Jun Nagatomo School of Social Science The University of Queensland

1 FROM TOURIST TO MIGRANT: THE INTERACTION BETWEEN WORK-ORIENTED LIFESTYLE, TOURISM EXPERIENCE, AND MIGRATION DECISION AMONG JAPANESE LIFESTYLE MIGRA...
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FROM TOURIST TO MIGRANT: THE INTERACTION BETWEEN WORK-ORIENTED LIFESTYLE, TOURISM EXPERIENCE, AND MIGRATION DECISION AMONG JAPANESE LIFESTYLE MIGRANTS TO AUSTRALIA1

Jun Nagatomo School of Social Science The University of Queensland

1. Introduction Since the 1970s, Australia absorbed increasing numbers of Asian migrants, leading to a dramatic increase in the Asian population in Australia in the 1980s and 1990s (Jayasuriya and Kee 1999). During the last few decades, Australia also increased income from overseas tourism especially from Japan as well as tourist numbers (Bell and Carr 1994). All these factors were aspects of the enormous social transformation of Australian society also occurring during this time. As a result of this, there has been an increase in the visible presence of Asian migrants and tourists in Australia. In Southeast Queensland, which attracted Japanese tourism investment in the late 1980s (Hadju 2005 ), the presence of Japanese tourists, working holiday makers and migrants became even more apparent, and the number of them continued to increase in the 1990s even though Japan suffered from serious economic depression and subsequent social transformations during this time resulting in work-oriented lifestyle changes (Tourism Australia 2005; Nagatomo 2007). For instance, the number of Japanese visitors to Australia was about 50,000 in 1980 but it reached to 250,000 in 1989, and 670,000 in 2004 (Tourism Australia 2005). As for the number of migrants, the total number of Japanese residents in Australia was 25,688 in 1996 but it increased to 39,000 in 2000 and 53,000 in 2004 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2006). 1

This paper was presented to the 17th Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia in Melbourne 1 July – 3 July 2008. It has been peer-reviewed and appears on the Conference Proceedings website by permission of the author who retains copyright. The paper may be downloaded for fair use under the Copyright Act (1954), its later amendments and other relevant legislation.

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This raises a simple question. Why do Japanese immigrate to Australia? How do they choose to live in Australia? As middle-class citizens of a stable Japanese life, what made them migrate to Australia? Is there any relationship between tourism experience and the migration decision? Taking Japanese migrants as a case study, this paper looks at the particular relationship between individuals’ experience of work-oriented lifestyle in Japanese corporate society, the tourism experience and migration decisions at the individual level. By using in-depth interview data, this paper examines how Japanese tourists make the decision to become migrants.

2. Lifestyle Migration as a Field of Study In looking at the existing research on lifestyle migration, two streams of lifestyle migration of both domestic migration and international migration can be highlighted. As example of domestic lifestyle migration, McHugh and Mings (1996) referred, in arguing seasonal migration and attachment of places among elderly migrants in the United States, that lifestyle as a significant factor in retirement migration and life-course trajectories. Swaffield and Fairweather (1998) and Burnley and Murphy (2003) perceived lifestyle migration to the countryside of New Zealand as a counter-urbanisation phenomenon and a return to Arcadian ideals. Walmsley et al. (1998) argued that lifestyle factors of pull factors such as physical environment, climate and relaxed lifestyle are more important rather than push factors for domestic migrants to the New South Wales coastal areas. Fountain and Hall (2002) described four types of domestic lifestyle migration to a rural city in New Zealand of retirees, artistic class, stressed professionals, and tele-commuters. Stimson and Minnery (1998) did quantitative research on domestic migration to the Gold Coast and disserted that the most powerful factor in attracting them to the sun-belt area was non-economic factors of lifestyle. On the other hand, international lifestyle migration is relatively under-examined compared to domestic lifestyle migration due to its relatively smaller number compared to the domestic population flows. For instance, Salva-Thomas (2002) studied British and German migration toward Spain’s Balearic Islands. Scott (2006), in his study of British middle-class in Paris, discussed that skilled migration has become diverse and lifestyle plays a certain role in some middle-class expatriate. Truly (2002) examined the retirement migration from North America to the lake Chapala Riviera in Mexico, describing the cultural landscapes and socio-cultural integrity of the area. Ley and Kobayashi (2005) researched emigrants to Australia from Hong Kong and pointed out that not only political concerns but also the quality of life in the migration destination was a factor in choosing emigration. Ip et al. (1998) studied Taiwanese migration to Australia, and indicated that other than business opportunities, a better lifestyle such as

