Ashton Hoff ID# 904508303 Issues in US History Tanks in Tiananmen On June 4th, 1989, a month and a half of mass democratic movements initiated by Chinese students ended with a military crackdown in Tiananmen Square. What began in Tiananmen with rejoicing came to a halt with a brutal crackdown, ending the lives of many students. This mass movement of democracy changed Chinese politics and raised outcries of human rights violations in the international community; some of the strongest protests and outrages came from the United States.

This incident heightened tensions within Chinese-US

relations and continues to impact our world today. This essay examines the events occurring in China during the spring 1989, how the United States reacted, and the effects this had on world politics.

A Brief History of the Student Movement It is impossible to understand the United States reaction to Tiananmen Square without knowing the events leading up to the military crackdown on June 4th, which touched not only the Chinese people but also the rest of the world. For almost two months reporters had watched the student demonstrations, and now looked on in horror as the mass movement was crushed. These reporters, who were in China to cover the historic Gorbachev visit, soon began reporting on another issue, one that quickly overshadowed Gorbachev and affected Chinese and American politics for years. This event was the student demonstrations in Tiananmen Square and really

2 began with the death of Hu Yaobang, a prominent Chinese politician and advocate of political reform.1 Hu Yaobang died April 15, 1989. Although he had recently been purged from the party, his supporters amongst the students organized demonstrations in his memory. Students from five Beijing Universities began to organize and soon declared the demonstrations had developed into a movement for democratic principles and a protest against widespread corruption. The student leaders then presented seven accepted principles, among them, the restoration of Hu’s reputation, affirmation for freedom of the press, and opening up the salaries and taxes of top party officials to public scrutiny.2 Although Hu’s death was the initial spark, the movement happened behind a backdrop of dissent, rising inflation, and official corruption. Soon more Chinese joined the protests including labor workers and journalists seeking less censorship. These journalists joined the demonstrations after issuing their own petition of demands in early May. The date of Gorbachev’s visit rapidly approached and with students still in Tiananmen Square on the day the visit was scheduled, May 15th, Chinese leaders felt the embarrassment caused by the mass media attention. As the demonstrations continued and the government refused to engage in dialogues with the student leadership, many students resorted to more drastic measures. On May 19th, 3000 students began a hunger strike, which gained wide support from the public. This caused the hardliners of the government to denounce these actions as “dung luan” or turmoil. This continued by labeling these students as “counterrevolutionaries” a term used during the Culture Revolution and carrying a negative connotation for the Chinese people. However the students 1

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Suzanna Ogden., ed Global Studies: China, (Guilford: McGraw-Hill/Dushkin, 2006), 10-11. James C.F. Wang. Contemporary Chinese Politics (Upper Saddle River: Pearson Education Inc., 2002) 277-287.

3 were undeterred exclaiming “the student movement is not turmoil but a patriotic campaign for democracy”.3 While the government continued denouncing the student movement, many students were having bigger problems. Hundreds of people were fainting and experiencing physical complications from days of fasting. One observer stated “the fasting moved some demonstrators to tears, as they watched ambulances carry weakened students to the hospital.” 4 On May 20th Zhao Ziyang, a strong supporter of the students and active party member, urged the students to end their hunger strike and their physical suffering. The students complied and instead initiated a sit-in around the “goddess of democracy”. This statue would become a symbol for the demonstrators and is often compared to the Statue of Liberty. Later that day on May 20th the hardliners in the party became fed up with the protestors. Premier Li Peng issued a statement that martial law would be enforced, all reporters were to be banned from the square, and demonstrations and protests were unlawful. 5 This heightened tension between the People’s Liberation Army and demonstrators lasted for a few days because of the unwillingness of some army officials to fire on their own people. This came to the forefront of the debate with the army surrounded Beijing on June 2nd. Top party officials warned the demonstrators to leave and abandon their occupation of the square. Students were warned “should anyone ignore this advice and challenge authority, martial law, army police, and armed police have power to use whatever means necessary to force him to obey the order.” 6 Despite this warning student attitudes never wavered. One student embodied the attitudes of others: “I will defend Tiananmen Square with my young life. My head may be 3

Photographers and reporters of the Ming Pao News. June Four: A Chronicle of the Chinese Democratic Uprising. (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1989) 75-76. 4 Sheryl WuDunn. “150,000 Lift Their Voices for Change.” New York Times 16 May 1989: A12. 5 Wang. Contemporary Chinese Politics ) 277-287.

