Informal housing policy responses in Brasilia R. G. C. Borges Ralid

N-AERUS XIII / Paris 22-24/11/ 2012

Informal housing policy responses in Brasilia SUBTITLE

Renata G. C. Borges Ralid Université Paris Sorbonne Institut de Recherche pour le Développement [email protected] ; [email protected]

ABSTRACT (Max. 300 words): The paper investigates the Government policy responses to the non-planned housing access for the ‘poor’ - the informal settlements phenomenon in Brasília, DF. It is a critical revision of the housing policies and urban management tools employed by the government in the city, related to the informal settlements phenomenon. Informal settlements, remaining camps from the construction period, land invasions, clandestine low and middle-income class condominiums, illegal subdivisions, sub-renting, spontaneous or illegal settlements are some of the informality typologies and mechanisms used by the population to have access to the city. Which were then the mechanisms and instruments for implementing urban policies and projects in response to informal housing? How urban plans, urban management tools and their implementation, have evolved and helped to the built city? The goal is to assess the causes behind informal settlements emergence in the case of a highly planned city and the policy responses to it. Furthermore, to analyse how both things are related to the urbanisation process and the current spatial development of the Brasília territory analysing the problems and consequences on the integration of these urban development forms to the city. And finally, in what way the current policies and urban plans are dealing to the informal housing phenomenon.

KEY WORDS: Informal settlements; Housing policies; Urban management; Brasilia; Urban planning

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BRASILIA AND ITS GEOGRAPHY The Plano Piloto, its suburbs (satellite cities) and its surroundings (entorno) There are more than 3 million 1 people living in the metropolitan area of Brasilia, Distrito Federal (Federal District) 2 which is considered the fith largest urban concentration in Brazil (IBGE 2010) and the second highest GDP among the capital cities in the country. The public sector represents 60% of the local economy, and 70% of employment is concentrated in the central area, the Plano Piloto (pilot plan). The Plano Piloto, Lucio Costa’s well known modern masterpiece project is a UNESCO’s World Heritage Site since 1987 [fig.1].

[fig.1] Costa’s sketches for the pilot plan and the UNESCO’s World Heritage Site perimeter

However, 88% of the Federal District’s population lives outside the Pilot Plan area, creating problems with public transport and housing - a suburbanization process spreading in the whole territory of the Federal District, in form of condominiums of single houses for medium class, satellite cities for workers, and also in the Metropolitan area, which includes dormitory cities in the neighbour states. These neighbouring dormitory cities, which are outside the borders of the delimited 5.783 Km2 that is the territory of the Federal District square have been under a impressive growth during the last years and will continue growing to attend a demand of people who live in these cities and “use” Brasília to work and for basic services, such as health and education and that cannot afford to live there. The archipelago urban configuration of Brasilia [fig.2], scattered and fragmented in the territory is a result of the historical housing policies 3 together with the environment and patrimonial preservation. 1

3.717.000 according to the IBGE 2010 census Brazil is a Federative Republic; the system, defined by the constitution, is divided in central government, the states (provinces), the Federal Distric and municipalities. There are 27 states and the Federal District (Brasília) and more than 5,500 municipalities in the country. Brazil is a highly decentralised federation according to international standards (Afonso & Mello, 2000). This means that there is a considerable political, administrative decentralisation and fiscal autonomy, strengthened by the 1988 constitution and tax reform, in which local governments role got stronger. 3 See more on: Borges Ralid, R. C. Policy Responses to Low-income Informal Settlements. Case Study of Brasilia, Brazil. Institute for Housing and Urban Development Studies, University of Rotterdam and the Housing and Management Department, Lund University, Sweden, 2006. 2

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An urban sprawl that can have urban settlements located 40km from the centre. It is as well “a dual city with a highly equipped centre, of the employments and high incomes which contrasts with the peripheral housing settlements, with precarious infra structure, facilities and lack of training and work. This precarious habitat zones are risk factors to the environment and water provision of the agglomeration” 4