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education and living environment was also a part of their motivation for migration. With regard to Japanese migration to Australia, Mizukami (2006) referred to lifestyle factors in migration choice in his study on image of Australia among Japanese residents. As a study focused on Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia, Sato (2001) did an ethnographic study of Japanese lifestyle migration and highlighted their motivation for migration and daily practices in Australia. Shiobara (2005), in his study on ethnic organisation of Japanese community in Sydney, referred to the cosmopolitan middle-class lifestyle of Japanese migrants in Sydney. Although the studies above mentioned lifestyle factors in Japanese middle-class migration to Australia, researches on the process of how individuals decide to migrate to Australia remains to be studied.

3. Research Method In this project, the researcher conducted 31 in-depth interviews with both Japanese permanent residents and long-term residents (e.g. students, working holiday makers, retirees) who migrated after the 1970s. The interviews were conducted after one year participant observation as well as library work. This research was held in Brisbane, the Gold Coast and the Sunshine Coast, an area generally referred to as South East Queensland. The reason for choosing South East Queensland as the research field was that this area was a common destination for both Japanese tourists and migrants. Given that the relationship between tourism and migration was one of the research topics in this project, the popularity for both tourism and migration was identified as a key factor in choosing the research field. The number of Japanese in the research area is as follows. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2006), the number of Japanese in Australia in 2005 was 52,970, a total of 25,315 permanent residents and 27,655 long-term residents. In Queensland, there were 13,132 Japanese in 2005, including 7,221 permanent and 5,911 long-term residents. 2,460 were in Northern Queensland above Mackay including Cairns and surrounding areas, and 10,672 in the research are from Southern Queensland, including Brisbane and the Gold Coast. People in the prime working age range of 25-49 years make up 49.4% of the population, and females account for 63.3% (Nagata, 2001). The gender imbalance largely results from the recent migration of Japanese women who have married Australian men (Coughlan and McNamara 1997). Profile of the Respondents The respondents in this research were recruited by snowball sampling (Biernacki and Waldorf

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1981), given the limitation of my personal network. The total number of respondents in the in-depth interviews in this project was 31. The age structure of the respondents can be shown as Table 1 below. Table 1 Age distribution of the respondents: number and the percentage among the gender 20s

30s

40s

50s

60s

Total

Male

1 (7.1%)

7 (50%)

2 (14.3%)

3 (21.4%)

1 (7.1%)

14

Female

2 (11.8%)

8 (47.1%)

2 (11.8%)

3 (17.6%)

2 (11.8%)

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Among the respondents, 14 were male (45.2%), and 17 were female (54.8%). Compared to the gender ratio of the parent population, female were about 12% below the statistical population. Considering these Japanese who Sato (2001) calls “circumstantial migrants” as well as the focus of this research project, it is safe to state that the gap between the sample and statistical population is less of a problem. Among 31 respondents, there were 26 permanent visa holders and 5 long-term visa holders. As for the occupation of respondents before and after migration, this data can be shown as Table 2 and Table 3 below. Table 2 Occupation in Australia Office clerk

Male Femal e Total %

Manage r

Busines s ower

Profession al

Researche r, teacher

Factor

House

y

keepin

worker

g

Studen t

Retired/ semi-retire

Unemploye d

d

1

2

3

2

1

1

0

2

1

1

6

1

0

4

2

0

1

0

3

0

7

3

3

6

3

1

1

2

4

1

9.7%

9.7%

19.4%

9.7%

3.2%

3.2%

6.5%

12.9%

3.2%

22.6 %

Table 3 Occupation before migration Office

Manager

clerk

Business

Professional

ower

Researcher,

Factory

House

teacher

worker

keeping

Student

Retired/ semi-retired

Other

Male

1

6

1

4

1

0

0

0

0

1

Female

8

0

1

3

2

0

1

2

0

1

Total

9

6

2

7

3

0

1

2

0

2

%

29.0%

19.4%

6.5%

22.6%

9.7%

0%

3.2%

6.5%

0%

6.5%

Table 2 shows the occupation of the respondents in Australia. “Office clerk” was the most

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common occupation among female migrants, which accounted for 22.6% of the total. “Professional” was also common among Japanese migrants, accounting for 19.4% of the total. “Retired and semi-retired” made up 12.9%. The table indicates that the majority of the respondents are in the middle-class in Australia. On the other hand, Table 3 presents the occupation of respondents before their migration. “Office clerk” was the most common occupation, accounting for 29% of the total, and it was especially common among female respondents. “Professional” made up 22.6%. “Manager” accounted for 19.4%, however there were no female respondents for this occupation. In comparing Table 2 and Table 3, it can be said that as a general trend, the respondents experienced downward social mobility.

