso add to the social viabilityof noneconomicgroups.For one thing,they help to keep the aristocracybusy,thusjustifying its continuedexistence. housesand charitybene"Society"uses the poor as clientsof settlement fits; indeed,it musthave the poor to practiceits public-mindedness so as to demonstrate its superiority over the nouveauxricheswho devote to conspicuousconsumption. themselves The poor play a similarfunction for philanthropic enterprisesat other levels of the socioeconomichierarchy,includingthemass of middle-classcivicorganizations and women's in almosteveryAmerican clubsengagedin volunteerworkand fundraising community.Doing good among the poor has traditionallyhelped the in action; in churchto finda methodof expressingreligioussentiments recentyears,militantchurchactivityamongand forthepoorhas enabled the churchto hold on to its moreliberaland radicalmemberswho might otherwisehave droppedout of organizedreligionaltogether. Eleventh, the poor performseveral cultural functions.They have played an unsungrole in the creationof "civilization,"havingsupplied theconstruction labor formanyof themonuments whichare oftenidentifiedas the noblestexpressionsand examplesof civilization,forexample, the Egyptianpyramids,Greek temples,and medievalchurches."lMoreover, theyhave helped to create a goodlyshare of the surpluscapital thatfundstheartistsand intellectuals who make culture,and particularly "high" culture,possiblein the firstplace. Twelfth,the "low" culturecreatedforor by the poor is oftenadopted The richcollectartifactsfromextinctfolkcultures by the moreaffluent. (althoughnot only frompoor ones), and almostall Americanslistento the jazz, blues,spirituals,and countrymusicwhichoriginatedamongthe Southernpoor-as well as rock,whichwas derivedfromsimilarsources. The protestof thepoorsometimesbecomesliterature;in 1970, forexample, poetrywrittenby ghettochildrenbecame popular in sophisticated literarycircles.The pooralso serveas cultureheroesand literarysubjects, of course,for the Left,but the hobo, cowboy,hipster,and particularly, themythicalprostitute thisfunction witha heartof gold have performed fora varietyof groups. Finally,the poor carryout a numberof importantpoliticalfunctions: Thirteenth, thepoorserveas symbolicconstituencies and opponentsfor Left several political groups. For example,parts of the revolutionary could not existwithoutthe poor,particularly that the class now working can no longerbe perceivedas the vanguardof the revolution. Conversely, 11 Althoughthis is not a contemporaryfunctionof povertyin America,it should be noted that today these monumentsserve to attract and gratifyAmerican tourists.

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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty political groupsof conservativebent need the "welfarechiselers"and otherswho"live offthetaxpayer'shard-earned money"in orderto justify theirdemandsforreductionsin welfarepaymentsand tax relief.Moreover,the role of the poor in upholdingdominantnorms(see function5 above) also has a significant An economybased on the politicalfunction. ideologyof laissez fairerequiresa deprivedpopulationwhichis allegedly unwillingto work; not only does the alleged moral inferiority of the poor reducethe moralpressureon the presentpoliticaleconomyto eliminate poverty,but redistributive alternativescan be made to look quite if thosewho will benefitfromthemmost can be described unattractive as lazy, spendthrift, dishonest,and promiscuous. Thus, conservatives and classical liberalswould findit difficult to justifymanyof theirpolitical beliefswithoutthe poor; but thenso wouldmodernliberalsand socialists who seek to eliminatepoverty. Fourteenth, the poor,beingpowerless,can be made to absorbthe economic and political costs of change and growthin Americansociety. During the 19thcentury,theydid the backbreakingworkthat built the cities; today,theyare pushedout of theirneighborhoods to make room for "progress."Urban renewalprojects to hold middle-classtaxpayers and storesin the city and expresswaysto enable suburbanitesto commutedowntownhave typicallybeen locatedin poor neighborhoods, since no othergroupwillallowitselfto be displaced.For muchthesame reason, urbanuniversities, hospitals,and civic centersalso expandinto land occupiedby thepoor.The majorcostsof the industrialization of agriculture in Americahave been borneby the poor, who are pushedoffthe land withoutrecompense, just as in earliercenturiesin Europe,theybore the bruntof the transformation of agrariansocietiesinto industrialones. The poor have also paid a large share of the humancost of the growth of Americanpower overseas,for theyhave providedmany of the foot soldiersforVietnamand otherwars. Fifteenth,the poor have played an importantrole in shaping the Americanpoliticalprocess; because theyvote and participateless than othergroups,the politicalsystemhas oftenbeen freeto ignorethem.This has not only made Americanpoliticsmorecentristthan would otherwise be the case, but it has also added to the stabilityof the politicalprocess. If the 15% of the populationbelow the federal"povertyline" participated fullyin the politicalprocess,theywould almostcertainlydemand betterjobs and higherincomes,whichwould requireincomeredistributionand would thus generatefurther politicalconflictbetweenthe haves and the have-nots.Moreover,when the poor do participate,theyoften providethe Democratswitha captive constituency, for theycan rarely supportRepublicans,lack partiesof theirown, and thus have no other place to go politically.This, in turn,has enabledthe Democratsto count 283

