High Desert Linguistics Conference 12 Linguistics as an Interdisciplinary Science

Invited Speakers Ronnie Wilbur Purdue University

Eve Sweetser University of California, Berkeley

Sally Rice University of Alberta

Welcome to the 12th High Desert Linguistics Society Conference! . .

The High Desert Linguistics Society (HDLS) is run by University of New Mexico graduate students of Linguistics, Spanish and Portuguese, and Educational Linguistics. The goal of its biennial conference is to , provide a forum for scholars to present their work in all cognitive and usage-based approaches to linguistic analysis. The theme ofthis year's conference is "Linguistics as an Interdisciplinary Science," and we are proud to report that this has attracted researchers from areas as diverse as language documentation, educational linguistics, typology, psycholinguistics, language change, and sociolinguistics. Our conference traditionally prides itself on its status as one of the premier ·venues for the presentation. of research on signed languages and Spanish linguistics. We are happy to see that these areas are yet again well represented this year. In light of the great interest that Spanish (socio)linguistics has garnered both in our own department and in the field at large, we decided to admit Spanish-language posters and a Spanish-language panel for the first time. We hope that you will enjoy this innovation. Furthermore, we are very fortunate to have three keynote speakers who are all leading figures in their respective research areas: SallyRice (University of Alberta), Ronnie Wilbur (Purdue University), and Eve Sweetser (University.ofCalifomia, Berkeley). While the current HDLS officers are responsible for the organization of the conference, we have· benefited from the advice and support of many people in the process. This includes all attendees and presenters, the keynote speakers, the Indigenous native speakers, the signed language interpreters, former HDLS officers, graduate and undergraduate volunteers, Linguistics faculty and staff, and last but not least, the institutions listed on the back of this page, which generously helped us with funding. (

Finally, in an effort to minimize the ecological footprint of this conference, we decided to make the list of abstracts available online only. All you need is a smartphone or similar device, and you can download the document containing the abstracts by scanning this code:

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TALKS

An Analysis of Navajo and ASL Verbal Constructions

The precedent for comparing American Sign Language (ASL) and Navajo was first established when Supalla (1978) highlighted the profiling nature of classificatory verbs and suggested that ASL structure should be considered akin to polysynthetic languages. Over time, this comparison has been taken for granted and has become an offhanded statement made without close scrutiny of the structures which are the source material of comparison. The two languages are equated for the morpho-phonological structure of so-called ‘handling verbs’ (cf. Young 2000 for Navajo; Dudis 2007 for ASL). While early studies focused on the similarities between these classificatory systems, the current trend has focused on refuting such claims (Schembri 2003; Engberg-Pederson 1993). Primarily, this change in perspective is based in claims that such comparisons are faulty because of terminological misinterpretations of classificatory verbs as they relate to ASL and Navajo. However, these refutations have neither compared the languages directly nor included primary data. Diverging from such methodologies, we utilize a construction-based framework to investigate the formal and functional overlap in these two languages. Historically, while the focus has been solely on classifier constructions, we expand this data set to include a large number of related constructions of which such classificatory predications are merely subtypes. Thus casting a wide net, we include stative (1), transitive (2), and ditransitive (3) constructions in our analysis, though these constructions are often referred to in ASL linguistics as classificatory motion/location verbs, handling verbs, and agreement verbs. (1) Stative: ‘The cow is lying outside’ a. COW OUTSIDE CL:animal.lie.bent-V b. bééghashii tł’óó-góó si-Ø-tį́ cow outside-DIR ASP-3SUBJ-be.PERF.ANIMATE (2) Transitive: ‘I asked her/him’ a. 1P-ASK-3P FINISH b. na-bi-dí-í-ł-kid ADV-3IO-ADV-1SUBJ-VL-ask.PERF (3) Ditransitive: ‘S/he gave me a (sewing) needle’ a. SEW CL:small.stiff-slender-obj.FF 3P-GIVE.F-1P FINISH b. tsah shei-ní-Ø-tą́ needle 1IO.ADV-ASP-give.PERF.STIFF-SLENDER-OBJ