4 chopped off, my blood may be shed, but the people’s square must not be abandoned.”7 On June 4th these tensions finally came to a head when the PLA opened fire on student demonstrators at 2 o’clock a.m. Chaos followed with gunshots and tanks everywhere. Finally on June 5th the government officially ended the Tiananmen Square massacre. The total numbers of causalities are unknown, but Red Cross estimates are about 3,000 dead and 30,000 injured. Among them were innocent children, including a nine year old child with nine bullet wounds, and a three or four year old child shot seven times. After the military crackdown many of the leaders of the student movement were arrested and later tried. 8 The Story of Tiananmen in Pictures (all pictures taken from http://www.christusrex.org/www1/sdc/massacre.html)

The People’s Square at the height of the demonstrations. 6

Many groups eventually joined the students in a call for democracy

Photographers and reporters of the Ming Pao News. June Four.142. Yi Mu and Mark V. Thompson. Crisis at Tiananmen: Reform and Reality in Modern China. (San Francisco: China Books and Periodicals, Inc, 1989.) 84. 8 Photographers and reporters of the Ming Pao News. June Four: A Chronicle of the Chinese Democratic Uprising. 133-164. 7

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This is the goddess of democracy and is often likened to the Statue of Liberty

Above are more images of protestors around the time of Gorbachev’s visit; the image on the right is of the student leaders, who organized the initial demonstrations.

After days on a hunger strike (as seen above) many of the students were sent to hospitals

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This image became one of the most prominent photos of the massacre, as this young man stood down the tanks for hours before another demonstrator removed him. This would inspire the world and touch many in China, whose cries for democracy would soon be silenced. Below are some images after the massacre: students grieving or bloody from fights with the army

7 The Visible and Immediate Response of the United States After the June 4th military crackdown, there was a huge backlash from the United States. Even though many already knew the tension building would lead to bloodshed, many others were still hopeful of a new rising China. However the response from the United States didn’t begin after the crackdown. For months western reporters, originally slated to cover Gorbachev’s visit, were sending reports back of the student movement. This provided millions of Americans with nearly two months of coverage, which would fascinate and horrify the United States. The responses that came were complex and far reaching. When the demonstrations in Beijing began, many Americans watched hopefully believing that these protests would lead to a democratic China. In the months leading up to the crackdown “US and Canadian citizens donated money generously and spontaneously” in the hopes of furthering this movement9. However as tensions in the square rose, many Americans within China found themselves leaving Beijing or simply remaining indoors. American offices in China were closed and the families of employees were escorted out of the country. The state department and the United States embassy urged a delay of travel for many seeking to enter Beijing. This further served to place pressure on the government, which was seeking to end these demonstrations. The events which came shocked the western world, as top party officials in China sought a return to normalcy.10 On June 6, two days after the beginning of the military crackdown, President Bush responded to the use of force against the Chinese students. He instituted several policies as a reaction to the massacre by the Chinese government stating “I think it is important the Chinese 9

Mu, Yi, and Mark V. Thompson. Crisis at Tiananmen. 74. Nancy H. Kreisler. “Delay Urged in China Travel; Companies Cautious.” New York Times 24 May 1989: A10.

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8 realize this is not business as usual.”11 The President offered medical and humanitarian relief to victims of the military crackdown, many of them students, who were already flooding Beijing hospitals with injuries. He then extended the visas of Chinese students within the United States, who feared what would happen when they returned to China.

US representatives also sought to

block Chinese borrowing from world organizations. At the time “China’s borrowing from the World Bank alone amount[ed] to 8 billion.”12 Most importantly he stopped military contracts and technology exchanges with China. This would be one of the most important policies of the conflict. President Bush stated that this was designed “aiming not at the Chinese people but at the military arrangements.”13 Since 1979 when the US opened relations with china approximately $748 million in weapons had been sold.14

The total value of these military and

technological exchanges in 1989 was approximately 600 million dollars, and was important to the increasing development of China.

