“Ostrogorski, the Theory of Elites and the Globalization of Politics”
July 13, 2009
“Ostrogorski, the Theory of Elites and the Globalization of Politics”
By Sandra Maria Rodrigues Balão Higher Institute for Social and Political Sciences Technical University of Lisbon
[email protected]
Paper to be presented to the 21 Annual Convention of International Political Science Association «Global Discontents? Dilemmas of Change», Session “RC02”, Panel 100 Chilean Political Science Organization, Santiago/Chile – 12‐16 July, 2009 st
FIRST DRAFT. NOT TO BE QUOTED!!!!
ABSTRACT This paper will explore the fact that having studied the articulation between Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties in England and in the United States of America in the XIXth Century, Moisei Yakovlevich Ostrogorski (M.O.) is a central Elite Theory author. Although his work remains out of the main known lists of fundamental authors to be considered and recommended in an Elite Theory working‐basis reference, in the end he offers one of the most realistic classical analysis one can find on the subject. Within an e‐globalization wave as the one we live in, we must recognize the relevance and bright of his analysis and its actuality, as he can be applied to a Regional and Global political level with great accuracy. The fact is that, in an age of e‐ globalization as in any other, it is of the greatest importance to understand who
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governs this dominant globalization movement because it will give us the answer on very contemporaneous world: is it the majority (masses, the people) or the minority (the few, the Elite)? And how can that few be characterized? Ostrogorski offers a freshly, although not politically correct analysis, and a consequent conclusive path which we can now see that is being applied to different actors.
KEY WORDS Power, Elite, Ostrogorski, Global Democracy, Global Democratic Order, Global Governance, Globalization of Politics, Supranational Power (Geo)politics, Geographies of Power.
METHODOLOGY The methodology is qualitative, based in documental research and participant observation. The analysis is genetic and comparative as it will use synchronic and diachronic facts to the critical‐analytical approach made to contemporaneous reality. In order to achieve the desired objectivity and attentive to the risks inherent to participant observation, the analysis presented will be centered in de facto judgments, rejecting any value or opinion ones. This is meant to be a contribution to a much more extensive exercise of reflexion. We won’t be trying to find the true but, like Karl Popper, consider the social and political facts to find clues to get closer.
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1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. THE AUTHOR
Moisei Yakovlevich Ostrogorski (1854‐1919) studied the British and American Democracy and its articulation with the Organization of Political Parties for a long period1. Born in Grodno, Russia, he was graduated in Law in St. Petersburg and worked for some time in the Russian Public Service. He considered himself a Liberal and was fascinated with the idea of a regime that regarded the People as the most important political actor. He left the Czarist Russia and went to study at the École Libre des Sciences Politiques in Paris, where he arrived at the age of 30. A distinguished student, his interest in Politics soon become clear and he integrated the Working Group on Public and Private Law where he could improve his studies on the organization of the American political parties. In 1887 he presented three conferences on this subject, which were published in the Annales de l'École Libre des Sciences Politiques2. The reasons why I choose to return to Moisei Ostrogorski Analysis of the XIX Century American and English Democracies can be easily found in the actuality and applicability of his conceptual framework to the “global” socio−political reality of present times Democracy statu quo. In fact, he establishes a clear differentiation between the theory (the political discourse) and the action (the reality). Moreover, considering that the path to a Global Democratic Order − which is not a new, but an historical “idea” − appears to be the most important concern to be considered (at least in theory) in what matters to the Globalization of Politics. In a Cfr. OSTROGORSKI, Moisei Yakovlevich, Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties (Two
1
Volumes), Haskell House Publishers Ltd., Publishers of Scarce Scholarly Books, New York, 1970. 2
Cfr. OSTROGORSKI, Moisei, "De l'Organization des Partis Politiques aux États‐Unis", in Annales de
l'École Libre des Sciences Politiques, Ancienne Librairie Germer Bailière et Cie., Félix Alcan Éditeur, Paris, Volume III, 1888 & Volume IV, 1889.
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world where we can easily understand the (co) existence of two completely different dimensions − the ideal and the real − where the democratic criteria is the one to make (all) the difference, the fundamentals of the analysis of M.O. on American and English Democracies could not be better applied. Clearly, the “constructive” model, which has been extended to a global dimension, has its genetics in the American Democracy model which has also been being “exported” to Europe in general terms, and that is why I consider that the contribution of the Russian author is still accurate and able to furnish a new look into the XXIst Century world. Therefore, through the “eyes” of M.O., I will try to show that an extrapolation/adaptation exercise of the analysis he purposes can be done through centuries and come to be applied to the contemporaneous world order and to the construction of the future of globalized Democracy.