Analysis of these complex polysynthetic verbal constructions reveals several similarities in both the structural and semantic profiles. Primarily, classificatory verbs in both ASL and Navajo exhibit similar cognitive groupings regarding the types of entities which are encoded in the categorization. For example, some ditransitive constructions such as ‘give’ utilize elements of the classificatory system. We also find evidence suggesting that frequent usage has lead to the grammaticalization of some forms, but not others. Such highly schematic forms are semantically bleached and thus can refer to a larger set of objects than the sole prototype suggests, e.g. solid roundish object in Navajo and flat-flexible-object (HS:flat-O) for ASL. Additionally, both languages extend classificatory verbs in metaphorical ways, including abstract concepts such as ‘information’ and ‘singing’. Furthermore, several areas of divergence were also identified. In Navajo stative constructions, many objects do not take a classificatory verb stem, e.g. chidi sizį́ ‘vehicle is parked/standing’; however, ASL requires a classifier handshape in these instances, such as HS:3.CL.vehicle.be.located.at.loc ‘the vehicle is parked/located (there)’. Similar divergences were found for transitive verb constructions. While Navajo makes extensive use of classificatory stems, ASL rarely invokes classifier handshapes in these constructions. In conclusion, making broad generalizations regarding similarities or differences between ASL and Navajo does not seem fruitful. Instead we advocate that it is only in construction-level analysis, that we gain the ability more felicitously compare these complex verbal systems. While there are many ways in which ASL and Navajo differ, several semantic and structural similarities are also apparent. These parallels are likely driven by domain general, cognitive mechanisms which are at work in all languages and across modalities. Bibliography Dudis, P. (2007). Types of Depiction in ASL. Manuscript. Galludet University. Engberg-Pedersen, E. (1993). Space in Danish sign language: the semantics and morphosyntax of the use of space in a visual language (Vol. 19). Hamburg: Signum. Schembri, A. (2003). Rethinking “classifiers” in signed languages. In K. Emmorey (Ed.), Perspectives on Classifier Constructions in Sign Languages (pp. 3–34). Mahwah, N.J: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Supalla, T. (1978, October). Morphology of verbs of motion and location in American Sign Language. In Proceedings of the second national symposium on sign language research and teaching (pp. 27-45). Young, Robert W. (2000). The Navajo Verb System: An Overview. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.

Yo nomás les hablé patrás – Nuevomexicano Spanish patrás and the case for frequency effects in contact induced grammaticalization Abstract The expanded use of patrás (or para atrás) is one of the most salient features of US Spanish and is commonly attributed to English influence. Lipsky (1985) claims that it constitutes a syntactic calque from English constructions with back, Otheguy (1999) maintains it shows cultural but not linguistic influence and Villa (2005) ascribes patrás to a process of grammaticalization completely internal to Spanish. One shortcoming of previous studies is that they do not define precisely in what way the semantics of patrás have changed in these varieties of Spanish; they lack a detailed account of historical and contemporary usage of this spatial adverb. By applying Talmy’s (1983) typology of motion events to corpus data, I propose a grammaticalization path of patrás from its historical use to its contemporary use in Nuevomexicano Spanish. The Nuevomexicano corpora present uses of patrás that cannot be accounted for by the positions presented by authors in prior literature. Results from this study show that patrás in its use to express path of motion has shifted from primarily atelic meanings backwards motion to primarily telic meanings of return. This semantic shift can be seen across Germanic languages for adverbs deriving from the noun back and in Romance languages in the prefix re- from Latin adverb retro. This study proposes that innovative uses of patrás to express return occur sporadically in all dialects of Spanish, but that contact with English has created the frequency conditions for this innovation to become entrenched as part of the conventionalized repertoire of uses for the construction. It is hypothesized that contact with English led to an increased frequency of satellite-framed constructions in Spanish, making innovations in both their form and meaning more likely to entrench and lead to systematic linguistic change. Lipski, J. M. (1986). The construction pa(ra) atrás among Spanish-English bilinguals: parallel structures and universal patterns. Iberoamericana (1977-2000), 10(2/3 (28/29)), 87–96. Otheguy, R. (1999). A reconsideration of the notion of loan translation in the analysis of US Spanish. In Spanish in the United States: Linguistic contact and diversity. Walter de Gruyter. Talmy, L. (1983). How Language Structures Space. In H. L. P. Jr & L. P. Acredolo (Eds.), Spatial Orientation (pp. 225–325-6_11282). Springer US. Retrieved from http://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-1-4615-9 Villa, D. J. (2005). Back to Patrás: A Process of Grammaticization in a Contact Variety of Spanish.

