Taxonomy of the Political Campaign Stephen Stockwell Griffith University

The political campaign is generally experienced by voters, and defined by theorists, as the rush of media items leading up to polling day. This paper seeks to classify the elements of the political campaign to contribute to a deeper theorisation of the campaign as a key moment in contemporary democracy. Against the concern that the marketing of political images has replaced democratic debate, the origins, forms and techniques of the political campaign are analysed to clarify how campaigns are more than marketing, to appreciate the potential campaigns offer and to suggest the benefits of greater transparency in the campaign process.

Taxonomy is that branch of any science which seeks to classify its subject matter in order to elucidate its principles. Political campaigns have so far resisted taxonomy for a range of reasons: they are ephemeral, their practices are constantly changing and while they are conducted in public, they are planned and prosecuted in secrecy. Further campaigns are truly multi-disciplinary entities that are of interest to and draw methods from marketing, political science, media theory and many other disciplines as well. Crossdisciplinary theorising can be forced, unwieldy and prone to unnecessary complexity, so perhaps it is better to concentrate on the actuality of the political campaign and allow theoretical insights to emerge directly from that. There is, of course, a burgeoning literature on political campaigns that goes back to Lippmann (1932) and his theory of “maximum effect” where campaigns use the media to inject ideas into voters and manufacture consent. The area gained academic respectability with the work of Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet (1944) and Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee (1954) that analysed voters’ responses to United States

presidential election campaigns and showed the minimal effect of those campaigns because peoples’ positions were mostly determined by their previous histories. Since the 1970s there has been a growing appreciation of the moderate effects of political campaigns as they use complex techniques to set the media agenda (McCombs & Shaw, 1972) and cultivate and shape the voters’ perceptions and expectations (Gerbner & Gross, 1976). Over the last twenty years political marketing has sought to colonise the study of the political campaign (Mauser, 1983; O'Shaughnessy, 1990; Newman, 1994, 1999a, 1999b; Maarek, 1995), particularly by drawing out the role of political consultants in the United States (Sabato, 1981, 1989; Johnson, 2001) and Australia (Mills, 1986). In the same time- frame, a strong critique of the manipulative effects of political marketing has arisen which characterises the political campaign as a process of deception that alienates the electorate by falsely polarising it and that produces a simulacra of deliberation rather than the real experience (Spero, 1980; Tiffen, 1989; Ansolabehere & Iyengar, 1995). Some writers offer useful alternatives to the political marketing paradigm. Blumenthal (1980) seeks to draw broader conclusions from his consideration of political marketing with his notion of the “permanent campaign” and Shea (1996) goes some way to acknowledging the craft required for a successful political campaign that extends beyond political marketing. Baumgartner (2000) studies the organisational aspects of the campaign to appreciate how it has developed as electioneering rather than political marketing. The inadequacy of the political marketing paradigm will be discussed later in this paper but preoccupation with this paradigm has produced a problem for democracy. There is a widening gap between politicians and citizens that is producing

a deepening cynicism about the efficacy of democracy. This gap is evident in a large number of studies, but two will suffice to establish the depth of concern. American National Election Studies suggest that respondents who think governments can be trusted to do the right thing most of the time have fallen from 76% in 1964 to 25% in 1996 (Johnson, 2001, p. 16), while surveys of Australian teenagers indicate that 82% of respondents disagree with the statement "politicians are honest with us" and only 8% agree (Jones, 1997, p. 5). Typically, this gap is blamed on the media and its use by political consultants to market politicians. But perhaps this gap between politicians and citizens is the product of a paradox at the heart of representative democracy—the mass media is not naturally the open forum that democracy requires to operate effectively. John Stuart touched on this problem without solving it in his 1861 work on representative democracy when he referred to the press as "the real equivalent, though not in all respects an adequate one, of the Pnyx and the Forum." (Mill, 1991, p. 310) To discover if there is a path out of this paradox requires first a systematic account of origins, forms and techniques of the political campaign. Origins To understand the nature of the political campaign, it is necessary to do some archaeological work. The political function of language is embedded deeply in the evolution of human society. The survival of the tribe depended not only on a shared language but also on its use to arrive at timely decisions. Commands backed by threats of force had only limited effect as tribes ranged over extended territories and stories and songs became important tools that bound society together. The techniques of constructing compelling stories and memorable songs, of using rhythm, assonance, alliteration and play to infuse words with lilt, balance, tone and deeper meaning, were the bases of the practical magic of the shaman (Bowra, 1962). In early kingdoms, the bard became a key figure in utilising language to