2. AMERICAN DEMOCRACY, THEORY OF ELITES POLITICS IN THE XIX CENTURY: THE PAST
AND THE
GLOBALIZATION
OF
Émile Boutmy (1835‐1906) seems to have been one of the most influents teachers of M. O., which is a fact of great importance because the first, studying the English political system tried to demonstrate the way through which different electoral systems could influence the quality of the Members of Parliament (MPs). In doing so, he also questioned the organization and structure of each of the political parties. In fact, the internal discipline of each was dependent of each of the party leaders. Therefore, both aspects were part of the same problem, and both were interdependent3. Moreover, some questions about the value of the political parties, and its real function rose related with problems like representation, corruption and the ballot. So, Boutmy’s expectations about the extra−parliamentary organization (the political party) 3
Cfr. BOUTMY, Émile, Le Développement de la Constitution et de la Société Politique en Angleterre,
Paris, 1887 (2nd Edition), p. 2 ; BOUTMY, Émile, Eléments d’une Psychologie Politique du Peuple Américain, 1906 (2nd Édition. 1st Edition : 1902).
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in England were bad: there will be a reduction in the quality of moral patterns inside those institutions, and the new ones will reveal its incompatibility with the representative system assured by free elections4. His concern is related with the possibility that the representative system could be ruined by the institutionalization of the compulsive mandate, which will make the voters dependent of the professional politician. Therefore, he considered that the universal suffrage becomes a way, a formula that will legitimate the extra−parliamentary forces, which will make political representation something with no meaning: the system, which had allowed People to participate in the legislative process, had proceeded to substitute the mandate by the representation. This transformation would be carried on by some new types of political actors, those to whom Boutmy called the politicians and that, in his opinion formed a special class within the Nation: insolent, violent and stubborn, very restrict in the control of the way MPs used their power and obviously hard to please the masses. Ostrogorski truly believed that within the Democratic System the People was the most important political actor as it would be them to have the Power in their hands as a result of the continuous extension of the universal suffrage (ballot). And, in fact, by the end of the XIXth century, the political parties started to open its doors to a continuously increased number of people. Nevertheless, M.O. was forced to conclude that, in opposition to his first impressions, that same “Power of the People, by the People and for the People” was really concentrated in the hands of a minority which also had, effectively, taken that Power to assume control over the organizational machine of the political party and, as a consequence, of the future of the society as a whole. Therefore, he found that in Democracy, the main actor was not the People but his representatives within the political machine: the bosses, the henchmen, and the boys. Through the analysis of the democratic functioning in articulation with the political parties, he was able to conclude, after long and carefully methodological explanations that there were several serious problems capable of condemn the spirit and practice of Democracy. 4
Cfr. BOUTMY, Émile, Le Développement de la Constitution et de la Société Politique en Angleterre,
Paris, 1887 (2nd Edition), pp. 354−355.
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3. THE PRESENT GLOBALIZATION OF POLITICS: THE THEORY OF ELITES, SUPRANATIONAL DEMOCRATIC GEOGRAPHIES AND (GEO) POLITICS OF POWER BLOCS In practical terms, M.O. analysis contributed to the identification of political machine elite, which had the capacity to concentrate and control the Political5 Power in all dimensions. Therefore, if we consider the extension of this machine model to a world of multiple actors and growing complexity, where the organizational model has multiple different levels… a. local, regional (boroughs/districts), national/state, bilateral geographies and (geo) politics of powers b. supranational regional (European Union, African Union…) geographies and (geo) politics of powers c. supranational transatlantic (NATO) geographies and (geo) politics of powers d. supranational global (UN) geographies and (geo) politics of powers
… and each articulate in several different scope (issues areas), type, nature, dimension, and geographical areas – and inside each of these, many other subdivision levels, it turns to be very easy to understand the importance of the application of the analysis M.O. developed on XIXth centuries American and English Democracy to the socio‐political reality of the present globalization of politics reality.
5
I am using here the concept “Political” in an extended sense. SRB_ISCSP_UTL_Global Discontents? Dilemmas of Change
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“Osstrogorski, the e Theory of Elites and the G Globalization n of Politics”
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Supran national Glo obal geographies and (geo)politicss of powers [UN]
Supranational Reegional geoggraphies and (ge eo)politics o of powers [EEU, AU...]
