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R. Scott Baxter

Industrial and Domestic Landscapes of a California Oil Field ABSTRACT By the turn of the 19th century, the United States was a heavily industrialized nation in the midst of the Victorian period. A series of intertwined values developed concerning the appropriate use of space both in and out of the work place and home. While the majority pursued these standards, individuals working in extractive industries were often on society’s periphery. Squaw Flat is an isolated oil field in Ventura County, California, occupied from ca. 1912–1954. In a remote location with limited choices, workers at Squaw Flat were able to use the landscape to express societal values concerning professional, domestic, public, and private space.

Introduction Archaeological and historical research was conducted on historic oil lease land known as Squaw Flat (Figure 1) in Ventura County, California. This location was chosen for study as it was historically and physically separated from other oil activities, providing a study area with relevant, discernible boundaries. Research consisted of historical research, oral history, and an intensive pedestrian survey (Figure 2). Historical research revealed a rich business history, but a paucity of documents related directly to the individuals working at Squaw Flat. Though no one who worked directly at Squaw Flat was located, persons who worked in the area gave valuable oral testimony concerning petroleum activities in the area. Pedestrian surveys focused on the claims, leases, and wells, limited in part by accessibility issues (poison oak and topography). While this work is considered preliminary, distinctive patterns have already emerged from the archaeological record. Squaw Flat is located in a lucrative yet imposing location in a remote region of the Piru Mountains in the Transverse Ranges of Ventura County, California. Ample water and level ground for farming were counterbalanced by long distances from markets and a generally inhospitable environment. Despite those drawbacks,

Historical Archaeology, 2002, 36(3): 18–27. Permission to reprint required.

FIGURE 1. Site location of Squaw Flat.

the A. A. Cohn (sometimes spelled Cohen) family was drawn here in the 1870s, reportedly constructing an adobe house and maintaining a peach orchard through the latter half of the 19th century (Friend 1997). Until the turn of the century, their homestead remained isolated. Historic developments would soon change and greatly advance exploitation of the area. Petroleum and Squaw Flat Most people today associate petroleum with automobiles, but the industry had a different origin. The market for illumination shaped the beginnings of the oil industry in the 19th century as a lighting fuel. In antebellum America, whale oil and camphene were the primary sources of lighting fuels. Whale oil was widely held as the best illuminating oil, but whale catches were dwindling, forcing the price of whale oil up to $2.50 per gallon. This prompted the search for an alternative. Chief among these was

Baxter—Industrial and Domestic Landscapes of a California Oil Field

camphene. Produced primarily in the Carolinas, camphene supplies were cut off during the Civil War, forcing Unionists to find yet another alternative illuminating fuel. In 1859, Edwin Drake’s famous Pennsylvania oil well proved

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the ready availability of petroleum. Refined petroleum produced kerosene. With some fits and starts, kerosene came to dominate the illuminating oil market (White 1968:2; Yergin 1991:22–23). Petroleum soon became a sought-

FIGURE 2. Squaw Flat survey area.