4. From Tourist to Migrant: Hectic lifestyle in Japan, Tourism Experience and Migration Decision The interview data in this project demonstrated that the interaction with the hectic lifestyle in Japanese company-oriented lifestyle can be seen as the most common factor behind the Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia. For instance, among the responses to an open-ended question, “What are the most important factors in deciding to migrate to Australia?”, the factor of “escape from work-oriented lifestyle in Japan” was the most common, which were referred to by 14 of 31 respondents, followed by “Interest in/longing for a life in a foreign/English speaking county”,

“time with family”, “mild climate in Australia”, “escape from poor living standards in Japan” and “nature/beaches/open spaces in Australia”. Moreover, the interview data also showed that tourism experience before the migration has a significant meaning for the migration decision of Japanese emigrants to Australia. The interview data indicated that there is a common process in which Japanese individuals firstly visited Australia as tourists to escape from busy everyday life, secondly some of them were impressed by the Australian lifestyle during the visit to Australia, and thirdly they came to think about migration to Australia by realising the gap between the image of balanced lifestyle in Australia and the hectic lifestyle in Japanese everyday life. In the in-depth interviews, the relationship between the experience of work-oriented lifestyle and migration decision was prominent among those who had worked full-time in Japan. In particular, the response on working hours was the most common among those who expressed a negative perspective on Japanese company life. Among 29 respondents who had worked full-time in Japan, 15 respondents mentioned overtime work. A male respondent, in his 40s, who worked in a product development section in Japan and currently studies at TAFE in Brisbane, in referring to his company life, stated:

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It was also because of the low salary among young workers, but more importantly, we were verybusy. Especially young workers worked until midnight almost every day. In the second year after entering the company, I worked 364 days a year. […] We decided to only have one day off on New Year’s Day but we felt a sense of fulfillment.

He talked about these experiences with an expression of accomplishment and pride as he expressed it as “fulfilling”. However he experienced a rebound afterward and it made him consider his ideal lifestyle. He continued as follows: After finishing the big project, I was able to afford to look back on my company life. One day I realised that my lifestyle was poor. When I was busy, I did not have time for looking back. Originally I did not like working in a team, so I decided not to work overtime while everyone worked till late evening. At that time, I became interested in learning English conversation and went to a language school after work everyday. […] At the same time, the problem was that I lost my own target and motivation for my work.

He came to lose motivation for work while spending work time for unmotivated work and leisure time for English conversation. For him, this experience led to travel to Australia as an escape and subsequent migration decision. As an enthusiastic marathon fan, he took a trip to Australia to watch the Sydney Olympics in 2000, and this experience made him retain sympathy for Australian lifestyle. He described the impression of Australian lifestyle during the visit as follows: In Japan, I did not know about outside the world. When I visited Australia, I was impressed to see how Australians enjoy surfing even on weekdays without working long hours. I knew both Australian and Japanese actually work hard and it was impossible to avoid that reality, but I found that Australians are more likely to face the reality and do what they should do to keep their quality of life as well as balance between work and family. It seemed to me that in Australia people live a more humane life than in Japan.

As he described in the interview that the only image he had of Australia was “Kangaroos and Koalas”, his experience of observing Australian lifestyle was an accidental one. Working unnecessary overtime and feeling tired of company life, the trip to Australia was an escape from ordinary life for him. During the trip, he realised Australia was a country where “people live a human life” as he showed a feeling of sympathy to the Australian lifestyle. Accordingly, he decided to resign from his company and migrate to Australia.

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Similarly, the following case also shows the process in which the experience of work-oriented lifestyle made an individual seek an escape from Japan. A female respondent, in her 30s, who had worked as a manager in a high pressured industry in Japan for seven years since the middle of the 1990s and currently works as a hairdresser in Brisbane, noted: I think that this industry is susceptible to economic fluctuation. Our company had been enjoying a boom until the year when I entered the firm. […] However the wave of depression came suddenly. It was tough. Since the number of business offers was decreasing, we were forced to do sales as well. They forced us to visit more than ten offices of possible clients a day. I remember my workload had increased so much.