Local,, Regional [borougghs/districtss] geograaphies and (geo)politics of po owers
Supranatio onal Transatlan ntic g geographie s and (geo)politiccs of powers [NA ATO]
National/Statee
Bilateraal
geographies an nd (geeo)politics o of powers
ggeographies and (geo)politiccs of powerss
+ Eliite / – Masses + Masses / – Elite I argue th hat it fits to o the politiccal challenges complexxity of our ttime and caan be appliied with only minor adaptations. The politiical machin ne elite is present, with w no doubt, not o only inside each indivvidual Statee, but has extended the t ties to the supranational an nd transnattional organizations, also. a Its rep presentativees join efforts in order to secure the statuss quo, and tthe democrratic system m helps it. Th herefore, th he represen ntation of th he People aand of its interests ‐ the ones of th he majority and at the same time,, the collecttive ones – is not assurred. On thee contrary: m most of the time they aare not to b be considereed. Although it can be arrgued that the politicaal parties m modus opera andi are nott tout courtt the same M.O. found in the XIX X century A America, it must be ad dmitted thaat the political processs – specially the political selection of thee candidatees ‐ is not very different. And this t is also true to thee Supranational Organ nizations. Th he choice of o the repreesentatives obeys not to the quaality and co ompetence criteria mo ost of the times, but tto party ma achines hierrarchy and shadow gaames. Someetimes the b boys know what
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they are supposed to be doing and do their job well. But many times (as it often happens in the national Parliaments, Senate or House of Representatives) they have not the slightest idea of what is supposed to be done. So, how can they be representatives of the interests of anyone else but they, themselves and, specially, of those to whom they are in debt for getting the job? It’s the interest of the minority to which they are part of that is secure and not of the majority who have legitimate them in the exercise of the Power. Can we say that it is not like that in the Present? Can we say that in Democracy we really choose our candidates or does the respective machine choose them and we vote in one of the names chosen before for us? M.O. argued that much of the problem is responsibility of the individual’s irresponsibility. Each of the citizens let his sovereign power in the hands of someone that he barely knew, an intermediary who was supposed to act as a speaker and defendant of the will, interests and opinion of each and of all citizens, of the People in the end. But the truth is that such supposition gave way to the irresponsibility of each of the parts. The first because it was like as if he didn’t want to know what was being done in his name and affecting his own life with its consent and legitimating, and the former, because he betrayed the public interest and that of the majority he was supposed to represent, using the Public Goods in his own and exclusive benefit and the Spoils System to pay the political favors and to create, expand and maintain a machine which most visible contribution is the degradation of public life and Democracy. But, the main objective seems to be the expansion of this system to the entire world. As in the big corporations, the scales economies can only be achieved if one has many ways and places where to send and role the products (influences) and services, although inside a restricted and closed circle, which will ensure that the status quo will not be endangered by an outside and unexpected effect. So − like the output in the transnational corporations−, in the supranational politics, the elite assure that outsiders will not take its place. Therefore, in the present we can easily notice that the world is somehow “organized”, mainly, in different regional blocs, which start to be commercial and economic, but that seems to contain inside the germ of the political union will for the future. So, it is not a surprise to find out that the European Union had developed itself SRB_ISCSP_UTL_Global Discontents? Dilemmas of Change
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in that direction, and that the theory purpose of the African Union is the same. Moreover, if we think over the example of the Free Trade Area of the Americas, we can find many similarities with the EU and AU models. We can also think about many other organizations of this kind, like ASEAN, for example. At this point, it seems to me that a conclusion is obvious: all over the world we have been able to assist to several attempts that, in general terms, wanted to transform the entire world − the Planet Earth − in one unique political unity, with a World Government, although in articulation with the existence of the individual unities inside it (the countries). In this point, I consider that the analysis of M.O. makes every sense because it provides many clues on how to assure the maintenance of the citizens’ representation. So, in that way, it contributes to minimize many of the “theory and action” disparities he was able to identify and explore in his studies. Moreover, those clues are to be used, according to M.O. proposal, in order to transform the practice of Democracy a better “exercise” for all. In fact, along his work, we find that he believes in Democracy although he thinks that the model based in the universal suffrage, which has been being applied since the end of the XIX Century, does not assure the due representation of the People. That is the general reason why he purpose as a general solution the existence of temporary political parties as he considered that the existence of a permanent organization, which tends to transform the political party in one institutionalized social construction, is the cause of all (or, at least, of the majority of) the negative behaviors that are associated with the role he play within society. This is of major interest because within the supranational circle of democratic organizations we can notice the existence of an organizational model, which obeys to the same logic we can find at the national level. Therefore, it seems clear to me that, in the same comparative and deductive methodological logic, the M.O. analysis of XIX century American democracy can have here a clear application. Clearly, as in every organization, the strategic orientation and the decision−making process are top−down processes where the majority of the people obey and a minority decides. Therefore, no matter which level of decision and political action definition we are in, the elite is always there to Govern. Although it can be argued that the majority of the political “supranational” organizations are still, mainly, intergovernmental − which means that SRB_ISCSP_UTL_Global Discontents? Dilemmas of Change