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AmericanJournalof Sociology on the votes of the poor, allowingthe party to be more responsiveto voterswho mightotherwiseswitchto the Republicans,in recentyears, forexample,the whiteworkingclass. IV I have describedfifteen of the moreimportantfunctionswhichthe poor carryout in Americansociety,enoughto supportthe functionalist thesis that povertysurvivesin part because it is usefulto a numberof groups in society.This analysis is not intendedto suggestthat because it is functional,povertyshould persist,or that it must persist.Whetherit shouldpersistis a normativequestion; whetherit must,an analyticand empiricalone, but the answerto both dependsin part on whetherthe dysfunctions of povertyoutweighthe functions.Obviously,povertyhas manydysfunctions, but also forthe more mainlyforthe poor themselves affluent. For example,theirsocial orderis upset by the pathology,crime, politicalprotest,and disruption emanatingfromthe poor,and the income of the affluent is affected by the taxes thatmustbe leviedto protecttheir socialorder.Whetherthedysfunctions outweighthefunctions is a question that clearlydeservesstudy. It is, however,possibleto suggestalternatives formanyof thefunctions of thepoor.Thus,society'sdirtywork(function1) couldbe donewithout poverty,some by automatingit, the restby payingthe workerswho do it decentwages,whichwould help considerablyto cleanse that kind of work.Nor is it necessaryfor the poor to subsidizethe activitiesthey supportthroughtheirlow-wagejobs (function2), for,like dirtywork, manyof theseactivitiesare essentialenoughto persistevenif wageswere raised. In both instances,however,costs would be drivenup, resulting in higherpricesto thecustomersand clientsof dirtyworkand subsidized activity,withobviousdysfunctional consequencesformoreaffluent people. Alternativeroles for the professionalswho flourishbecause of the poor (function3) are easy to suggest.Social workerscould counselthe affluent, as mostpreferto do anyway,and the police could devotethemto selves traffic and organizedcrime.Fewerpenologistswouldbe employable,however,and pentecostalreligionwouldprobablynotsurvivewithout thepoor.Nor wouldpartsof thesecond-and third-hand market(function 4), althougheven affluent people sometimesbuy used goods. Otherroles would have to be foundfor badly trainedor incompetent professionals now relegatedto servingthe poor,and someoneelse would have to pay theirsalaries. forthedeviance-connected Alternatives social functions(functions5-7) can be foundmoreeasily and cheaplythan for the economicfunctions. 284