As she noted, the economic downturn in the 1990s worsened working conditions such as working hours and workload of individuals. In her case, workload and working hours increased and the worsened working conditions made her feel fatigued in her company life. During the stressful company period, her interest in life in a foreign country increased, which lured her into overseas trips and a working holiday. In referring to her leisure time in Japan, she remarked: I used to have overseas trips every summer and winter holiday for about a week at a time. It was sort of escape from reality. They could not reach me during overseas trips and I did not have to fuss about anything. […] I have been to America several times, Europe, and some Asian resorts.

As she noted above, overseas trips for her were escape from reality. However, she had to go back to stressful work after every holiday. Accordingly, she began to find an alternative life in foreign counties. In stating the process of finding a way to live abroad, she noted: I thought about becoming a location coordinator in the film industry and tried to find a job in Hawaii and mainland USA. But I found that obtaining a visa was much more difficult than expected. […] My image of working holiday makers was “escapist” but I did not mind being a working holiday maker because I actually wanted to escape. Then I decided to take a trip to Australia to see if it was suitable as a country for a working holiday.

During her job search, she tried to find work in the United States but found that a working visa was not issued with ease. In the interview, she admitted that Australia was not her first choice because she “had yearned for America” and the image of Australia for her was “a country of koalas and kangaroos and the cheap tourist image of the Gold Coast” as she described. However

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her priority was on escape from reality and the busy Japanese lifestyle, and it made her move to Australia as a working holiday maker because of a yearning for Western English speaking countries as she said that living overseas was “a sort of like a dream”. Her working holiday experience became a step for her migration. As most other Japanese working holiday makers do, she had a homestay for the first several weeks arranged by a travel agent. She explained how she was captivated by Australian lifestyle: Everyone seemed to enjoy everyday life. What surprised me was that people tried to get work done by 5pm or even before 5pm. Even a big shopping centre was closed on Sunday. […] I was so impressed to see neighbours enjoying barbeques, taking walks and drinking beer in the late afternoon in summer time.

For a young working holiday woman who escaped from a busy lifestyle, Australia’s balanced lifestyle and leisure activities in everyday life was attractive enough to decide to migrate. Although she went back to Japan after the working holiday, she returned to Australia with a student visa to obtain permanent residency with the academic qualification afterwards. A similar case was also seen in other two respondents. A respondent aged in his 40s, who had worked as a site foreman for a subcontractor of general construction near Tokyo and currently studies at a language school in Australia, described his busy lifestyle and the expected strong work ethic in Japan: I found the quality of life was poor. […] I did not even have time to ‘see’ my kids, and it was hard to make time for them even on Sunday. Those exhausting experiences made me escape to Australia. […] I had two dreams. First was to be a first-class architect, and second was to live abroad. […] I had a sense of longing for a life in a foreign country since my childhood and enjoyed travelling abroad often.

As stated above, he decided to migrate because he felt fatigued in experiencing work-oriented lifestyle in which he could not have enough time to “see” his children. On this point, his case shows a clear relationship between the experience of company-oriented lifestyle and the migration decision. Moreover, what characterises his response is that he described his migration as “escape”. What drove him to come to Australia was his “sense of longing for a life in a foreign country”. The yearning increased while he experienced a busy lifestyle, and he decided to “escape” from his company life. His decision ironically resulted in an unstable life in

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Australia as being overseas student, however his case is characteristic on that point that yearning for a life in foreign country contributed to the individual’s migration decision. These cases presented above showed a clear contrast between push factor of work-oriented lifestyle in Japan and pull factor of the image of Australian balanced lifestyle. A common point was that they came to Australia to escape from work-oriented life and realised Australia as a country of balanced lifestyle. The following case shows a more prominent contrast between them as well as the relationship with tourism experience. A male respondent aged in his 30s, who had worked in a manufacturing company in Japan and currently works as a translator in Brisbane, in talking about his impression of Australia, remarked: The first time I came to Australia, my plan was to start from Perth and then travel as far as the east coast. However, I went to the airport without knowing that workers in the air industry were on strike. […] I was forced to stay in Perth. Looking back, this may have been fortunate. After sightseeing, I was idle for about a week in Perth. This introduced me to the relaxed atmosphere there, even in the middle of the city, and I was able to build an image of the local life.