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all the decisions are taken by the rule of unanimity consensus −, the possibility of its transformation in effective supranational bodies must be considered and, in that case, as the method of decision is based in the majority vote rule, it will be possible for a member−state to be forced by others to implement a decision which is contrary of its real national interest. Therefore, what do we have? M.O. analysis of disparities between the theory of democracy, the will of the majority of the People and of the Country and the effective political action can be identified again in the present. In fact, a continuous negotiation process takes place every day at all levels of political action. The different actors maintain the classic techniques very actual and its efficacy are always assured. So, the national interest is many times dropped in the benefit of those of the power elite6, of the professional politicians7.
4. THE PATH TOWARDS THE WORLD GLOBALIZATION OF POLITICS: “GLOBAL DEMOCRACY IMPERIUM MUNDI”? In this new century, looking over the "global society" in which we live in and the general rules which guide the functioning of it, we must ask ourselves about the validity of Moisei Ostrogorski fundamental work hypothesis and expand it to the hyperscopic reality of a New World Order that seems to like to be called “Global Democratic Order”. Through the long times of History, mankind had assisted to several moments of Social mutation, transformation and changes: new “Eras”, new “Times”, and new “Orders”. Sometimes deeper and disrupting the established order, others soft and almost imperceptible in the short run. They were named “New Economic Order”, or “New Political Order”. Now, the political discourse dropped the expression “New World Order” and adopted a new conceptual combination: “Global Democratic Order” was the result of the new “waves” of the conjuncture and of the mainstream political and economic discourses. 6
Cfr. MILLS, John Stuart, The Power Elite, …
7
Cfr. OSTROGORSKI, Moisei Yakovlevich, Democracy and the Organization…; SCHUMPETER, Joseph, …
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Therefore, I consider that this concern with a “Global Democratic Order” is not new in its substance, but only in its form and images produced. We all know that the ideological is a very strong and effective way of getting the masses, the majority of the People to gather around a specific objective or goal. So, the substance is the same: the ideological substrate which makes people believe in and “fight” for an idea (l), no matter which or how. On the contrary, the form and images had changed through time. In fact, although we have now a so‐called “democratic” form, we must admit that is hasn’t been always like this. We have had several others – Imperialist, Nationalist, Communist or Nazi, for example – that were all different in the form but the same in the substance. Also, they were all similar in the final goal each one established in general terms: the “unification” of mankind ‐ a single and general idea (l) that remains. Once again, the difference can be found in the argument about the form: what kind of “Unification” would it be? Would there be World Government? And the fact is that even if one doesn’t like to admit, the question of the form8 of each New World/Global World is still very pertinent9. No matter the form, the ideology as a “motor engine” remains effective, and people find it logical and act according to its purposes. With Perestroika in ex‐USSR and the fall of the wall in Berlin, the Democratic form and image was reinforced as the best reference of all. The western world was seen as desirable for all the peoples in the world, namely the poorest ones – those who are the external proletariat of Arnold Toynbee10. Although that was not a new idea, with the end of the Cold War, the western world and Democracy as its major core value were seen as most desirable than ever for each and all human being. Therefore, in a world made of images, this
8
We must take notice that if we speak of Democracies today, there have been through Human history
other World Government models: Alexander the Great and his Empire, or the Mongol Empire are some well known examples. 9
We can take as example, the names of GROTIUS, Hugo, De Jure Belli ac Pacis; ALGHIERI, Dante, De
Monarchia; HOBBES, Thomas, Leviathan; KANT, Immanuel, Perpetual Peace: a philosophical sketch; KRAUSE, Karl, The Archetype of Humanity. More recently: MONBIOT, George, Manifesto for a New World Order. 10
Cfr. TOYNBEE, Arnold, A Study of History, …
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particular image as an ideal representing Heaven in earth acquired the ideological impact of a tsunami wave. That is why we are seen such problems as the migration pressure and the consequent need for integrating that citizens in Europe (EU) acquiring a major relevance. So, the burden sharing is not only a problem of refugees but also a general problem, which I consider can be extended to the people that are trying to find a better place to live, to work or to raise their children. And the main reason for this can perhaps be found in the inexistence of the political will − local and global − which is responsible for making things happen (or not). Therefore, such matters as Cooperation and Public Development Aid are things that are intimately related with the goals each actor define as priority, in accordance with the political will of each Government − in the name of the National Interest, naturally. But, Cooperation is not giving. Cooperation and Public Development Aid is helping to create and to develop the necessary conditions in order to assure that better conditions will make other people will be able to live by them. 1.