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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty Othergroupsare alreadyavailable to serveas deviantsto uphold tradihippies,and most recently, tional morality,for example,entertainers, adolescentsin general.These same groupsare also available as alleged in sexual fantasies.The or real orgiaststo providevicariousparticipation blindand disabledfunctionas objects of pity and charity,and the poor may therefore not even be neededforfunctions5-7. of the poor (functions8 and 9) are The statusand mobilityfunctions far moredifficult to substitute,however.In a hierarchicalsociety,some to everyoneelse withrespectto a variety peoplemustbe definedas inferior of attributes, and the poor performthis functionmore adequatelythan it withoutbeingas poverty-stricken others.They could,however,perform as theyare, and one can conceiveof a stratification systemin whichthe peoplebelowthe federal"povertyline" wouldreceive75% of the median incomeratherthan 40% or less, as is now the case-even thoughthey wouldstillbe last in the peckingorder.'2Needless to say, such a reduction of economicinequalitywould also require income redistribution. people, amongmoreaffluent Giventheoppositionto incomeredistribution however,it seems unlikelythat the status functionsof povertycan be replaced,and they-togetherwith the economicfunctionsof the poor, whichare equally expensiveto replace-may turnout to be the major obstaclesto the eliminationof poverty. The role of the poor in the upwardmobilityof othergroupscould be maintained withouttheirbeingso lowin income.However,if theirincomes wereraisedabove subsistencelevels,theywouldbeginto generatecapital so thattheirownentrepreneurs couldsupplythemwithgoodsand services, thus competingwith and perhapsrejecting"outside" suppliers.Indeed, this is already happeningin a numberof ghettoes,where blacks are replacingwhitestoreowners. theywouldmake less willing Similarly,if the poor weremoreaffluent, clients for upper- and middle-classphilanthropicand religiousgroups (function10), althoughas long as theyare economicallyand otherwise unequal, this functionneed not disappear altogether.Moreover,some institutions wouldstill use the settlement housesand otherphilanthropic to pursueindividualupwardmobility,as theydo now. The culturalfunctions(11 and 12) may not need to be replaced.In America,the labor unions have rarelyallowed the poor to help build culturalmonuments surpluscapital from anyway,and thereis sufficient othersourcesto subsidizethe unprofitable componentsof high culture. In 1971, the median familyincome in the United States was about $10,000, and the federalpovertyline for a familyof four was set at just about $4,000. Of course, most of the poor were earning less than 40% of the median, and about a third of them,less than 20% of the median. 12

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AmericanJournalof Sociology Similarly,other deviant groups are available to innovatein popular cultureand supply new cultureheroes,for example,the hippies and membersof othercounter-cultures. Some of the political functionsof the poor would, however,be as Althoughthe difficult to replaceas theireconomicand status functions. and poor could probablycontinueto serve as symbolicconstituencies opponents(function13) if theirincomeswereraisedwhiletheyremained unequal in otherrespects,increasesin incomeare generallyaccompanied once they were no longer by increasesin poweras well. Consequently, so poor,people would be likelyto resistpayingthe costs of growthand to findalternativegroupswho change (function14); and it is difficult can be displaced for urban renewal and technological"progress."Of and highwayprojectswhich course,it is possibleto designcity-rebuilding properlyreimbursethe displaced people, but such projectswould then becomeconsiderably moreexpensive,thusraisingthe priceforthosenow manymight Alternatively, benefiting fromurbanrenewaland expressways. neverbe built,thusreducingthe comfortand convenienceof thosebeneficiaries.Similarly,if the poor were subjectedto less economicpressure, theywouldprobablybe less willingto servein the army,exceptat considerablyhigherpay, in whichcase war would become yet more costly more servicemenwould and thus less popular politically.Alternatively, have to be recruitedfromthe middleand upperclasses,but in that case warwouldalso becomeless popular. The politicalstabilizingand "centering"roleof the poor (function15) probablycannotbe substitutedforat all, since no othergroupis willing to be disenfranchised or likelyenoughto remainapatheticso as to reduce the fragilityof the politicalsystem.Moreover,if the poor were given higherincomes,theywouldprobablybecomemoreactivepolitically,thus addingtheirdemandsformoreto thoseof othergroupsalreadyputting pressureon the politicalallocatorsof resources.The poor mightcontinue to remainloyal to the Democraticparty,but like othermoderate-income voters,theycouldalso be attractedto the Republicansor to thirdparties. Whileimproving theeconomicstatusof thepresently poorwouldnotnecessarilydrivethe politicalsystemfar to the left,it wouldenlargethe constituenciesnow demandinghigherwages and morepublic funds.It is of coursepossibleto add new powerlessgroupswho do not vote or otherwise participateto the politicalmix and can thus serve as "ballast" in the polity,forexample,by encouragingthe importof new poor immigrants fromEurope and elsewhere,except that the labor unionsare probably strongenoughto veto such a policy. In sum,then,severalof themostimportant functions of thepoorcannot be replacedwithalternatives, while some could be replaced,but almost 286