Soon other western nations, praising these policies,

would institute similar strategies.15 Despite these many measures President Bush’s responses to the Tiananmen Square massacre were viewed by many as not harsh enough. A huge backlash against the president occurred throughout the country but most noticeable in Congress where members argued that more action needed to be taken. One congressman declared “if Bush doesn’t act fast Congress will do it for him.”16 On June 29th, in a move the Bush administration called superfluous the House of Representatives voted on economic sanctions against China. These sanctions passed 418-0 in the House and later in the Senate by a closer margin. The essence of these sanctions was 11

Hicks, George, ed. The Broken Mirror: China After Tiananmen. (Chicago: St. James Press, 1990) 236. 12 “Firm Not Just Angry, Toward China.” New York Times 22 June, 1989: A22. 13 “President’s News Conference on Foreign and Domestic Issues.” New York Times 9 June 1989: A22. 14 Thomas L. Friedman. “Administration Ponders Steps on China.” New York Times 5 June 1989: A12. 15 , Rober Suettinger. Beyond Tiananmen: the Politics of US-China Relations, 1989-2000. (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2003) 41-88.

9 simply to put into law the policies already in place by the Bush administration. Still many accused the President of being too sympathetic based on his time as an ambassador to China in 1974-75. Public outcries continued as he vetoed a bill for Chinese students to receive asylum in the United States indefinitely. The Bush administration did appear to have a moderate approach to the situation maintaining the US “still need[ed] a strong relationship with China to counterbalance the Soviet Union.”17 The left would remain critical of Bush for not holding the People’s Republic of China accountable and protecting the human rights of the Chinese people.18 Although many of problems within the Sino-American relations have since been resolved, the one reaction which remains is that of the American people. In the minds of many Americans, China is still a violent oppressor of human rights keeping the joy of democracy from millions. Some of the more radical protestors even urged the United States ambassador to China, James Lilley, to be recalled. Before the crackdown, 65 to 72 percent of Americans were favorable to China, but after the crackdown that number decreased to between 16 to 34 percent. The violent images of Chinese citizens being run over by tanks, shot down by their own army, or the brave students standing up to tanks, is ingrained in the minds of Americans. This is further expounded by the lack of Chinese openness about the massacre. Officially the Chinese government has still not released those reports or declared realistic causalities numbers (PRC claims only about 300 people died), and many student leaders are still imprisoned for their involvement. As Robert Suettinger reported in Beyond Tiananmen, one congressman announced “It is important for the Chinese to know that our relationship with them in the future will be determined in no small measure by how they resolve the crisis….if they should attempt to resolve it by using force, by incarcerating demonstrators, possibly even by killing thousands of 16 17

.Friedman. “Administration Ponders Steps on China.” A12. . Thomas L. Friedman, . “Taking the Measure of a “Measured Response.” New York Times 2 July 1989. E3.

10 fellow citizens, by incarcerating tens of thousands of others, then I have to say…that it would inevitably have significantly adverse consequences for the relationship between our two countries.”19 The images of Tiananmen haunt Americans and continue to shadow over ChineseAmerican relations, to this day.20 Invisible Effects of the Massacre The United States reaction to the Tiananmen Square massacre changed the history of world politics permanently. The leadership of China has been shaped by this cultural taboo, which many Chinese still don’t talk about, the former economic reforms in China were temporarily halted and many companies pulled out of China, the European Union-United States arms embargo is still in place, and most importantly more attention is given to other issues in China specifically Taiwan and Tibet. All of these altered the history of US-Chinese relations and the development of China in untold ways. The effect of Tiananmen Square massacre was one of the ultimate determinates of China’s third generation of leadership. Up to that point the three contenders to become Deng’s successor had been Zhao Ziyang, Li Peng, and Yang Shangkun. However the third generation was eventually headed by Jiang Zemin, the mayor of Shanghai at the time of the movement and a relatively unknown party official. How did such a minor party official become the head of the country? The answer lies in Tiananmen Square and the aftermath of the massacre. Li Peng, the premier during the uprising, was the “man held most responsible for the military crackdown” his unpopularity would ultimately be the end of his political career. 21 Zhao Ziyang, a supporter of the students, and the “chief who took blame for Tiananmen Square uprising”, was purged from 18