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after commodity, and, with the constraints of the Civil War, California saw its first short-lived oil boom in 1860–61 (Caughey 1940:418; White 1962:4–9; Beck and Williams 1972:293). With its many tar seeps, Ventura County in California was a hot spot for early oil exploration. While most oil fields provide pools of oil in contiguous, if ill-defined deposits, the fields of Ventura were different. Petroleum is deposited there in fissures and pockets in a fault- ridden strata of shale and sandstone. Drilling for oil remains a challenging activity, with dry holes drilled within feet of gushers. Drilling activity in the Ventura oil fields has been best defined as perpetual exploration rather than development (Daries 1997). A second key factor to the development of the area is its topography. Squaw Flat, part of the Sespe oil field, is located in one of the most rugged locations for an oil field in the continental U.S, the Piru Mountains. With few natural passes, the interior of this region remains extremely isolated. Roads snake along vertical slopes. At higher elevations, snow buries roads in winter. In the spring, snow melt and rain wash out roads at lower elevations. Still, petroleum resources in the area were lucrative enough to spur exploitation and development even in this most remote area. Several companies explored the area for petroleum: Squaw Flat Oil Company (Pruztman 1913:101), New Moodey Gultch (Pruztman 1913:101), Big Chief (Pruztman 1913:101; Houston 1933a), Houston & Cohn (Department of Petroleum and Gas 1926, 1933; Houston and Cohn 1933, 1937; Patterson 1933; Bush 1934; Thomas 1934; Cohn, Amy 1937), Squaw Flat Placer (Friel 1920), Beesum (Harrell 1948; Kaplow 1950; Cohn 1952; Harrell 1952a, 1952b, 1970; Neese 1995), Stansburry Inc. (Pathfinder Petroleum 1933, 1953a, 1953b; Stansbury 1954a, 1954b; Neese 1995), and Border Oil Company No. 1 (Brothers 1926; MacDonald 1929; Houston 1933b, 1933c; Landers 1933; Houston and Cohn 1940). These companies worked in the area from some time before 1912 through 1954 (Figure 3). A. A. Cohn and C. W. Houston directed exploration, although the work was done under a variety of names. These two individuals entered into a series of contracts with a number of companies to carry out drilling and development. A placer claim filed in 1920 (Friel 1920) under the names A. A. Cohn and

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 36(3)

FIGURE 3. Time line of companies working in the area, 1912–1970.

S. Conner gives detailed descriptions of a highly developed claim, valued at $45,000. Assets listed in this claim include a boarding house, three bunkhouses, a water tank, a well, and a derrick. Conner drops from the record but Houston and Cohn are linked with continued work at Squaw Flat for the next three decades. This work included drilling at the following wells: Big Chief No. 1, Houston & Cohn, Beesum, and Border Oil Company No. 1. Workers contracted to work at these wells were housed in the bunk- and boarding houses listed in the 1920 placer claim. No quantities of oil were ever produced economically. Squaw Flat remained an exploratory location and drilling ended in 1954. The property was turned over to the U.S. Forest Service in the 1970s. Oil Leases and Housing California oil towns like MicKittrick, Taft, Maricopa, and Fillmore provided oil field workers with many of the luxuries of home: comfortable housing, hotels, saloons, restaurants, stores, and theaters (Rintoul 1978). Company towns like Fellows, California, were established to attract workers, although they served the dual purpose of maintaining a certain measure of control over the social life of their workers (Kaldenburg and Graham 1973). Even some smaller communities boasted comfortable accommodations. Rio Bravo, for example, was one

Baxter—Industrial and Domestic Landscapes of a California Oil Field

of several communities established in 1908 by Standard Oil Company to maintain pump stations along its Central Valley pipeline. This small residential community boasted stylish, well designed, and well-constructed cottages, though it lacked the shops and businesses the larger communities maintained (Baxter 1995). The oil industry also spurred the development of what has become known as lease housing. Historic oil leases, like any other mineral claim, provided the leaseholder with the right to extract petroleum or natural gas from the land, and “improve” the property as necessary, while the U.S. Government retained ownership of the land. Private landholders were also sometimes involved. Improvements might include oil wells, pipelines for transportation of oil, tanks for storage of oil and water, machine and/or blacksmith shops, roads, and residences or other such structures. Oil leases generally encompassed only the site of extraction where the oil was pumped from the ground. Oil was usually shipped elsewhere for refinement. Leases could be large- or small holdings of land in welldeveloped oil fields or small land tracts in peripheral but promising locations. Varied activities at lease sites included drilling new or exploratory wells, maintaining pumps at producing wells, and checking tank and pipelines. The majority of these activities were 24-hour per day jobs. Drilling was carried out around the clock in two 12-hour or three 8-hour shifts. At producing wells, machinery had to be lubricated at regular intervals, and boilers had to be checked and kept clean to avoid explosions. Workers who drilled wells were generally not the men who operated them. Each process was a separate, specialized skill. On the whole, drillers were somewhat transient. Most were single men who only stayed in one location until the job was done, generally a matter of months. Well operators were usually tied to a production company and were generally more settled, facing a commitment of years rather than months. If accommodations were provided at a lease, their families frequently joined them. Accommodations for the oil field’s working men (and sometimes their families) were frequently located on lease lands. The more remote the lease location, the more likely that accommodations were provided. Such remoteness was not conducive to commuting from town,