A variationist perspective on Spanish-origin verbs in Paraguayan Guarani Paraguay presents a unique case of societal bilingualism in Latin America: almost 90% of its population speaks the indigenous language Guarani, and half of the population is bilingual in Spanish and Guarani. However, contemporary Guarani has been described as an unpredictable, ad-hoc mix of Guarani and Spanish. This idea is also reflected in the local term jopara, ‘mixture’, used to refer to the variety by its speakers. A particularly salient contact feature are loan verbs: Spanish-origin roots used with Guarani morphology. To gain an empirical perspective on the motivation of Guarani bilingual verbs, 35 sociolinguistic interviews were conducted with Guarani speakers who live or work in Asunción (Paraguay’s capital). The initial hypothesis was that, due to a tendency towards bilingualism in urban areas, younger speakers would use Spanish-origin verbs more frequently than older speakers. But an initial count of all verb tokens in the interviews with the two oldest and the two youngest speakers (average age: 77 vs. 21; total tokens: 2930) showed only a small increase in the use of Spanishorigin verbs (an 8% rise). Next, the degree to which some verb meanings have competing Spanish-origin and a Guarani forms was quantified to test the hypothesis of ongoing relexification. Of the total amount of 329 different verb meanings expressed in the interviews, very few have broadly equivalent and therefore interchangeable forms. The rest of the meanings were expressed categorically, i.e. using always either a Guarani or a Spanish-origin form. Two of the variable verbs (‘know’ and ‘live’) were coded in the 35 interviews of the corpus and they were correlated with demographic data and internal factors. It was found that the age of the speaker did not have the effect that was proposed in the hypothesis, that is, the amount of tokens of the Spanish-origin form of these verbs did not increase with younger generations. A reexamination of the initial verb count showed that the difference in preference for Spanish-origin forms between the oldest and the youngest speakers was in the low-frequency verbs. Thus, verb meanings like ‘live’ and ‘know’, which are mid-frequency, are unlikely to undergo change. This resistance to change is also evident in high-frequency verbs, which are all categorical Guaraniorigin stems, that is, no Spanish-origin counterparts were found in the corpus. Overall, these results suggest that if Spanish-origin verbs are replacing Guarani verbs, only lowfrequency verbs are affected, and thus, the process is slower than generally assumed. Also, the data analyzed here indicate that the incorporation of Spanish-origin verbs into the language for the most part does not represent a loss of Guarani verbs, but rather serves the purpose of lexical expansion. Finally, the low variability in the expression of verb meanings helps discredit the idea that spoken Guarani is a random, on-the-spot mixture of Guarani and Spanish.