Hierarchy of the Elite in Geographies of Power Concentric Circles ‐ Influence ‐ Power (exercise + projection) + Members 3rd Outer Circle Elite (National/State G of P)
2nd Outer Circle Elite (big in‐between G of P)
1st Outer Circle Elite (big global G of P)
Inner Circle Elite (World)
+ Influence + Power (exercise + projection) ‐ Members Source: BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues, 2009
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5. SYSTEMATIC DEMOCRATIC PROBLEMS AND THE GOVERNING ELITE
These are only some of the problems identified and explored by M.O. in the XIXth century and, due to their persistence along time and space, I will present it as thesis because they characterize contemporaneous globalization of politics.
5.1. CORRUPTION THESIS
Those named as plutocrats by M.O. – the ones who concentrated in their hands the economic and financial power – are still the ones that dominate politics in its national and transnational dimensions because economic interests seriously influence the rules of political game. Associated to this relation that directly and indirectly is established between these two realities, there is a third element to be considered: corruption.
13 th
In M.O. XIX century analysis, it was found in the form and criteria defined to public functions nominations and in the way public goods were considered and used by citizens in general and politicians in particular. These goods were of the utmost importance because it represented the spoils to be used and distributed by the winner party machine. Through its existence, the party machine was allowed to use them and to pay through its use the political debts which were accumulated during the electoral process to guarantee victory. Besides, they represented, also, the spare changes used to pay to all the members of the party organization the efforts and the work done. This will keep them satisfied and ready to continue their submission to the party power. In order not to have to deal with this phenomenon, Ostrogorski proposed the substitution of the criteria to have access to public functions, which were based on political clienteles, social class or family name. Therefore, the valorization of individual qualities, merit in the development of functions and the conduct were to be the rule. Meritocracy was M.O. proposal to fight against corruption, but the fact is that it keeps going on and the access to public jobs is still a matter of political family name or other.
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The politics of the party in charge is still that which is illustrated by the sentence: “Jobs for the boys!” The public goods are still, yet, good targets. The access and manipulation of information as it is supposed to reach the common citizen is another form of corruption which is very common in societies. But the truth is that we live in permanent contact with corruption and there is no single country that can say that it doesn’t exist at all. What is generally known and accepted as true is that it is in the top of the power pyramids that it is usually found creating spectacular scandals which are very useful to the media and amusing to the public opinion.
5.2. SUPREMACY OF NON−PUBLIC & NON−COLLECTIVE INTERESTS THESIS
The private political party interests tend to achieve supremacy, in all circumstances, when compared to the public interests and goods. Facing this, he elaborated an antithesis based in a solution that seems to be a credible alternative: temporary parties or, as we like to call it, ad hoc parties. In his opinion, the great majority of the problems societies used to face were the result of the existence of established political parties. Consequently, it was possible that its members, in general, and the leaders in particular were able to develop several strategies and principles of action that were intimately dependents of a fundamental item: continuity. Without it, probably, it wouldn’t be possible that a large number of bad habits and prejudices that allow politicians to be the heirs of public goods, central to the spoils system culture continue to abuse of it while the common citizen were kept on the margin, without any kind of privilege, even if resulting of its use. The ad hoc parties there will be the possibility of a biggest objectivity in the identification and resolution of the problems. Therefore, the organization would be created with the purpose of solving a specific problem. When the situation was settled, the ad hoc party would cease their existence. In this context, there would be no fix and permanent structures, with a big number of men which would be dependent of it to survive while living to serve it. The situation in the contemporaneous world remains quite the same: public goods are always used to serve party interests and permanent parties continue to be
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one of the fundamental references in the way western society is organized. All social organization, in its different dimensions, continues to be dependent from the political party organization, and the management of the social forces equilibrium is made having in its base the principles of the political organization that, in its turn, has respected the indications of the economic organization. And this gives way to another important issue which is related either to corruption or the political parties financing practices and policies. This is matter that will never be really solved because it is entirely dependent from the interests and influence relation which is established between the two main areas that assure the working and progress of any society: economics and politics. The financing of political parties is related to this symbiotic relation and this is the way that economic power had found to influence decisions related to electoral campaign and political decisions of the party in power and of the opposition, also. This way will ease the access to favorable legislation in what matters to questions related with the activities in which they are involved. But when the exercise of power becomes preferable to the exercise of authority the notion of service is completely lost, especially when that exercise obeys to popularity criteria.