promote social cohesion and to convince people of the need for timely action. By deleting verbs and definite articles, by dispensing with tense and by favouring the unmarked verbal noun, the bards produced an intense, dynamic "spiralling of thought" that created commitment (Calder, 1983, p. xiii). The techniques developed by the shaman and bard continue to be relevant to political campaigners today (Stockwell 2000a). In classical Greek democracies, the Sophists applied rational analysis to the magic of language in order to explain what was persuasive in deliberative assemblies. They showed how rhythm, pattern and metaphor engaged the audience and how assonance and antithesis establish a persuasive dynamic in both the sound and sense of the words (Barrett, 1987). In the fourth century BC Aristotle (1991) systematised the insights of the Sophists to suggest a scientific approach to the art of rhetoric. Rhetoric, for Aristotle, was the rigorous form of practical reason required to navigate the speculative, expedient and reactive process of creating a majority in a democratic forum. Aristotle argued that there were three categories of rhetorical proof: those from character, emotion and reason. These categories remain relevant today and the art of persuasion still rests on their comprehensive combination in a convincing style governed by principles of dynamism, rhythm and harmony. In the early sixteenth century Machiavelli (1961, 1970) became the first thinker to address the new formations of political power that developed with the advent of mass society. He applied concepts from military strategy to politics in The Prince and, with particular reference to the democratic republic, The Discourses. He introduced a realism and pragmatism that still informs politics today and that has left an indelible imprint on the practice of political communication. Machiavelli grasped the importance of image in mass politics and suggested ways in which it can be managed strategically. Military strategy provides useful tools to think about campaigns and two forms of particular relevance are guerilla warfare (for situations of offensive insurgency) and siege warfare (for

defensive incumbency). The concept of insurgency comes from the Romans who coined the term to describe the uprisings of conquered but not subservient tribes. In the first century AD, Plutarch (1965) recorded how, when faced with superior forces, the Romans adopted insurgent techniques of avoiding open battle, harrying the enemy’s flanks, stealing their weapons and supplies and using the terrain to bog them down and dissipate their energy. The insurgent guerilla must know the enemy and terrain so well that they can find the pivotal moments to intervene and turn the power of the enemy back on itself. By contrast, the incumbent campaign can learn from siege warfare to blunt the opposition’s strong attack by parrying it with all available resources while simultaneously looking for every opportunity to outflank it or turn it back on itself. Against the catapults, battering rams and siege towers of attackers, incumbent defenders developed new techniques—hides to catch flaming missiles, incendiary mixtures and swarms of bees to dump on those pushing rams and towers, earthworks to frustrate and even flood opponents (Pepper & Nicholas, 1986; Montgomery, 1968). By the late seventeenth century, Vauban refined the art of fortification by building angled bastions so that all parts of the wall could be covered by fire from other parts of the wall: "[His] methods transformed this branch of warfare into a geometric exercise." (Montgomery, 1968, p. 293) Forms The cross-development of political and commercial persuasion techniques in the 20th century produced a distinct political campaign industry utilising a comprehensive set of techniques at first in election campaigns and now in issues management and public education for governments and lobbying, public affairs and activism by interest groups. The election is the central democratic moment when people exercise power over the government. It is a moment of indeterminacy when certainties can shift and anything can happen, as the career of Pauline Hanson reminds us. Mainstream election

campaigns are now orchestrated by consultants, "guns for hire" (Mills, 1986, p. 3) who employ techniques derived from mass marketing, public relations, game theory and statistical psychology (Blumenthal, 1980). Consultants seek to target and convince the swinging voters in the marginal states (in United States presidential elections) or seats (in parliamentary elections) required to produce a functioning majority. Election campaigns have three stages: strategy (from candidate/issue analysis to developing the game plan), communication (day-to-day development of the message and its distribution through mass and direct media) and high gear (locking down commitment and getting out the vote). Particular campaign techniques are discussed below, but it is important to clarify how the election campaign combines those techniques to produce an interactive metanarrative that seeks to position the candidate, sends multiple messages through multiple media channels and then tracks the targeted voters’ responses before reworking the position and responding. It is interesting to note that the traditional form of message delivery, the speech, continues to be a potent campaign tool. To be prepared for all eventualities, broad research into opponents and the campaign’s own background is necessary. While negative campaigning that attacks the opponent’s moral position and behaviour is often decried as destructive, it can be effective whe n it coheres with and highlights the campaign’s positive message. For example, cases of the opponent’s arrogance can highlight one’s own campaign’s commitment to grassroots consultation. While money is a key determinant of the impact of the campaign, good organisation, innovative use of new technologies, skilful volunteer and resource management and accurate reading of the political terrain can cause upsets. While Ms Hanson is often portrayed as a naïve ingenue, close analysis of her campaigns suggest they were marked by deep insights into the concerns of the targeted audience, rhetorical appeals effective in their inarticulateness and sophisticated strategies of calculated risk, anti- media management, moral panic and celebritisation (Stockwell, 2000b).