For him, the accidental extended stay in Perth gave him a chance to enjoy the relaxed atmosphere of Australian lifestyle and build an image of the local life. He described the impression of Australia when he visited for the first time as follows: I came to Australia in my university days and fell in love with it. The relaxed lifestyle and relaxed people left a lasting impression on me. To my eyes, the living standards seemed better than Japan, even though the country was not as affluent as Japan. It was a culture shock for me, that such a country and lifestyle could be achieved.

The appeal of Australia for him was the relaxed lifestyle and relaxed people as he described above. Being a tourist, he had to go back to a busy life in Japan but since then he visited Australia four times before migration to enjoy the relaxed atmosphere of Australia. While he enjoyed visiting Australia during holidays, his workload increased in the late 1990s. This contrast of a daily busy lifestyle and the memory of the relaxed Australian lifestyle gradually made him think about migrating as he stated as follows: The work required a lot of overtime and even though there was an upper limit to overtime, we were doing an increasing amount of unpaid work. Such experiences made me think about migrating overseas. […]Through working for a company in Japan, I have come to believe that work and

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leisure time are both a part of everyday life. There should be a good balance of work and leisure time. In Japan, life is often centred around work. This was probably another reason why I came to think about migrating.

If not for an increased workload or tourism experience, he would not have migrated to Australia. What brought him to migrate was the interaction of worsened working conditions and lifestyle in Japan as a push factor and the appeal of Australian lifestyle as a pull factor. In his worsened working condition, he came to think about an alternative lifestyle. At the same time, the worsened working condition increased the power of pull factor inside him. The more his lifestyle became poor, the more the image of the Australian relaxed lifestyle gained its power inside his imagination. As a result, he began to take trips to Australia more often and visited Australia almost every year until migration. This process in which individuals turn from tourist to migrant shows that tourism can be seen as a step for migration. In the interviews, 71% of respondents had visited Australia as tourists or businessmen before their migration, and most of them referred to either a direct or indirect connection between their tourism experience and migration decision. This interaction between the appeal of Australian lifestyle, work oriented lifestyle in Japan and tourism experience can be shown in the following diagram 1. Diagram 1 From tourist to migrant: Interaction between push and pull factors at the individual levels ④ Migration decision Worsened lifestyle in Japan in the 1990s

③ Interaction Reality:

Reinforced appeal of Australia

Appeal / Image: Relaxed

Work oriented life

lifestyle

in Australia

in Japan

② Tourism / working holiday experience

①Popularity of international tourism among Japanese since the late 1980s Yearning for a life in a foreign country / an alternative life among young generations

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The diagram 1 shows a model of the interaction between the push factor of work-oriented lifestyle in Japan and pull factor of the image of a balanced lifestyle in Australia at the individual level. As was clear in the cases presented above, the trend of search for an alternative lifestyle as well as overseas tourism became common in the 1990s when working conditions worsened among Japanese (see ① and ② in the diagram 1). Those who visited Australia as tourist or working holiday makers had a chance to see the relaxed Australian lifestyle during their visit. For those who had a positive impression on Australian lifestyle during their trips, the more their lifestyle worsened in Japan, the more the appeal of Australia as a country of relaxed lifestyle was reinforced (see ③ in the diagram). Subsequently, the interaction between those push and pull factors increased at the individual level, which contributed to migration decisions (see ③and ④ in the diagram). As presented above, the interaction of work-oriented lifestyle and the appeal of Australia as a country of relaxed lifestyle can be seen as a factor in Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia. Some obtained the image through tourism experience and others got it from residing experiences such as working holiday and business. What characterises this interaction is that the more they experienced a busy lifestyle in Japan, the more the appeal of Australia and power of its imagination increased inside them as was commonly seen among the respondents presented in this paper. For some migrants presented above, this point was observed clearly as their appeal of Australia and motivation for migration was reinforced in experiencing the worsened working conditions in the late 1990s due to the economic downturn in Japan. It is true that the migration decision and its processes differ with individuals, however the cases presented above show the point that the experience of work-oriented lifestyle in Japanese society had an effect on migration decisions at the individual level. In short, it can be said that work-oriented lifestyle of Japanese corporate life functioned as a push factor and the relatively balanced lifestyle (or the image of balanced lifestyle) of Australia worked as a pull factor in a broad sense.