[fig 2] Urban structure map showing the roads (grey and black); the metro (red) and the cities in Brasília, Distrito Federal, (RAs) and the neighbouring cities of the state of Goiás

“Despite its well known planned urban environment, Brasilia shares with most of the largest metropolitan areas country, high levels of socioeconomic inequality, uncontrolled urban growth and environmental degradation. The largely uncontrolled urban sprawl of Brasilia undermines the natural capacity of the Cerrado - the most stressed ecosystem in Brazil – to provide key environmental services to ensure sustainable metropolitan growth.” 5 Couret and Mathieu (2007) pointed that “in Brasilia, the main issue is to reconcile the preservation of both the central city, declared World Heritage Site in 1987, and the natural vegetation characteristic of the region, the Cerrado, with the development of a growing metropolitan area.” 6 BRASILIA, DISTRITO FEDERAL URBAN AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE

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GDF – Govrerno do Distrito Federal. Projeto Brasília Sustentável (Brasilia Environmentally Sustainable Project), 2003. GDF – Govrerno do Distrito Federal. Projeto Brasília Sustentável (Brasilia Environmentally Sustainable Project), 2003. 6 De Andrade M., Ferreira I et Couret D. (éds), 2006, Brasilia : Ville fermée, environnement ouvert, Collection IRD Latitude 23, Paris, 215 p. 5

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Brasilia, the Federal District, is a complex polinuclear or archipelago urban structure. The territory is divided into Administrative Regions (RAs), the so-called satellite cities, some of them with characteristics of “real” cities while others are more like neighbourhoods. Each Administrative Region has an official administration bureau and the staff is appointed by the elected Governor (there is no mayor in Brasília, as a Federal District 7). This image cannot currently be displayed. This image cannot currently be displayed.

1964

1989

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06

05 04

18 01 03

07 11

10 09 19 12

16 15

17 02

14 08 13

Legenda

1994

2000

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2004

2008 SOURCE : SEDUH/CODEPLAN 2010

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[fig 3] The decoupage of the Administrative Regions on the DF’s territory throughout the time. Note that the last official map produced by the government includes the neighboring cities

Population is distributed unevenly among the different Administrative Regions (RAs) and although almost 90% of the people live somewhere either than the Plano Piloto (RA I – Brasília) it is there, together with the rich neighbourhoods of Lago Sul and Lago Norte where the education and income levels are dramatically higher, in contrast with the rest of the population, the great majority.

Population

Income

Jobs

Education

[fig.4] Graphics of population, employment, income and education by Administrative Region (RA)

The extreme job concentration in Brasília (Pilot Plan) leads to a pendulum movement from all cities to the Pilot Plan in the morning and end of the day. Considering the extension of the territory and the distance between the areas, everyday transport means high commuting hours in a precarious still not integrated system. Although there are similarities to the general urban processes of other Brazilian cities, the territorial occupation of Brasília has specific characteristics: i) The existence of a Plan which defined the territorial occupation of the spaces, uses, functions with an initial conception of a city centred in the Pilot Plan; and according to the plan the city was expected to have 500.000 to 700.000 in the year 2000. ii) Government ownership and control of (most) the land, ruling real estate market interventions by auction processes, bidding, donation, leasing, or other possible instruments; iii) By an administrative / institutional point of view, it accumulates State (Provincial), Municipal and the Capital of the Republic functions; and v) a high Urbanisation Rate, 95,7%, higher than the Brazilian Urbanisation Rate, as showed in the table below [fig.5]: 5

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Table: Population Growth and Urbanisation Rates -Brasil and Brasilia (DF) Population Annual Growth rate (%) Urbanisation rate (%) Brasil DF (Brasília) Brasil DF (Brasília) Brasil DF (Brasília) 1960 70.070.457 140.164 3,0 44,7 63,0 1970 93.139.037 537.492 2,9 14,4 55,9 96,0 1980 119.002.706 1.176.935 2,5 8,2 67,6 96,8 1991 146.825.475 1.601.094 1,9 2,8 75,6 94,7 2000 169.544.443 2.051.146 1,6 2,8 81,2 95,7 Source: IBGE, Demographic Census, 1960-2000 Year

[fig.5] Table: Population Growth and Urbanisation Rates -Brasil and Brasilia (DF)

The extremely high population growth in Brasilia, especially in the three first decades obviously led to an enormous housing demand which could not be supplied by the government in tempo. The consequences of this tremendously fast urbanisation process can be seen in the scattered urban settlements on the DF’s territory, the result of the consecutive government policies, plans, projects and actions - attempts to solve the housing issue and at the same time, protect the Pilot Plan from the slums threat.