Modern governments employ campaign techniques to manage their interactions with the public via the mass media not only to ensure their re-election but also to do the work of government. Governments use two main forms of media management in the prosecution of the permanent campaign. The first is via minders — communication managers and press secretaries employed directly by ministers who seek to sell the key messages of the government by managing the news agenda and developing and placing stories for political advantage. Minders monitor the media, keep a list of all relevant journalists, manage a media contact system to assist in the quick distribution of press releases and maintain personal contact with key journalists and media executives. As one minder remarked of his own move from journalist to media manager: "the transition from poacher to gamekeeper was simple: you use the same weapons, you just point them the other way." (Dennis Atkins quoted in Electoral and Administrative Review Commission., 1992, p. 17) The second way governments manage the media is via publicity officers employed by government departments to assist in the dissemination of information on government policy and operations. While their work involves some day-to-day press liaison, public education campaigns have become a key part of the work of departmental publicity officers. They seek to communicate directly with the public by commissioning advertising, coordinating community events, ensuring a web presence and designing and distributing brochures and other information materials. These campaigns have been particularly cost effective in promoting health and road safety campaigns (see for example, Cameron, 1996) and have also been used to confront sexism in the workplace, address bullying in schools, promote tourism and public transport and advocate compliance with plant and livestock quarantine. Governments are constantly making decisions that affect peoples’ lives so individuals and interest groups from local environmental organisations to large corporations seek to influence the outcome of government decisions by lobbying politicians and public servants. The

systematic development of sustained lobbying campaigns utilising not only personal and institutional contact but also media management and coalition-building is described as “public affairs” and has now become part of the apparatus that exerts control over governments. The traditional lobbyist was typically a retired minder who could tap the "old boys' network", but now lobbyists have to organise complex campaigns utilising new information technologies to research and deliver decisive arguments in the appropriate forums at the right moment to advance their position. Innovative use of volunteers, media events and new technologies by activists can overcome even the most entrenched industries— as the work of the anti-smoking lobby and Greenpeace show (Spybey, 1996). Campaign Techniques All forms of political campaigns seek to persuade target audiences by managing the message communicated to them via the media. The core campaign message is more than words and pictures. The message is a version of the game plan that seeks to coherently combine image, emotion and logic to position people and ideas convincingly. In the ebb and flow of the campaign, external developments and the work of opponents require message managers to spin debate back to the campaign’s core message and thus massage precisely those segments of the audience needed to prevail. In the classical forum, the speaker could look around to gauge the nature of the audience and its response to arguments put. In a mass society, campaigns depend on research to understand their audience. Initially demographic and historical research is used to comprehend the terrain of the campaign, the segments of the audience and their previous experience of the relevant issues. Then a mix of large-scale quantitative polling and small group qualitative research is used to target the key audience and track the effectiveness of the campaign message. It is important for campaign workers to appreciate the limitations of quantitative and qualitative research which is too often used to second- guess the campaign’s

success rather than as a tool to create the next phase of the campaign. Research is most productive when quantitative and qualitative forms are interwoven to constantly refine the questions asked to better understand the decisionmaking processes of the target audience. Media polling, particularly self- selected polls, are particularly suspect. While debate continues about the political effects of the mass media, campaigns seek to communicate their messages via all channels consumed by the target audience: newspapers, radio, television, billboards and the internet. In seeking free coverage in the editorial portions of the media, the campaign monitors the media, prepares press releases, holds press conferences, produces web pages, runs media events and major events including launches and debates but, above all, talks to journalists. To communicate more directly with the audience, the campaign seeks opportunities on talkback radio and TV talk shows, in letters to editors and even in dramatic forms. For greatest effect, the free media message should be coordinated to complement and cohere with advertising. Paid advertising allows the campaign to bond together the matrix of ideas, images, policies and arguments that make up the message into a moment of emotional exchange directly with the audience. The range of advertising styles for different media, their appropriate combination and media-buying methods to maximise reach to target audiences are important issues to be addressed within the context of the campaign’s planning and budget. Direct contact is still the most persuasive form of political communication. Interpersonal contact at meetings, events and in the doorway develop a personal relationship. The problem is that, if not well planned, these contacts can be timeconsuming and ineffective at convincing the target audience. However, audience segmentation and canvassing can generate lists of targeted individuals who can then be engaged in interactive communication by direct mail, phonebanking, e-mail, doorknock visits or special purpose meetings and events. To achieve strategic effectiveness, the campaign requires a high degree of organisation to