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and on-site housing ensured someone would be at the site 24 hours per day. Lease housing was widely variable in quality and quantity, depending primarily on the expected length of occupation. Often, housing on oil leases amounted to nothing more than a few tents, although accommodations were frequently made up of a mixture of wood-framed, bunk- and boarding houses. In 1889, at Torrey Canyon in Ventura County, California, accommodations were limited to a wood-framed bunkhouse and a cookhouse for the crew of men (Henderson n.d.:3). These sparse accommodations were probably due to the fact that these were only exploratory wells being drilled by Torrey Canyon Oil Company, a forerunner of Union Oil. It made little sense for the company to invest much capital in an, as yet, unproven area. Simple one-room bunkhouses were typical of exploratory locations and were usually inhabited only by oilmen and their support staff (the cook). By the 1910s, at their oil-producing leases at Tar Creek in Ventura County, Union Oil had built several permanent, single family, wood-framed structures and even a school house to accommodate the men and their families (Daries 1997). Generally the more established the operation at a particular location, the more elaborate the facilities constructed to house and provide for them. Places like Tar Creek were the culmination of this development, where oil workers were provided housing for themselves and their families as well as amenities such as schools or shops. The purpose of lease housing was to locate the workers at the job site. They lived surrounded by oil derricks piercing the sky, oil burning boilers, the pounding of cable tool rigs, the continuous clank of machinery, and the crack of the blacksmith’s hammer. The generally sparse accommodations constructed at exploratory oil leases like Squaw Flat restricted the separation of professional and domestic, and public and private space within their homes. Workers shared their rooms, dinner table, and (not infrequently) their shower and toiletry facilities with a host of other men. Workers on oil-lease lands were highly dependent on the company, be it big or small, for their housing and supplies. Mary Alice Henderson (n.d.:3) and Gerald Lynch (1987) have noted that drillers and their crews had a pretty free

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hand in the construction and organization of the facilities, but their choices were limited by what the various companies could or would supply to the workers. This scenario stands in contrast to the typical industrial period household. In many of America’s industrial settings, workers enjoyed a separation of work and home. Societal guardians fostered a call for the physical separation of public and private space within the home as well (Crossick 1978:149; Daunton 1983:224; Davidoff and Hall 1987:359–361; Crow and Allan 1990:13). Smart business practice demanded the use of small, cheap, single room, bunkand boarding houses at exploratory locations like Squaw Flat. Did the Squaw Flat laborers completely disregard society’s practices of segregating and organizing space while living on these oil leases? Separation of Professional and Domestic, Public and Private Space With the rapid rise of American industry during the 19th century came radical changes in how society functioned in everyday life. Shifts in the organization and use of space were key among these changes, specifically the separation of the professional and domestic spheres and of public and private spheres within the home. As industrial production became more ingrained in American society, so too did this organization of space. Industries found that by gathering increasingly specialized workers under one roof, they could produce goods more cheaply than by the traditional craft method. Where once a gunsmith built a complete firearm, now one person built the barrel, one person made ignition locks, another made the stock, and yet another put the firearm together. All the while, production was also becoming increasingly mechanized. More space and money were needed for such an operation. Production gradually shifted away from the home. In turn, this brought about the increased segregation of the workplace and the home. The focus of many laborers’ lives shifted from work to the home (Kemp 1978:12; Clark 1988). As laborers replaced skilled craftsmen, people began to define themselves by class affiliation and values, rather than by association with a guild or trade (Davidhoff and Hall 1987:12).