Hicks. The Broken Mirror: China After Tiananmen.233-244. Suettinger. Beyond Tiananmen. 65. 20 Suettinger,. Beyond Tiananmen. 41-87. 21 “Who’s Who’s.” New York Times 21, Aug. 1994: pg 3. 19

11 the party after the demonstrations. 22 Finally Yang Shangkun was the “official in charge of the military”, and because of his involvement with the People’s Liberation Army ineligible to run the People’s Republic of China. 23 Jiang Zemin was essentially chosen not because of his own achievements but based on his lack of involvement in Tiananmen. The main reasoning for selecting Zemin was “he acted firmly to quell the pro-democratic movement”24 but in Shanghai far from the capital of Beijing.25 Another important effect of the demonstrations was a temporary economic plunge for China. Even before the crackdown, the Hong Kong market fell 11 percent. “It was the greatest plunge in a single day here since the worldwide market collapse of 1987.”26 Many companies not only closed their offices in Beijing during the crackdown but in the aftermath “one lawyer advise[d] clients to think about how to end operations.”27 These changes also happened within the central government of China. After Tiananmen the government halted the economic reforms of a decade in favor of a recentralization of many economic activities. This would only end after Deng Xiaoping’s South China Tour in 1992, where he urged economic reform to increase again.28 One of the most controversial responses of the Tiananmen Square massacre was the European Union-United States arms embargo against China. This embargo was an all out refusal to trade military weapons and intelligence with China. In 2005 the European Union considered removing the embargo but this was challenged by the United States. The United States believing 22

“Who’s Who’s.” New York Times 21, Aug. 1994: pg 3. “Who’s Who’s.” New York Times 21, Aug. 1994: pg 3. 24 Nicholas D. Kristof. “China oust Zhao and Picks Leaders Tough on Dissent.” New York Times 25, June 1989: pg 1. 25 Nicholas D. Kristof. “China oust Zhao and Picks Leaders Tough on Dissent.” New York Times 25, June 1989: pg 1. 26 Barbara Baslers. “Hong Kong Market Falls over Unrest.” New York Times 23 May 1989: A14 27 Nancy Kreisler. “US Companies Consider Options for Business in China.” New York Times 12, June 1987: D5 28 Wang. Contemporary Chinese Politics. 277-287. 23

12 that China still denounces human rights, especially in its relations with Taiwan, urged the European Union to keep the embargo in place. In addition the United States cites the unwillingness of the Chinese government to recognize peaceful protests and its continued suppression of demonstrations. While the ending of the embargo is still up for debate in the future, for now it remains a problem for the Chinese government, who sees it as one of the last vestiges of the Tiananmen Square massacre.29 One of the hardest effects to gauges is the rising support for Tibet and other disputed areas of Greater China. “Raising the issue of human rights in China generally has also given a thrust to concern over abuses in Tibet”.30 Before Tiananmen the Tibetan issue had been largely unnoticed by the international community. After the massacre it has become a rising issue in global politics. What had been viewed as a domestic dispute between the exiled Dali Lama and the Chinese Government is now viewed as a possible violation of human rights against freedom of religion and from persecution. One contemporary example of this is the movie “Seven Years in Tibet”, which shows the Chinese takeover and harsh policies dealing with Tibet. Another example is in the many celebrities, who are photographed with the Dali Lama, for example Richard Gere. This fascination with Tibet, Taiwan, and other areas in China is simply one effect of a rising China and its reputation in the international community.31 Although it is approaching the 18th year reunion of the student demonstrations, visitors eight years ago on the tenth year reunion noticed “the regime went to extraordinary length to ensure there was no commemoration, no demonstration, no disturbance in or about 29

The Heritage Foundation: Policy Research and Analysis. March 2, 2005. The Heritage Foundation. October 22, 2006 http://www.heritage.org/Research/Europe/hl866.cfm; Pfatlzgraff, L Robert, Jr. “Sino-American Relations Since Tiananmen Square” in After Tiananmen Square : challenges for the Chinese-American relationship. (Washington : Brassey's 1990) 104-117. 30 Nicholas D Kristof. “How Tiananmen Square Helped Rally Support for Tibet.” New York Times 18, Aug. 1991: E4

13 Tiananmen.”32 The protests remain a taboo in China, even today, and have continued to effect the position of the United States towards China. The reaction of the United States, with all its complex nuances, had a profound impact on China, although it still has failed to gain the democracy so many students fought for in 1989.