Dan Brodkin Linguistics Carleton College ‘18 Hän Object Shift, Wh-Raising, and 4th-person Marking: A Morphological Analysis Hän, a critically endangered Northern Athabaskan language with only six remaining speakers in Eagle, Alaska and Dawson City, Yukon, contains within its rich morphological inventory a particular subject-object marker ​ ​yë which demonstrates complex interactions in relation to the processes of object shift, wh-raising, and relative clause formation. The behavior ​ of ​yë, while clearly syntactically patterned, displays semantic oddities in that its presence or absence in wh-raising and relative clause structures may variably hold or lack semantic force. Yë’s primary function is to mark a third person singular object (henceforth 3sO) on a Hän verb with a third person singular subject (3sS) when nothing overtly surfaces in the canonical pre-verbal object position. Hän, like many other Athabaskan languages, zero-marks both 3s subjects and objects on its verbs, so sentences involving both a 3sS and 3sO rely on strict SOV word order to clarify their meaning, with immediately pre-verbal arguments necessarily interpreted as themes, ​ but ​yë, in Hän, allows for syntactic and semantic deviation from this strict pattern. While utterances containing only a single DP and a zero-marked (3sS-O) verb necessarily assign the visible argument the role of theme, ​ when ​yë appears on the verb, the pre-verbal argument necessarily receives the semantic role of subject- with no other interpretations possible, as shown in (1). Yë’s appearance, along the same lines, may also enable separation of objects from the verbs they typically directly precede. While certain particles, like focus markers, may intervene between the theme and verb without triggering the​ appearance of ​yë, prepositional phrases and even subjects may appear between the verb and​ its object when ​yë is present, as shown in (2). Yë may additionally appear with wh-items, occasionally having semantic effects on possible readings which indicate underlying processes of wh-raising and object shift, by which wh-items and objects, respectively, may raise to a phrase-initial position (Spec, CP in Generative terms.) Wh-items in Hän, just as in other Athabaskan languages such as Slavey (Rice 1989), Navajo (Speas 1990), and Babine Witsuwit’en (Denham 2000), may surface in-situ, appearing clause-initially when subjects and immediately pre-verbally when objects, or may surface at the start of a phrase (the result, within a generative framework, of a raising operation). When wh-items appear clause-initially, ambiguities may arise, as the wh-item may represent either subject or object in its clause- and curiously, yë may surface in these clauses without any apparent function, failing to resolve syntactic ambiguities, as shown in (3). Yet when wh-items appear pre-verbally, where typically they would be read as objects, but some DP precedes them and the verb is marked by yë, the wh-item must be read as subject, rather than object, Lastly, yë frequently surfaces in somewhat unnatural-seeming relative-clause like structures, though this may simply reflect speakers’ difficulty in translating English-style relative clauses into Hän, which, like many members of the Athabaskan family, shows a heavy distaste for such structures. Data on the interactions between ​ relative clauses and ​yë appears below in (4), though all such constructions in Hän must be regarded with heavy skepticism. (1) a. T’ëgaa tähtröö b. T’ëgaa yëtähtröö Girl FUT-3sS-3sO-CAUS-cry Girl ​yë​-FUT-3sS-3sO-CAUS-cry “He’ll make the girl cry” “The girl will make him cry” (2) a. John shëcar nöö në’ayy b. Shëcar nöö John yënë’ayy John 1sg-car FOCUS 3sS-3sO-steal.pfv 1sg car FOCUS John ​yë-​3sS-3oO-steal.pfv John stole my car, I tell you! It was my car that John stole! (3) a. Dòo jëjee (yë)nöh​'i̜ i̜ b. ​ Dòo jëjee (yë)nöh​'i̜ i̜ Who man (yë-)3sS-3oO-see Who man (yë-)3sS-3oO-see “Who does the man see?” “Who sees the man?” (4) a. Erica jëjee ​nöh​'i̜ i̜ eyy ɬa̜yy yë'àw Erica man 3sS-3oO-see that one dog ​yë​-3sS-3sO-bite.pfv “Erica saw the man that the dog bit” (Lit. “Erica saw the man, the one the dog bit”)

Code switching in Whatsapp conversations: Spanish/Nánuatl conversation group Alejandro Elizondo Romero Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana México In the past decade, Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) has evolved in an accelerated manner by modifying several of our conceptions of communicative interaction. Concepts such as conversation, interaction or even orality and literacy have been forced to be rethought to their new digital manifestations. CMC is defined as the communicative interaction performed by humans using a technological device such as a computer or a Smartphone. Within this field of study, linguists can analyze e-mail exchanges, reading and writing practices in forums, interaction in social networking sites and conversations through instant messaging services; among other research topics. This study focuses on the specific genre of instant messaging services, particularly in Whatsapp (WA); this service has the largest number of users in Mexico. One of the first questions that arises is: is what we do in Whatsapp really a conversation? According to Antonio Briz , the discursive genre denominated Conversation is defined as: “… a type of oral speech, the prototypical manifestation of the oral, dialogic, characterized by communicative immediacy, its dynamism and cooperative nature and not predetermined alternating turns.” (Briz, 2000)Thus, it is clear that we are facing a new kind of discursive genre, that although coincides in many points with the traditional definition of conversation, also differs in more than one point. First, WA conversations are not oral, although the platform allows the exchange of audio messages; the vast majority of exchanges are made in writing. Even though the dialogue structure is maintained as a succession of turns, this concept should be reformulated in order to describe these interactions. In the case of exchanges in Whatsapp, as in many forms of computer-mediated communication, neither space nor time are shared by the participants. Generally WA conversations are held by speakers who are not in the same physical space. It is also very common that they are abandoned for days, weeks or even months and resumed naturally in the same spot they were left or, “reactivated" with a new greeting or another formula different from the opening sequences of other interactions. Finally, the concept of cooperation is even more important than in oral conversations. In this context, it is technically impossible to start an exchanged without an interlocutor, unlike the oral ability to "talk to oneself". Despite the differences mentioned, in the eyes of users, these exchanges are perceived as simple conversations. A phenomenon that is commonly associated with oral exchanges is Code Switching. According to J. Androustopoulos, Code Switching is defined as the juxtaposition of linguistic codes within a sentence, or the alteration of codes that do not represent any specific pragmatic function (Androutsopoulos, 2011).