BRASILIA URBAN ARCHIPELAGO AND THE POLICIES THAT SHAPED IT Housing policies and urban plans in the history of Brasília After Costa’s Pilot Plan, the city had during its (short) half century history five other Plans. Contrary to the Costa project, the following plans and policies for the Federal District territorial ordering were more an attempt to manage and control urban growth than to create real civitas spaces as in the Pilot Plan concepts. Planning policies, in the different periods of time in Brasília, have always been related to the creation/expansion of new urbanised areas for housing the ‘poor’, meaning relocating dwellers from informal settlements and creating new or expanding satellites cities. These actions can be clearly identified, especially in the first decades with the creation of the satellite cities of Taguatinga (1958); Cruzeiro Velho (1959); Sobradinho (1960); Gama (1960); Guará (1969); Ceilândia (1971) 8. In the 1970’s decade the Planidro 9, a ´plan for water management, recommended the non-occupation of the empty spaces of the Paranoá Basin to avoid the pollution of the lake. The plan, together with the strong evictions policies reinforces the spatial segregation and selective character of the city in that decade.

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In some cases there is a formalisation of informal settlements due to social resistance, like in the cases of Acampamento da Candangolândia (1956); Cidade Livre /Núcleo Bandeirante (1956). 9 PLANIDRO– Plano de Água, Esgoto e Controle de Poluição do Distrito Federal (1970), the Plan for the Water, Sewerage and Pollution Control is one of the most important instruments of urban expansion at the time. The water and sewerage company, Companhia de Água e Esgoto de Brasília (CAESB) was responsible for the implementation of the plan. It sets a sanitary zoning in the DF to preserve the water resources of the region as well to facilitate the implementation of the sewage system of existing the urban cores and those to be implemented.

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[fig. 6] Urban Occupation in Distrito Federal – 1956; 1960; 1964;1975

In 1978, the Expansion and Territorial Organisation Plan, the PEOT 10, a comprehensive master plan that, for the first time, treats the problems of Brasília in a wider view of the territory. However, the plan was characterised by a sanitary feature, considering the threat of pollution on the Paranoá Basin. A strict land use regulation to the creation of new areas was established in the guidelines, according to the directions of a political decision of reduction in land offer and a decrease/ stop in housing production. Such decision was based in the belief that those actions would avoid migration and maintain the political-administrative character of the city. In the 1970’s decade a remarkable expansion of the urban territory can be seen. There is an expressive occupation of the Pilot Plan and the expansion of the cities of Taguatinga, Gama, Sobradinho and Ceilandia. The urban archipelago character can already be recognized on the urban footprint over the territory. The efforts to control city growth and protect the Pilot Plan would lead to an explosive informal settlements growth. To maintain the political-administrative character of the city was the main concern in this period. Actions were established in a prohibitive way to control the city growth, increasing the control over the territory and making the creation of new urban settlements in the DF more difficult. As a consequence of these factors there is an intensification of social-economic spatial segregation by the increase in land prices which lead the affordable housing offer for lower-income classes to beyond the

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Plano Estrutural de Organização Territorial (PEOT) 1977/1978. According to the guidelines of the plan the urban development would be directed towards the southeast, between Gama and Taguatinga, considering that the conurbation between those areas was unavoidable, and also creating another satellite city, Samambaia.