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 36(3)

The man was no longer a gunsmith, cobbler, or furniture maker. He and, in turn, his family were of the working class. The home became an important tool in the maintenance of class values and relationships (Clark 1988). It also became a refuge from work for many urban and suburban dwellers (Fitts 1999:46; Crane 2000:25). “. . . [T]he central tenet of the new canon of domesticity . . . was the assertion that the household should be a refuge from the outside world, a fortress designed to protect, nurture and strengthen the individuals within it” (Clark 1986:29). The importance of home life is underscored by the fact that even as early as the colonial period, workers were living some distance from their jobs. They preferred to live in the appropriate neighborhood and be close to family rather than live close to their place of employment (Coontz 1988:165; Rothschild 1992:216–217). The home was primarily occupied during the day by housewives and their children, for by the mid-19th century, wage labor was increasingly a male-dominated pursuit (Ryan 1981:101; May 1987:111–113; Blumin 1989:184; Shackel 1996:2). This male-dominated wage labor further dichotomized work and home as men ventured into the professional realm of work, and women spent increasing amounts of time in the domestic space of the home (Roberts 1984:200–202; Shackel 1996:2). As Stephen Mrozowski (1991:80) has stated, “Where for centuries domestic space served as an area for work, now it performed more of an ornamental function.” James Deetz’s (1977:92–117; 1996:125–164) discussion of 17th-century house plans illustrates the beginnings of the relation of floor plans, mindset, and the division of public and private space. This separation of public and private space peaked in the Victorian era. The parlor and other rooms devoted solely to public activities appeared in house plans with the specific goal of separating public activities from private ones (Clark 1988). Katherine Grier’s (1992:51) recent analysis notes that, “One important characteristic of Victorian house architecture, including modest plan-book houses in the second half of the 19th century, was that public and private spaces were clearly defined and separated from one another as much as possible.” This separation of public and private space was a key

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Baxter—Industrial and Domestic Landscapes of a California Oil Field

element of house plans throughout the Victorian period (Rotman and Nassaney 1997). In short, with the rise of industrialism, the professional and domestic aspects of life were physically separated. Separation of public and private space within the home also became increasingly important. In looking at contemporary sources, it was generally espoused that this trend toward segmentation of space was beneficial to the family and something to which all aspects of society should aspire (Crossick 1978:149; Daunton 1983:224; Davidoff and Hall 1987:359–361; Crow and Allan 1990:13). Spatial Patterning at Squaw Flat The archaeological survey located 21 activity areas or loci. These included seven well locations, a bunkhouse, a boarding house, two unidentifiable structures, two separate tank locations, a claim marker, and seven dumps (Table 1). The author directly correlated many of these loci with features that appeared on historical maps (Figure 4). One such feature was a collapsed, wood framed, gable roofed, boardand-batten bunkhouse. This structure lacked partitions and appears to have been a simple one-room building. Survey also located the collapsed boarding house, a gable-roofed, board-

FIGURE 4. Feature map of Squaw Flat.

and-batten structure. This structure had piped-in and heated water, probably for shower facilities (an important “luxury” needed to remove the toxic grime of a day’s work). Though listed

TABLE 1 LOCI AND HISTORIC AFFILIATION Locus A B C D E G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V

Beesum

Houston &Cohn

Big Chief

Squaw Flat Placer

Border Oil

Stansburry Inc.

dump dump dump

boarding house bunk house

well

shed dump well?

tank well

tanks

well

well

well

claim post well

well

well

Unknown

dump dump

well shed? well

dump

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 36(3)

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as a boarding house (Friel 1920), no partitions were noted in the ruins to suggest segregated space. Several well and tank locations were correlated with historically recorded features as well. Two patterns were immediately apparent in these loci. First, the residential units, both those listed in historical records and those located on the ground, are set apart from the industrial features (Figure 5). Residential units are scattered around the northern portion of Squaw Flat itself, while the wells and tanks are positioned on surrounding ridge tops and in the floors of surrounding canyons, effectively isolating one from the other. Second, the dumps are segregated according to composition. Each of the seven dumps overwhelmingly contained either industrial or domestic refuse, with the dominant component generally composing 85–95% of the material (Table 2). In some cases, these dumps were located within a few feet of each other but were distinctly separated from one another by ridgelines and other landforms. Additionally, much of this material was hauled some distance to dump it where it is currently located, showing a fair amount of effort for no apparent reason.