5.3. POWER IMAGE THESIS
This comes as intimately related to the important leadership crisis identified in
that time, by the Russian author. In fact, M.O. considered that the fact that the principles of political life in a democratic society were not in the hands of the majority of people ‐ which is who, theoretically, have the power and delegates it in its representatives; who chooses its will through universal suffrage, and the right to vote – but in the hands of a powerful and well organized minority with the only purpose of conquer, exercise and keep the power, as extremely negative. Therefore, Ostrogorski was forced to conclude that the real owners of the power were kept occults by their boys that, appearing to be the effective leaders in face of the public opinion, were no more than simple dolls as in any big picture
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scenario. When the machine tried to disguise this reality by introducing in the electoral lists candidates’ names of personalities of recognized value, the objective was clear: using it as a “call” to get a biggest number of votes, but without letting the referred candidate have any possibility of being elected – also because he didn’t serve the interests of the machine. Therefore, all the real functioning of the democratic system is but a farce. When facing this huge problem, M.O. thought that the solution may be found in the political education of the masses in order to assure that they could have an informed public opinion, capable of resisting and not being manipulated and used by the minority. The institution of a preferable system of vote could lead to the individual choice of each candidate and help to improve responsibility. But the truth is that nothing has really changed. Today the “image” continues to act as if nothing more exists. Top public figures as State leaders keep going in their task of getting the public jobs to assure that others through them implement policies that serve not their countries interests, but third party ones, of a few – and not of the majority which had voted in them and made them being elected with the necessary help of the media which is responsible for building or destroying images and candidates.
5.4. LACK OF PUBLIC OPINION REPRESENTATION THESIS
The results achieved through universal suffrage didn’t correspond to those that
could be considered as representatives of what public opinion thought and felt. Therefore, the conclusion of M.O. pointed out that this public opinion which were not politically educated comes to be a mere instrument manipulated by the few and accordingly to its interests and wills. The solution could be found in the enlargement of the suffrage and in the actualization of the electoral lists. But as had happened before in England, in the United States, the problem of this task was difficult alike. Corruption, fraud and blackmail were very well known practices.
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And although things can be considered to be much better now when compared with the past, the truth is that many things are yet to be done. The manipulation capacity of media is also an element to be considered as current and actual. And with a growing tendency for influencing people namely to assure a lack of attention and of worry with what really matters. Therefore, the entertainment function is seen as very useful and capable of occupy the brains and keep them distracted and with no reaction. It is the tittytainment function, so appreciated by the politicians.
5.5. SUPREMACY OF THE INTERESTS OF THE GOVERNING MINORITY THESIS
We have already analyzed the fact that the interests of the majority are relegated for second plan when confronted with those of the few who govern. And that bigger group of people accepts the effects of the power silence, too. In a society which functioning is dependent of the prosecution of the interests of a minority which governs by using the biggest number to legitimize the concretization of its class interests, everything is done in order to make that majority of people believe that all activities done by the few who govern was previously defined as fundamental and for its own good. And the fact is that the government of democratic model societies is, in fact, a minority government, of the ruling class, of professional politicians. This few who governs tends to assume in the contemporaneous world a new dimension, transnational, of which we can refer as an example, the European Commission and NATO. That is why we notice the existence of a weak work of the professional politicians that, in the development of their functions are not able to guarantee the safety of its State interests, changing it for a false consensus, in the majority of the situations.
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2.
Hierarchy of the Elite in Power (Geo) Politics Concentric Circles
‐
‐ Influence Power (exercise + projection) + Members
Individual States
UE, UA, ASEAN...