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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty moreaffluent ones. alwaysonlyat highercoststo otherpeople,particularly a functionalanalysismust concludethat povertypersists Consequently, many not onlybecauseit satisfiesa numberof functionsbut also b1ecause for to povertywould be quite dysfunctional alternatives of thefunctional membersof society.13 the moreaffluent v

I noted earlier that functionalanalysis had itselfbecome a maligned and that a secondarypurposeof this paper was to demonphenomenon strateits continuedusefulness.One reason for its presentlylow status particularly latentfuncis political; insofaras an analysisof functions, tions,seems to justifywhat oughtto be condemned,it appears to lend itself to the supportof conservativeideologicalpositions,althoughit wiswhenit subvertsthe conventional can also have radicalimplications dom. Still,as Mertonhas pointedout (1949, p. 43; 1961, pp. 736-37), functionalanalysisper se is ideologicallyneutral,and "like otherforms of sociologicalanalysis,it can be infusedwith any of a wide range of sociologicalvalues" (1949, p. 40). This infusiondepends,of course,on the purposes-and even the functions-ofthe functionalanalysis,foras Wirth (1936, p. xvii) suggestedlong ago, "every assertionof a 'fact' about the social worldtouchesthe interestsof someindividualor group," analysesare conceivedand conductedin a neutral and even if functional in an ideologicalvacuum. manner,theyare rarelyinterpreted In one sense,my analysisis, however,neutral; if one makesno judgmentas to whetherpovertyoughtto be eliminated-andif one can subsequentlyavoid beingaccused of acquiescingin poverty-thenthe analysis suggestsonly that povertyexistsbecause it is usefulto manygroupsin society.14If one favorsthe eliminationof poverty,however,then the dependingin part analysiscan have a varietyof politicalimplications, on how completelyit is carriedout. of social phenomena If functional the functions analysisonlyidentifies it then their withoutmentioning may, intentionallyor dysfunctions, values. Thus, or of conservative supportholders otherwise,agree with for rich mightbe intermanyfunctions the to say thatthe poor perform pretedor used to justifypoverty,just as Davis and Moore's argument 13 Or as Stein (1971, p. 171) puts it: "If the non-poormake the rules . . . antipoverty effortswill only be made up to the point wherethe needs of the non-poorare satisfied, rather than the needs of the poor." 14 Of course, even in this case the analysis need not be purely neutral,but can be put to importantpolicy uses, for example, by indicatingmore effectively than moral attacks on povertythe exact nature of the obstaclesthat must be overcomeif poverty is to be eliminated.See also Merton (1961, pp. 709-12).