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borders of Distrito Federal, where rural land was turned into housing areas by the market in a similar process of other Brazilian cities. In the 1980’s and 1990’s the very restrictive instruments, especially in the preservation of the Pilot Plan and the creation of the housing areas in the new satellite cities would contribute for the socialeconomic spatial segregation character of the city. The main instruments, such as the declaration of the Pilot Plan as UNESCO Heritage site (1987) and the 120.000 plots distribution Housing Programme (1994) would play a fundamental in the territorial organisation of the Distrito Federal.

[fig. 7] Urban Occupation in Distrito Federal – 1982; 1988; 1991; 1997 “Brasília Revisitada”(Brasilia Revisited), the expansion study of the Pilot Plan by Lucio Costa, focused in the preservation of the original concepts of the Plano Piloto, which lead to the Historical and Cultural UNESCO declaration of the city plan in 1987. The 1988 Constitution and the democratisation process with direct elections for Governor and District Council members changes the urban planning and management, bringing new actors and roles to the scene, where urban and housing policies change from a more technical approach decisions to a political instrument in search for the votes from poor. This period is characterised by the impressive accelerated urbanization process; the advances in the territorial ordering legislation, with the creation of Environmental Conservancy Units, the request of an Environment Licence to enterprises; and especially by the Territorial Ordering Master Plan, Plano Diretor de Ordenamento Territorial – PDOT in 1992, which consolidated the previous plans – PEOT (1977), POT (1985), Brasilia Revisitada (1987) and POUSO (1990).

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The democratisation process and direct elections for Governor and District Council members changes the housing policies from not purely technical decisions anymore, but acquire a strong political connotation. A massive resettlement of families living in squatter settlements or sub-renting accommodations in semi-urbanised plots programme is set in the beginning of 1990’s. The “Programa de Assentamento das Populações de Baixa Renda no DF” 1989-1994 was the Government response to the precarious living conditions of residents of squatter settlements and sub rented accommodations. The 120.000 plots were distributed, occupied or sold in official the settlements in the satellite cities or in new areas - Recanto das Emas(1993), Santa Maria(1992) and São Sebastião(1992)Plot donation policy is as a magnet attraction for migration to the Federal Capital. The distribution of the plots in disperse areas (with the creation of new satellite cities) expanded the urban fringes, with high infrastructure and services costs. In 1993 the Siv-Solo, a system created to inspect, prevent, control and evict squatters in the DF territory is an important response from the Government in not tolerating the informal settlements. There is a repression in the squatter phenomenon but, by the other hand the housing programmes still do not reach the poorest. The Plano Diretor de Ordenamento Territorial – PDOT from 1997, brings some progress in comparison with the 1992 plan, which has still a more sanitary character. The ambitions of the plan, such as to strength the autonomy of the cities in the territory, for more equality among them are only a blueprint dream, and still the Plano Piloto is the attraction pole in the urban structure. The, restrictive instruments proposed by the PDOT and definition of the growth axis to the west combined with the entrepreneurial vision in land management, in the plot biddings, especially in the central area by the TERRACAP Agency would lead to an increase in the property values of the legal areas. The increase in the property values of the legal areas is followed by the rise in the informal land market to supply the repressed housing demand, even in the middle and high-income classes. As a consequence, there is an increase in illegal, clandestine or non-authorized condominiums or gated communities - sprawl in environment fragile areas. At the same time low-income groups have access to housing in the public land invasions, illegal land subdivisions/ squatters 11,, usually attached to the urban fringes or a main infrastructure such as an arterial road, rising a horizontally spread and devoid of infrastructure ‘illegal city’. In the late 1990’s and first half o 2000’s decades there is a considerable advance in the urban planning and management instruments, especially concerning the environment and social rights, which brings a lot of pressure from different groups in society and new tensions among the actors in the territorial management debate. Such conflict can be illustrated by the social property rights guidelines from the City Statute (explained in the following topic) and a Federal Law 12 that creates in the local level an Environment 11

The Siv-Solo, a system created in 1995 to inspect, prevent, control and evict squatters in the DF territory is an important response from the Government in not tolerating the informal settlements. There is a repression in the squatter phenomenon but, by the other hand the housing programmes still do not reach the poor. Although there is an attempt in understanding the phenomenon through studies, there are no significant practical responses regarding the issue in a positive way. 12

APA do Planalto Central – Federal Decree 10/01/2002

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Protected area, which covers 60% of the territory of Brasília, called APA do Planalto Central. In practical terms, all urban development enterprises in the DF should be licensed by a Federal Agency, the IBAMA – (Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renováveis), taking from the local level the power to fully decide on the implementation of urban projects. That would bring many disputes in the urban management, especially concerning upgrading projects of informal housing settlements in environment risky or sensitive areas.