Methodologically, this research is based on the proposals of Peter Auer (1998). He points out that language alternations can be connected to a specific conversational structure (transfer) or to a specific point in the conversation (code switching). This alternation also focuses on the interaction process (discourse) or on its speakers. After establishing a definition of Code Switching, it is important to redefine this concept in the context of CMC. First of all, it should be clarified that not everything that appears in another language should be taken as a mark of bilingualism, because of the existing multilingual nature on the Internet. For instance, messages generated automatically by the system, as well as other appearances of a second code without communication purposes, should not be considered as code exchanges or transfers. Hereafter, Code Switching classification oriented to discourse is used to analyze the collected corpus. Within this corpus were located: discursive formulas as greetings, farewells and good wishes; repetitions with emphatic purposes; notes of acceptance, denial, agreement or disagreement; selection of a specific participant; marks of what is being said seriously or as a joke; culturally specific genre as poetry or comedy; as well as mitigations of potential acts against the image. In order to illustrate the described above, a conversational corpus of 3772 interventions was collected from April 11th to May 4th, 2016 in a group of Whatsapp speakers of Nahuatl of the Huasteca variant. From this seventy-two members group, only twenty people were involved in the fragment analyzed. Spanish language is predominant, but constant appearances of interventions are made in Nahuatl language or combinations of both. The collected data is presented in examples such as the following, where it is possible to find linguistic phenomena like ideophonematic writing, code mixing, time disruptions, among others. Original conversation 0657: Pialli kuali tonati 7836: Pialli ! 6342: Hola buena tarde( abrazo flor emojis) 7836: kualli... disfrutando del solecito

English translation 0657: Hello Good day ( Good + sun) 7836: Hello ! (ideofonematic representation) 6342: Hello good evening (hug flower emojis) 7836: Good, enjoying the sun

Some of the findings show that there are few studies on Mexican national languages as Nahuatl in digital contexts. At the same time, these languages are adapting to a new reality. Their speakers are using this technology as a means of dissemination and language maintenance. Finally, the digital writing is apparently managing to update and establish standard terms in writing. Bibliography, Androutsopoulos,,J.,(2011).,Code6switching,in,computer6mediated,communication.,In,D.,S.,S.,C., Herring,,Handbook(of(the(Pragmatics(of(CMC.,Mouton,de,Gruyter.,

Baron,,N.,S.,(2013).,Instant,messaging.,In,S.,Herring,,D.,Stein,,&,T.,Virtanen,,Pragmatics(of( Computer9mediated(communication,(pp.,1356162).,Berlín,,New,York:,de,Gryuter., Briz,,A.,(2000).,Las,unidades,de,la,conversación.,RILCE:(Revista(de(Filología(Hispánica,,2256246., ,