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AmericanJournalof Sociology (1945) that social stratification is functionalbecause it providessociety could be taken to justifyinequality. withhighlytrainedprofessionals Actually,the Davis and Moore analysis was conservativebecause it was incomplete;it did not identifythe dysfunctions of inequalityand failedto suggestfunctionalalternatives, as Tumin (1953) and Schwartz (1955) have pointedout.15 Once a functionalanalysis is made more completeby the additionof functionalalternatives, however,it can take on a liberal and reformcast, because the alternativesoften provide ameliorativepolicies that do not require any drastic change in the existingsocial order. Even so, to make functionalanalysis completerequiresyet another step, an examinationof the functionalalternativesthemselves.My analysis suggeststhat the alternativesfor povertyare themselvesdysfunctionalforthe affluent population,and it ultimatelycomes to a conclusionwhichis not verydifferent fromthat of radical sociologists.To wit: that social phenomenawhichare functionalfor affluent groupsand dysfunctional for poor ones persist; that when the eliminationof such phenomenathroughfunctionalalternativesgeneratesdysfunctions for theaffluent, theywillcontinueto persist;and thatphenomenalikepoverty can be eliminatedonlywhentheyeitherbecomesuficientlydysfunctional forthe affluent or whenthe poor can obtainenoughpowerto changethe systemof social stratification.16 REFERENCES Chernus,J. 1967. "Cities: A Study in Sadomasochism."Medical Opinion and Review (May), pp. 104-9. Davis, K., and W. E. Moore. 1945. "Some Principles of Stratification."American Sociological Review 10 (April): 242-49. Erikson, K. T. 1964. "Notes on the Sociology of Deviance." In The Other Side, edited by Howard S. Becker. New York: Free Press. 15 Functional analysis can, of course, be conservativein value or have conservative implicationsfor a numberof otherreasons,principallyin its overt or covert comparison of the advantagesof functionsand disadvantagesof dysfunctions, or in its attitudes toward the groups that are benefitingand paying the costs. Thus, a conservatively inclined policy researchercould conclude that the dysfunctionsof poverty far outnumberthe functions,but still decide that the needs of the poor are simply not as importantor worthyas those of other groups,or of the countryas a whole. 16On the possibilityof radical functionalanalysis,see Merton (1949, pp. 40-43) and

Gouldner (1970, p. 443). One difference betweenmy analysisand the prevailingradical view is that most of the functionsI have describedare latent,whereas many radicals treat them as manifest: recognizedand intended by an unjust economic system to oppress the poor. Practicallyspeaking,however,this differencemay be unimportant, for if unintendedand unrecognizedfunctionswere recognized,many affluentpeople mightthen decide that they ought to be intendedas well, so as to forestalla more expensiveantipovertyeffortthat mightbe dysfunctionalfor the affluent.

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PositiveFunctionsof Poverty Gans, H. J. 1971. "Three Ways to Solve the Welfare Problem." New York Times Magazine, March 7, pp. 26-27, 94-100. Goode, W. J. 1967. "The Protectionof the Inept." AmericanSociological Review 32 (February): 5-19. Gouldner,A. 1970. The Coming Crisis of WesternSociology. New York: Basic. Herriot,A., and H. P. Miller. 1971. "Who Paid the Taxes in 1968." Paper prepared for the National IndustrialConferenceBoard. Macarov, D. 1970. Incentives to Work. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Marshall, T. H. Forthcoming."Poverty and Inequality." Paper prepared for the AmericanAcademy of Arts and Sciences volume on povertyand stratification. Merton, R. K. 1949. "Manifest and Latent Functions." In Social Theory and Social Structure.Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. . 1961. "Social Problems and Sociological Theory." In ContemporarySocial Problems,edited by R. K. Merton and R. Nisbet. New York: Harcourt Brace. Pechman,J. A. 1969. "The Rich, the Poor, and the Taxes They Pay." PucblicInterest, no. 17 (Fall), pp. 21-43. Rainwater,L. 1970. Behind Ghetto Walls. Chicago: Aldine. Schwartz, R. 1955. "Functional Alternativesto Inequality." American Sociological Review 20 (August): 424-30. Stein, B. 1971. On Relief. New York: Basic. Tumin, M. B. 1953. "Some Principlesof Stratification:A CriticalAnalysis."American Sociological Review 18 (August): 387-93. Wirth,L. 1936. "Preface." In Ideology and Utopia, by Karl Mannheim. New York: Harcourt Brace.

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