[fig. 8] Environment sensitive areas and non-planned housing settlements

A large monitoring project of the low-income populations’ informal settlements has been set since half of 2010’s decade has diagnosed and characterised the settlements DF. They were characterised in three main types [fig. 9]: the punctual invasions, scattered in the territory generally located on the fringes of urban infrastructure of satellite towns; historical occupations, such as Vila Telebrasília; and large informal settlements, located either in the more central areas, as the “spontaneous” settlement of Vila Estrutural with a more historical character or large informal settlements and illegal subdivisions, organised land squatting located in more remote areas - frequently in rural areas not intended for housing and generally where there are disputes over the land property.

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[fig. 9] Low-income informal settlements categories / classification. For each kind of settlement different urban upgrading solutions are proposed.

Current policies and new strategies to regularise and control informal settlements In 2001 the City Statute establish the guidelines in Brazil for urban policy and instruments to assure in each municipality the citizens ‘right to the city’ such as the compulsory participatory planning and as the Social Interest Zones - an important achievement for the populations living in informal settlements against evictions and to guarantee their rights. The City Statute (Federal Law from 2001) regularises the parameters and guidelines of urban policy in Brazil. According to the Brazilian Constitution the Master Plan is the basic instrument of the urban expansion and development (Art. 182 PAR 1 CF). The Constitution also establishes the instruments for the guarantee the enforcement of the city and property social function in each Municipality. The main principles that guide the Master Plan of a city are in the City Statute. The Master Plan is urban territorial planning instrument that must be built with the society, the executive and legislative powers in each municipality. Every city with more than 20.000 inhabitants or of tourism and or/ strategic interest is obliged by the law to have a master plan. The territorial urban planning should define the territorial occupation in a municipality or region by setting the activities and spatial uses that should be established in the present and future in the different areas of the city. It aims to promote urban and territorial development to all citizens. To do so, the territorial ordering should interact with the economic and social dynamics; consider the environment, the available natural resources and the sustainability. In this perspective, the Master Plan

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is considered not only a mechanism of land use and control, but an inductor of sustainable development instrument. The City Statute ratified some of the innovative instruments, which are already in use in the big municipalities such as the Transfer of Development Rights, Purchase of Development Rights, Social Interest Zones and Progressive Urban Property Tax for vacant urban land areas. The Social Interest Zones are today, an important legal instrument in dealing with the informal settlements in a way to guarantee the security of tenure of the dwellers from eviction and for future upgrading projects. The participatory revision process 13 of the PDOT, Plano Ditretor de Ordenamento Territorial do Distrito Federal PDOT (the Federal District Master Plan) under the Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Urbano e Habitação (Urban Development and Housing Secretariat) responsibility 14 follows the City Statute guidelines.

(Source: SEDUH 2006)

[fig. 10] The participatory revision of the PDOT: Public audiences The planning and management process differs from the previous plans, changing from a very explicit spatial dimension, like zoning and regulatory approach to a more sector policies approach, dividing the discussions with the community participation in three main themes: Urban Mobility and Transport; Environmental and Cultural Patrimony; Sustainable Development and Generation of Income and Job opportunities; Housing, Infrastructure and Services; and Territorial Planning and Management System. The Strategic Proposals of the PDOT/2007 15 are Dynamisation; Revitalisation, Road Network Structuring; Regularisation, New Housing Areas, Environment Integration and Multifunctional Poles. The Dynamisation and the Multifunctional Poles are linked to the Road Network Structuring and is a result of the recognition that the existing urban tissue around the pilot plan, or the consolidated “satellite cities” needed urgently intervention to qualify urban spaces and create services and equipments in these urban areas. “The intervention strategies indicate a group of actions that would orientate future investments and projects from the government and the private sector using national and international resources through the new urban management instruments 16.”