NATO, UN, WTO...
Elite Inner Circle (World)
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+ Influence + Power (exercise + projection) ‐ Members Source: BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues, 2009
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“Ostrogorski, the Theory of Elites and the Globalization of Politics”
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5.6. BALLOT THESIS (…) 5.7. REGULARITY THESIS (…)
5.8. TOLERANCE THESIS (…)
5.9. POLITICAL FORMALITY THESIS (…)
5.10. MACHINERY THESIS When we consider the first hypothesis of M.O. according which it is the majority of the People, the voters, the ones who really choose their leaders (those that more and better qualities have to represent their interests in decision‐making and decision‐ taking processes), we must conclude that in general terms the reality come to be completely disturbed. In fact, the candidates, which are brought to us in order to be chosen, are not our choice, for real. They are "picked up" by a minority within the political machines, which, in our names, do that job. And, of course, the criteria of the choice must be such that can guarantee that the interests in the table are secured. We are important just because we are supposed to legitimate those choices, and nothing more.
5.11. COWARDLY THESIS (…)
5.12. MODULATION THESIS (…)
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5.13. SOCIAL INTIMIDATION THESIS (…)
5.14. TEMPORARY POLITICAL PARTIES’ THESIS ‐ THE SOLUTION (…)
CONCLUSION Elite theory is all about power. It is all about conquer, exercise and maintenance ‐ by the few, the minority. And that is why I recall the contributions of Moisei Yakovlevich Ostrogorski. Although we all know Mas Weber and Robert Michels, it is important to clarify several important aspects related to its lives and academic contributions. Also, the brilliant contribution of this Russian author deserves to be revisited and applied its analytical XIXth century model to contemporaneous societies, considering with particular interest the Globalization of Politics in the XXIst century. As societies had been changing during history, the social actors had changed also. If we know changes of the territorial configuration and organization of geographies of power (adapted from Rodrigues, …) that were what we can call open space geographies of power and turned to be realms geographies of power, than national/state geographies of power, to become supranational regional and supranational global geographies of power, it is obvious that Elite has also changed through times. Its dimension is now supranational – regional or global ‐, as well as the world in which it has to work. As the national/state geographies of power had transformed themselves to become part of supranational regional and supranational global geographies of power, the Elite had to do the same. It is organized in a hierarchical manner and as with the national/state geographies of power have (in general) less power than the supranational regional and supranational global ones, the Elite seems to obey to the same logic. Therefore, the Elite have, usually, a political power that seems to be proportional to the State real (Geo) political power. The richer a State is the most powerful its governing Elite would be. And this is true to the national/State level as for the supranational ones. Moreover, as we go from the first to the second and third levels
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we are considering in this analysis, the Elite seem to be more and more specialized. Furthermore, and as with the national/state geographies of power, the supranational regional and supranational global ones tend to be constituted by small groups with few individuals. The main difference is that the proportion appears as inverted. Although the scope and capacity of action amplifies significantly from the outside to the inside of the circles, the number of members of the Elite comes to be smaller. Also, we can identify the existence of what we decided to call concentric circles. The inner circle of these supranational Elite is not known for sure. Its members are invisible; they belong to the group of those men who usually act in the backstage of the political arena. Those who appear as members are only its men of action: the yes men (Ostrogorski, 1902). They can be positioned as belonging, in general, to the World itself. The first outer circle is constituted by those men who can be considered to be the first outer circle of the Elite and can be identified as the one of the big global geographies of power. In the second outer circle of the Elite we can consider it as related to the big in‐between geographies of power. Finally, in the last outer circle, the larger one, we can find the national/State geographies of power Elite. These are the most unimportant members of the world elite. Of these, the professional politicians constitute the most part of it, and do whatever necessary in order to guarantee a place inside the group. Curious is to notice that we can find this logic inside the State Organization (geography of power), the Supranational Regional Organization (geography of power), the Supranational Global Organization (geography of power) and the World Organization itself. In any case, it seems to be no doubt as to the fact that the globalization movement and the action of the Elite are intimately connected. In fact, even considering the Gama Era as the first of the waves of this movement, we can only conclude that it is presented as an option of the Elite