freedom given them in constructing their camp, the oilmen did their best to separate their housing from the well sites. They used distance and landforms to block out the sight, sound, and smell of drilling from the atmosphere that immediately surrounded their temporary homes. This pattern could be explained through geologic needs (placing houses on areas that were not expected to produce oil), engineering requirements (putting houses on flat ground), or local logistical needs. Until recently, little science was behind deciding where to drill for oil in the Sespe Oil Field that encompasses Squaw Flat. Oil is deposited in these fields in discontinuous pockets and fissures. The area is well known for producing dry holes immediately adjacent to flowing wells. Oil drillers would, more or less randomly, stick holes in the ground until they hit oil, trying to drill where there was some indication or hope of oil (Daries 1997). Wells at Squaw Flat reflect this anarchic method of exploration with some located on ridge tops and others in canyon bottoms, not conforming to any stratigraphic or topographic details. Engineering was certainly an important factor in how the wells and machinery were constructed but seems to have had little impact on the location of the

Business Versus Culture Houston and Cohn wished to produce oil with as little investment as possible. They were also faced with the challenge of drilling in an area that had yet to prove itself productive, making any investment tenuous. To provide labor at this remote location, the most economical option was to house the workers at the site. A practical solution was to provide small, cheap, one room, board-and-batten buildings that provided at least the appearance of protection from the elements. A number of sources (Henderson n.d.:3; Lynch 1987) reported that these oil workers were provided needed building materials, but given a relatively free hand in setting up operations at these leases. This freedom was a concession on the part of the investors to mollify any bad feelings that may be generated by the less-thandesirable conditions faced by their employees. Work and Home at Squaw Flat The oilmen at Squaw Flat were placed in the middle of their place of work. Using the

FIGURE 5. Flat.

Residential and industrial loci of Squaw

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Baxter—Industrial and Domestic Landscapes of a California Oil Field

TABLE 2 COMPOSITION OF REFUSE AT DUMPS Locus A B C H N O U

% Domestic Refuse

% Industrial Refuse

96 85 0 97 0 95 55

0 0 75 0 100 20 0

wells or residential structures. Though some naturally level ground was utilized, some was not, and some was created. Water and fuel oil were piped where needed. Aside from those two factors, there are few engineering constraints above ground on well location. Logistically it would have made some practical sense to provide housing at a location central to the wells, but some of the wells were drilled 30–40 years after the camp was constructed, and it is doubtful that Houston and Cohn had every possible well location delineated. Aside from these more practical possibilities, an apparent desire is archaeologically evident to separate home from work, to distance the smells of the kitchen from smoke-belching boilers, and the strum of the guitar on the porch from the pounding of a drill. Following Victorian and post-Victorian working-class values, an appropriate home should be separated from the influences of that male domain, the workplace. Though surrounded by the evidence of active oil exploration, workers at Squaw Flat still managed to remove themselves from direct contact with these activities when not on duty. Though conveniently located at the job site, the oilmen did their best to separate themselves from their work. Public and Private Space at Squaw Flat These same men were also housed in simple one-room, bunk- and boarding houses, lacking in the separation of public and private space defined as so important to social well being during this time. As a result, they looked elsewhere for ways to separate their public and private lives. Their trash became a symbol of this separation. Workers and residents at Squaw Flat went well out of their way to separate their domestic refuse

% Refuse of Unknown Origin 4 14 25 3 0 3 45

from that generated by drilling. These dumps were used as more than simple repositories for useless items. They also represented the activities that generated them. In separating the slag, cable, broken machinery, and timbers of public work life from the ruined clothing, food cans, and broken personal items of the private home life, they were perhaps consciously separating these aspects of life. In a broader sense, the landscape here was used as a mitigation device for mediating conflicting agendas between the developers and the drillers, the need of the employer to place them at their work place in simple structures, and the workers’ desires to maintain important social parameters. Landforms and distance acted as fences separating the professional and domestic space, a pattern that has been noted elsewhere (Mrozowski 1991:94). Workers also used the landscape to help visually separate the public from the private. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks to Rebecca Allen, D. Jackson Scott, Gina Nichols, and Kimberly Wooten for their help and comments on this document, and Steven Horne and Los Padres National Forest for access to Squaw Flat.

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R. SCOTT BAXTER PAST FORWARD, INC. PO BOX 201 10675 O’NEIL ALLEY AMADOR CITY, CA 95601