ensure there is no duplication of processes and as little energy as possible directed to non-productive exercises. The campaign should produce an organizational flowchart with clearly defined roles and timelines for each of those roles to ensure a coordinated approach to achieving goals. Computers play an important role in managing and tracking the target audience, personnel, finances and resources. Regardless of the size or kind of campaign, fund-raising is a key activity and should be scheduled into the time- line. The campaign budget should be overseen by the finance committee which works not only to raise money but to also achieve a high degree of coherence between fund-raising events and the campaign message. Financial reporting requirements now apply to many campaigns and great care must be taken to ensure that those returns are accurate, transparent and in the appropriate form. Conclusion From the taxonomic work above, a number of insights emerge with potential for further theoretical development. In the first instance, it is clear that political campaigns are more than marketing exercises. While both processes use similar techniques to segment audiences and position the things they are pitching, marketing is the process of selling goods and services, at most convincing the consumer to engage in a commercial transaction, while campaigning seeks rather to persuade citizens to a point of view. While the marketeer is seeking to attract as many customers as possible, the campaigner is really interested in just those whose support is needed to prevail. Most importantly, while marketing is essentially a simple science, political campaigns are complex, cross-disciplinary exercises that include not only marketing but also elements of political science, public relations, psychology, statistics, military history, game theory, media theory, rhetoric, literature and classics. The complexity of campaign communication processes offers a second theoretical insight. The communication process is generally conceived as a two-way relationship between the sender and

receiver, but the literature on political campaigns is never certain whether that relationship is between campaigner and audience (as political marketers would argue) or between media and audience (as media effects theorists would imply). There is even the suggestion in some work that the crucial relationship is between the campaigner and the opinion leaders of the media. Consideration of the practicalities of the campaign suggests that it is in fact ruled by a tripartite process between campaigner, media and audience, with each pursuing both active and reactive relationships with the others. This insight leads to a recognition of the interactive and even cybernetic nature of the campaign that depends on a constantly adapting process of communication and response. Rather that locking into one position, one audience and one channel, the campaign is constantly rewriting its message into an array of communications relevant to key segments of the audience, targeting those segments via multiple media channels, tracking their response, spinning a refined version of the position, adjusting the positive/negative mix and sending out another multiplicity of communications before again tracking audience response and creating an even more refined version of the position. The point of research, as was noted above, is not to judge the success of the campaign but to see how to take it to the next stage. In this way, while only a few campaign interactions are face-to-face, the campaign itself takes the form of a conversation that is constantly evolving. While the campaign requires planning and organisation, there is an organic facet of it that resists ossification and is constantly self- correcting on the edge of the future. Perhaps this fluid and unfinished moment of the campaign provides a path out of the paradox of representative democracy and responds to the negative critique of political campaigns with a call to action. This move requires consideration of what political consultants call “the juice” —that mixture of money, power, determination and strategy required to run any successful political campaign. Money is, of course, at the heart of the campaign industry and campaign finance reform

is one attempt to restrict the flow of the juice between the most powerful segments of society. History suggests that campaign finance reform is doomed to failure as lawyers will always find a way around limitations. There may be a more productive approach making the campaign process transparent so that citizens can grasp the levers of democracy themselves and produce their own juice. The history of insurgent, upset victories and the ability of small organisation to outflank large show that even money and power can be challenged by determination and strategy. References Ansolabehere, S., & Iyengar, S. (1995). Going negative. New York: Free Press. Aristotle (1991). The Art of rhetoric. London: Penguin. Barrett, H. (1987). The sophists. Novato: Chandler & Sharp. Baumgartner, J. C. (2000). Modern presidential electioneering. Westport, CN: Praeger. Berelson, B., Lazarsfeld, P., & McPhee, W. (1954). Voting. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Blumenthal, S. (1980). The permanent campaign. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Bowra, C.M. (1962). Primitive song. London: Weidenfield & Nicholson. Calder, D.G. (Ed.). (1983). Sources and analogues of Old English poetry II. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer. Cameron, M., & Newstead, S. (1996). Mass media publicity supporting police enforcement and its economic value. Public Health Association of Australia Annual Conference. Retrieved Feb 28, 2002, from http://www.general.monash.edu.au/muarc/medi a/media.htm

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Tiffen, R. (1989). News and power. Allen & Unwin. Author Note Stephen Stockwell, School of Arts, Griffith University.

Sydney:

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dr Stephen Stockwell, School of Arts, Griffith University, Gold Coast Campus, Griffith University PMB Box 50 Gold Coast Mail Centre 9726 E-mail: [email protected]