GESTURAL COMMUNICATION IN WILD CHIMPANZEES: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE ORIGINS OF LANGUAGE Brittany Fallon (Collaborators: Richard Byrne, Klaus Zuberbuehler, Catherine Hobaiter, Kirsty Graham) As close evolutionary relatives, chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) offer a window into humans’ evolutionary past, including the development of language and its cognitive underpinnings. Gestures are a key part of understanding the cognitive capacity of communication in Pan, as their gestural communication mimics a Gricean ostensiveinferential structure similar to human language. Here, I present results from an ongoing study, spanning 6 years, of gestural communication in the wild chimpanzees of Budongo, Uganda, with comparisons to the wild bonobos (Pan paniscus) of Wamba, Democratic Republic of Congo. Chimpanzees gesture in a variety of social contexts, and do so intentionally, marked by respect to the attention state of the recipient, response waiting, and persistence. Across social contexts, chimpanzee gestures are reliably and statistically associated with specific behavioral outcomes, suggesting intrinsic meaning in the gesture itself. For example, beckon is primarily used to request that an individual move closer to the signaler [1]. Gestures can, however, be employed outside of their primary contextual meaning, demonstrating a flexibility that is not well understood. In particular, it is not clear what cues chimpanzees use to determine the desired goal of the signaler for gestures that are used in multiple contexts. A recent comparison of wild bonobos and wild chimpanzees offers insight into this question: although bonobos have a gestural repertoire nearly identical to chimpanzees, gestures shared by Pan are used for different meanings in each species [2], implying contextual flexibility at the level of the genus. One possible means of disambiguating flexible gestures may be the use of gesture combinations and contextual cues. To that end, I present results from 2,688 hours of fieldwork focusing on the context of courtship, yielding 1,673 gestures from 14 chimpanzee males (8 adults and 6 sub-adults). Courtship is interesting because it is one of the behavioural contexts in which chimpanzees are cognitively highly challenged due to intense sexual competition and high reproductive stakes. For that reason, it is not surprising that mating communication exhibits considerable gestural complexity. It is within this type of environment that the capacities underlying human language faculty may have evolved. Results suggest that individuals typically produce courtship displays using a small subset of their complete gestural repertoire, which is consistent with the meaning ‘give sexual attention’. High- and low-ranking males had different gestural strategies, primarily reflecting differing levels of sexual coercion toward females. Overall, males combined mating-specific gestures with more general gestures, a strategy that was equally effective for high- and low-ranking males. These results hint at common root for the process of meaning combination in human communication. References [1] Hobaiter, C., & Byrne, R. W. (2014). The meanings of chimpanzee gestures. Current Biology, 24(14), 1596-1600. [2] Graham, K. E., Furuichi, T., & Byrne, R. W. (2016). The gestural repertoire of the wild bonobo (Pan paniscus): a mutually understood communication system. Animal Cognition, 1-7.

Intersection of Cognitive Linguistics and Psychology: Cognitive Linguistics and Language Learning Theory (Sociocultural Theory) of Vygotsky Hafiz Muhammad Fazalehaq Holbrook Mahn The University of New Mexico, USA This study explores the points of contact between cognitive linguistics and sociocultural theory. The study also discusses how both the fields approach second language acquisition. According to the nature of the question the present study is divided into two parts. The first part deals with emergence, development and guiding principles of cognitive linguistics (CL) and how it (CL) has impacted other fields of knowledge. The first section of the Part-I discusses various tenets of cognitive linguistics, which are being appreciated and used by second language acquisition (SLA) researchers and practitioners and why they are applying cognitive linguistics approaches to study second or foreign language learning. Various SLA researches have been presented to show how the scholars are applying cognitive linguistics concepts to the field of SLA. The second part of this study starts with the discussion on Vygotsky’s language learning theories, especially his thinking and speaking/languaging system and sociocultural theory (SCT). In this section I put light on the point of contact of cognitive linguistics and Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory. I also presented various studies, which show why it is useful to apply CL and SCT concepts together to improve and make L2 acquisition easier for SLA students. In the end, I presented a few empirical studies, which have used CL and SCT concepts in SLA classrooms. I also discussed a few studies to show the validity of applying CL and SCT concepts within the field of second/foreign language acquisition. On the basis of the studies discussed in this paper it can be concluded that researchers are conducting research in the field of SLA from the perspective of CL. Cognitive linguistics theories are not only applied to the field of SLA but they are also producing more useful results when they are used with Vygotsky’s theory of SCT. References Alibali, M. W., Kita, S., & Young, A. J. (2000). Gesture and the process of speech production: We think, therefore we gesture. Language and Cognitive Processes, 15(6), 593–613. Bailey, David, Jerome Feldman, Srini Narayanan and George Lakoff 1997 Modelling embodied lexical development. Chicago Linguistics Society 19: 19-24. Boers, F. (2004). Expanding learners’ vocabulary through metaphor awareness: What expansion, what learners, what vocabulary. Cognitive linguistics, second language acquisition, and foreign language teaching, 211-232. Boers, Frank and Murielle Demecheleer (1998). A cognitive semantic approach to teaching prepositions. English Language Teaching Journal 52(3): 197-203. Cadierno, T. (2008). Learning to talk about motion in a foreign language. Handbook of cognitive linguistics and second language acquisition. Routledge. Chomsky, Noam. Topics in the theory of generative grammar. Vol. 56. Walter de Gruyter, 1966. Croft, W., & Cruse, D. A. (2004). Cognitive linguistics. Cambridge University Press.