5. Conclusion This paper discussed the interaction between hectic lifestyle in Japan and the migration decision of Japanese emigrants to Australia, and showed how tourists turned into migrants. The interview data presented in this article indicated a typical decision process that Japanese lifestyle migrants take to immigrate to Australia in which individuals visited Australia as tourists, had a good impression of the Australian relaxed lifestyle and felt the gap between the image of Australian lifestyle and the reality of busy Japanese lifestyle. In other words, the interaction between the push factor of a hectic lifestyle in Japan and the pull factor of the appeal of a balanced lifestyle

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in Australia contributed to the decision making of migration to Australia at the individual level. The cases presented in this paper were limited to Japanese migrants in Australia, and it is true that further research on Japanese outbound migration to other regions or lifestyle migration in Western countries is also necessary in order to see Japanese lifestyle migration to Australia from a broader perspective. However it is hoped that the argument of this paper focused on how tourists turned into migrants can make a theoretical contribution to the contemporary study on tourism and migration. References Bell, M., and R. Carr. 1994. Japanese temporary residents in the Cairns tourism industry. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Immigration and Population Research. Biernacki, P., and D. Waldorf. 1981. Snowball sampling: Problem and techniques of chain referral sampling. Sociological Methods and Research 10 (2): 141-163. Burnley, I., and P. Murphy. 2003. Sea change: Movement from metropolitan to Arcadian Australia. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press. Coughlan, J., and D. McNamara, eds. 1997. Asians in Australia: Patterns of migration and settlement. Melbourne: Macmillan Education Australia. Fountain, J., and C. M. Hall. 2002. The impact of lifestyle migration on rural communities. In Tourism and migration, ed. C. M. Hall and M. A. Williams. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Hajdu, J. 2005. Samurai in the surf: The arrival of the Japanese on the Gold Coast in the 1980s. Canberra: Pandanus Books, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University. Ip, D., C. T. Wu, and C. Inglis. 1998. Settlement experiences of Taiwanese immigrants in Australia. Asian Studies Review 22 (1): 79-97. Jayasuriya, L., and P. Kee. 1999. The Asianisation of Australia? Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. Ley, D., and A. Kobayashi. 2005. Back to Hong Kong: Return migration or transnational sojourn? Global Networks 5 (2): 111-127. Salva-Thomas, P. A. 2002. Foreign immigration and tourism development in Spain's Balearic Islands. In Tourism and migration, ed. C. M. Hall and M. A. Williams, 119-134. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Sato, M. 2001. Farewell to Nippon. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press. Scott, S. 2006. The social morphology of skilled migration: The case of the British middle class in Paris. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 32 (7):1105-1129. Shiobara, Y. 2005. Middle-class Asian immigrants and welfare multiculturalism: A case study of a

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Japanese community organisation in Sydney. Asian Studies Review 29: 395-414. Stimson, R., and J. Minnery. 1998. Why people move to the 'sun-belt': A case study of long-distance migration to the Gold Coast, Australia. Urban Studies 35 (2):193-214. Swaffield, S., and J. Fairweather. 1998. In search of Arcadia: The persistence of the rural idyll in New Zealand rural subdivisions. Journal of Environmental Planning and Management 41 (1): 111-127. Tourism Australia. 2005. Japan visitor profile. http://www.tourism.australia.com/content/japan/profiles_2005/japan_visitor_analysis_05.pdf (accessed June 24th, 2007) Truly, D. 2002. International retirement migration and tourism along the Lake Chapala Riviera: Developing a matrix of retirement migration behaviour. Tourism Geographies 4 (3):261-281. McHugh, K. E., and R. C. Mings. 1996. The circle of migration: Attachment to place in aging. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 86 (3): 530-550. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2006. Annual report of statistics on Japanese nationals vverseas. Tokyo: Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Mizukami, T. 2006. Leisurely life in a ‘wide brown land’: Japanese views upon Australia. Journal of Applied Sociology 48: 19-35. Nagata, Y. 2001. Japanese. In Multicultural Queensland 2001, ed. M. Brändle, 222-229. Brisbane: Multicultural Affairs Queensland, Department of the Premier and Cabinet. Nagatomo, J. 2007. 90 nendai nihonsyakai niokeru syakaihendo to Australia eno Nihonjinimin: Lifestyle kachikan no henka to ijyu no tsunagari. Otemon Journal of Australian Studies 33: 177-200. Walmsley, D. J., W. R. Epps, and C. J. Duncan. 1998. Migration to the New South Wales north coast 1986-1991: Lifestyle motivated counterurbanisation. Geoforum 29 (1):105-118.

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