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The PDOT must be approved by the Federal District Council to be implemented. The plan is now being revised in a participatory way, following the guidelines of the Federal Government Law – the City Statute. 14 SEDUH is under restructuring process, and there has been a fusion with the Environment Secretariat the Institution is now named SEMU Secretaria de Estado de Desenvolvimento Urbano e Meio Ambiente (Urban Development and Environment Secretariat) 15 The proposals draft is available for the public at www.pdot.seduh.df.gov.br/ and will be ratified in a public audience in june 2007. 16 PDOT/2007 in www.seduh.df.gov.br

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The Dynamisation strategy is based in a concept of axes, which are intervention areas along the transport corridors and the poles, intervention areas with activities that would generate a regional dynamic connected by the transport infrastructure, mostly the road network. PDOT 2007 Strategies Proposals Map

SOURCE: SEDUH 2007

[fig. 11 ] New Land Use Plan and Strategic Projects The Multifunctional Poles are an attempt to create new sub-centralities indicating areas linked to the public transport and integration terminals, offering services and commercial activities, leisure, culture and housing, which are pointed according to the vocations and necessities of each city/area. In the Road network Structuring Strategy, Activities Rings are proposed as a recognition of the public transport and road network multiplicity of functions, as integration among disperse urban settlements, as attraction and generators of new territorial attraction and as a potential to offer more efficient solutions for the public transport.

SOURCE: SEDUH 2009

[fig. 11] Strategic projects in different satellite cities Furthermore, the revision of the plan appointed to the necessity of elaboration of new macro zoning guidelines, as the city growth did not follow those predicted by the previous plan and to adequate the plan to the reality. For that, the Regularisation Strategy considered two main groups of settlements – the social and special interest areas. While the first ones are related to the low-income informal settlements, the second one is to regularise the middle class and/ or gated communities and condominiums that were settled in environmentally vulnerable areas. 14

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Source: SEDUMA 2008

[fig. 12] Location Map – social and special interest regularisation areas and sectors 2008 Among the social interest areas, the government have been working long before on methodologies and systems that were created to identify and classify all kinds of informal/ illegal/ irregular settlements. The studies made by the government point to a change from previous decades in the model of informal settlements occupation, relative to its size and location within the territory [fig. 12]. Except for some specific cases of large settlements with a central location in the DF such as Vila Varjão, Vila Estrutural and Telebrasília the new trend of localization of large settlements is far from the central areas in illegal subdivisions and their adjacencies. The largest informal /illegal settlements or invasions identified are Itapoã, Expansão São José da Vila, and Arapoanga Mestre D'Armas. There is a clear effort to integrate the informal urbanization in planning throughout the DF more realistically. Also noteworthy is the strong popular participation in the process of revising the master plan. CONCLUSION The housing policies and urban management tools employed by the government in the city, particularly those related to the informal settlements phenomenon, shaped the urbanisation process and the current spatial development of the Brasília territory. The belief that the government control over the land would result in a well-planned and more equal city and that planning policies, legislation and urban management instruments would be the efficient instruments for that, proved not to be true during the development of the city. These instruments generated urban settlements that are far from being a city that can offer any kind of civitas for its citizens.

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The policy choices which avoided at any costs the presence of slums in the modernist plan UNESCO protected central area with the creation of new urbanised areas as a response to housing demand generated problems and consequences on the integration of these urban development forms to the city, producing a dual city: the utopian versus the real city The efforts made by government and society at the end of the 2010’s, such as the participatory planning processes are a trend in trying to reverse the perverse unequal and social segregation of the territory. There is a clear recognition of the consolidated economical presence and potential of cities such as Taguatinga, Ceilandia, Guara and Gama for the region and that better quality of life, services, education, health and job opportunities must be more developed in those areas of the city. This is why the urban integration of these regions and their population is crucial to the future of the city.

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