and, therefore, it has been taken by it with the major objective of fulfilling its needs and providing the satisfaction of its own interests. In the same way, as the dominant system inside the NCGO, who has appeared in the sequence of the facts of 1989 in the so‐called western world, it becomes obvious that the contemporaneous globalization movement is conducted by a divided Elite, and clearly oriented to the satisfaction of its own interests through the concretization of the defined goals. Therefore, it looks us that it is possible to confirm that this movement is structural in its leadership, and so it is in its objectives – which are those of the Elite and somehow they are always present in the history of mankind. And real objectives seems to be still the same: the enforcement of power. That is why the Elite promote the dissemination of an argument which is exhaustively repeated in all dimensions of Global Governance that is centered in the expansion of democracy at a planetary scale because it represents the only political system that can assure the populations worldwide and those with special needs the means to survive, freedom and security. So, integrated in the democratic world, these populations become part of power pyramids, some in an active way, others passively but, in any case, contributing
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to the empowerment of the movement, of its ideology and of the elite that leads it and that by extended it to all the planet, come to govern the world. However, this is not the general perception image. Populations tend to see only shadows. The images from reality are not presented clearly and they are taken to believe in what is diffused by the system through its main stream speech of words and images under its control. Therefore, Representative Democracy, which existence and action is based in the political party machines (Ostrogorski, 1902), assures its legitimacy through it – as well as that of the system as a whole, developed around it and of which it makes part. But this chain of reaction is in truth a sample of that which has been being created at a global scale. This model tested in the microcosms which is the State, has known progresses and regressions as, for example, the creation of the International Parties Families in the middle of which the machines are joined together and oriented in its actions and ideologies. That is how the Elite have come to assure the necessary conditions to turn the formal democratization of the world in a reality. In this sense, all the problems that were identified in the work of democratic political systems in articulation with the organization of political parties will know a significant expansion, not only in the physical extension of its action but in dimension, also. Therefore, the distance which separates the real political power from the formal political power will be growing and the corruption which is inherent to the work of this system will manifest a tendency in the same way. The bigger the complexity and the interdependence of the system, the bigger the possibilities of irresponsibility, of lack of accountability and of growing corruption which contributes to the lack of credibility of the dominant system will be.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues, Globalização e Anti‐Globalização no Mundo Contemporâneo. Uma Visão Analítica, Ed. Autora, Policopiado, Lisboa, Maio, 2008 [Tese de Doutoramento]. Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues, A Fórmula do Poder. Elite, Partidos, Democracia e Corrupção Política no Pensamento de Moisei Ostrogorski, ISCSP‐UTL, Lisboa, 2001. Bentham, Jeremy, Panopticon or the Inspection House, 1793. Bessa, António Marques, Quem Governa? – Uma Análise Histórico‐Política do Tema da Elite, ISCSP‐UTL, Lisboa, 1993.
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Boutmy, Émile, Le Développement de la Constitution et de la Société Politique en Angleterre, Paris, 1887 (2nd Edition), p. 2 ; BOUTMY, Émile, Eléments d’une Psychologie Politique du Peuple Américain, 1906 (2nd Édition. 1st Edition : 1902). Boutmy, Émile, Le Développement de la Constitution et de la Société Politique en Angleterre, Paris, 1887 (2nd Edition). Brzezinski, Zbignew, Between Two Ages. America´s Role in the Technetronic Era, Penguin Books, Ltd., UK, 1980. Bull, Hedley, The Anarchical Society. A Study of Order in World Politics, 2nd Edition, Columbia University Press, New York, 1955. Cable, Vincent, Globalization and Global Governance, Chatham House Papers, The Royal Institute of International Affairs, London‐New York, 1999. Castells, Manuel, The Rise of the Network Society, 1st Edition, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, USA‐UK, 1996. Domhoff, G. William, The Powers that Be. Process of Ruling Class Domination, Vintage Books, New York, 1979. Mills, Charles Wright, The Power Elite, Oxford University Press, New York, 1966. Ostrogorski, Moisei Yakovlevich, Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties, Two Volumes, Haskell‐House Publishers Ltd., Publishers of Scarce Scholarly Books, New York, 1970 (1st Edition: 1902). OSTROGORSKI, Moisei, "De l'Organization des Partis Politiques aux États‐Unis", in Annales de l'École Libre des Sciences Politiques, Ancienne Librairie Germer Bailière et Cie., Félix Alcan Éditeur, Paris, Volume III, 1888 & Volume IV, 1889. Schumpeter, Joseph, Capitalisme, Socialisme et Démocratie, Payot, Paris, 1972. Weber, Max, L’Éthique Protestante el l’Esprit du Capitalisme, Plon, Paris, 1964.
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