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Nicholas D. Kristof. “How Tiananmen Square Helped Rally Support for Tibet.” New York Times 18, Aug. 1991: E4 32 Suettinger, Beyond Tiananmen. 12.

14 Bibliography “Firm Not Just Angry, Toward China.” New York Times, 22 June,1989: A22. “President’s News Conference on Foreign and Domestic Issues.” New York Times, 9 June 1989: A22. -All of the newspaper articles were essential towards piecing together the essay but this article demonstrated the direct response from the President. After reading about the response from the United States it was important to draw my own conclusions from a primary source directly from the leader of the United States. “Who’s Who’s.” New York Times 21 Aug 1994: pg 3. Baslers, Barbara. “Hong Kong Market Falls over Unrest.” New York Times, 23 May 1989: A14. Friedman, L. Thomas. “Taking the Measure of a “Measured Response.” New York Times, 2 July 1989. E3. Friedman, L. Thomas. “Administration Ponders Steps on China.” New York Times, 5 June 1989: A12. The Heritage Foundation: Policy Research and Analysis. March 2, 2005. The Heritage Foundation. October 22, 2006 http://www.heritage.org/Research/Europe/hl866.cfm Hicks, George, ed. The Broken Mirror: China After Tiananmen. Chicago: St. James Press, 1990. Kreisler Nancy. “Delay Urged in China Travel; Companies Cautious.” New York Times, 24 May 1989: A10. Kreisler, Nancy. “US Companies Consider Options for Business in China.” New York Times, 12 June 1987: D5. Kristof D. Nicholas. “How Tiananmen Square Helped Rally Support for Tibet.” New York Times, 18 Aug 1991: E4. -This source was really important because it highlighted some of the long term effects of Tiananmen. When I found this source I began to look for other long term consequences of the actions by the Chinese government and helped to complete a significant part of the paper. Kristof, Nicholas. “China oust Zhao and Picks Leaders Tough on Dissent.” New York Times, 25 June 1989: pg 1. Mu, Yi, and Mark V. Thompson. Crisis at Tiananmen: Reform and Reality in Modern China. San Francisco: China Books and Periodicals, Inc, 1989. Ogden, Suzanne, ed. Global Studies: China. Guilford: McGraw-Hill/Dushkin 2006.

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Pfatlzgraff, Robert, Jr. “Sino-American Relations Since Tiananmen Square” in After Tiananmen Square : Challenges for the Chinese-American Relationship. (Washington : Brassey's 1990) 104117. Photographers and reporters of the Ming Pao News. June Four: A Chronicle of the Chinese Democratic Uprising. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1989. -This was quite simply one of my favorite sources to use for this project. I referenced back to it a lot because it was so informative. This was a collection of newspaper articles from China and gave an amazing account of Tiananmen. It went day by day so from April 15th when demonstrations started to the very end I had great primary sources, with great pictures to provide visual accounts. Suettinger, Robert. Beyond Tiananmen: the Politics of US-China Relations, 1989-2000. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2003. -This book detailed before Tiananmen, during Tiananmen and after Tiananmen. One chapter spent a lot of time dealing with the United States response, which was perfect for my project. It presented the information in a more quantitative way so it instead of explaining the US response I could demonstrate it a little more fully. Tiananmen-1989. June 4, 1999. Christus Rex. November 7, 2006. http://www.christusrex.org/www1/sdc/massacre.html -This is the source I used for all my pictures. It is a website dedicated to the Tiananmen massacre and was broken into sections, before the military crackdown and the aftermath. There are tons of more pictures I would have like to include but simply picked some of the best to use for this project. Wang C. F. James. Contemporary Chinese Politics. Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 2002. WuDunn, Sheryl. “150,000 Lift Their Voices for Change.” New York Times 16 May 1989: A12.

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