Ellis, N. C. and S. Wulff. Second Language Acquisition. In: E. Dabrowska and D. Divjak (eds.), Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics. De Gruyter Mouton. Draft of December 31, 2012 Ellis, Nick C. (1999). Cognitive approaches to SLA. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 19, 22-42. Ellis, R. (1994). The study of second language acquisition. Oxford University. Feldman, Jerome A. 2006 From Molecule to Metaphor: A Neural Theory of Language. Boston MA: MIT Press. Fillmore, L. (1976). The Second Time Around: Cognitive and Social Strategies in Second Language Acquisition. Unpublished PhD thesis, Stanford University. Gibbs, Raymond W. 1993 Why idioms are not dead metaphors. In: C. Cacciari and P. Tabossi (eds.), Idioms: processing, structure, and interpretation, 57-76, Hillsdale/London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Gullberg, M. (2008). Gestures and second language acquisition. Handbook of cognitive linguistics and second language acquisition, 276-305. Goldin-Meadow, S., Nusbaum, H., Kelly, S. D., & Wagner, S. (2001). Explaining math: Gesturing lightens the load. Psychological Science, 12(6), 516–522. Hauser, M. D., Chomsky, N., & Fitch, W. T. (2002). The faculty of language: what is it, who has it, and how did it evolve?. science, 298(5598), 1569-1579. Pütz, M., & Sicola, L. (Eds.). (2010). Cognitive processing in second language acquisition:inside the learner's mind (Vol. 13). John Benjamins Publishing. Robinson, Peter and Nick C. Ellis (Eds.). 2008. Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics and Second Language Acquisition. Routledge. Schmitt, N. (Ed.). (2004). Formulaic sequences: Acquisition, processing, and use (Vol. 9). John Benjamins Publishing. Talmy, L. (2000). Toward a cognitive semantics: Concept structuring systems. Cambridge, MA.: MIT Press. Tomasello, M. (2000). First steps toward a usage-based theory of language acquisition. Cognitive linguistics, 11(1/2), 61-82. http://www.cognitivelinguistics.org/en/about-cognitive-linguistics Zuengler, J., & Miller, E. R. (2006). Cognitive and sociocultural perspectives: Two parallel SLA worlds?. Tesol Quarterly, 40(1), 35-58.

The$ Spanish$ Discourse$ Marker$ (DM)$ "o$ sea"$ has$ been$ the$ focus$ of$ numerous$ studies,$ primarily$ aimed$ at$ classifying$ its$ pragmatic$ use$ in$ discourse$ and$ where/how$ it$ fits$ into$ earlier$discourse@marker$typologies.$This$study$examines$phonetically$both$the$DM$(1)$and$ its$ subjunctive$ (SUBJ)$ predecessor$ (2)$ in$ sociolinguistic$ interviews$ of$ 14$ people$ (11$ females,$3$males)$from$Cali,$Colombia.$ $ (1)$ Busqué$un$taxi$que$me$llevara$al$hotel,$o$sea,$no$fue$algo$drámatico$la$pérdida.$ $ I$went$to$look$for$a$taxi$to$take$me$to$the$hotel,$o$sea@'I$mean'@DM,$getting$lost$wasn't$ a$big$deal.$ $ (2)$ No$es$que$sea$muy$variable$aquí$dentro$de$Colombia.$ $ It's$not$that$sea@'be'@SUBJ$variable$inside$Colombia.$ $ In$terms$of$frequency$distribution$patterns$in$a$localized$corpus,$we$report$a$28:1$ratio$in$ favor$ of$ the$ DM$ over$ the$ SUBJ,$ which$ is$ in$ stark$ contrast$ to$ distributional$ data$ retrieved$ from$publicly$available$corpora$that$sample$predominately$written$texts,$formal$registers,$ and$ conflate$ dialects.$ We$ suggest$ that$ frequency$ counts$ based$ on$ dialect@specific,$ spontaneous,$informal$speech$styles$(when$available)$are$more$likely$to$capture$patterns$of$ phonological$reduction.$ $ In$ terms$ of$ phonological$ form,$ "o$ sea"$ has$ received$ no$ attention$ beyond$ impressionistic$ analyses.$ This$ study$ expands$ on$ the$ reduction$ patterns$ reported$ in$ Bybee$ et$ al$ 2016$ in$ both$temporal$and$gestural$dimensions.$The$DM$is$produced$with$shorter$overall$duration$ than$ the$ SUBJ$ (mean$ 195ms$ vs.$ 256ms;$ median$ 175ms$ vs.$ 262ms);$ See$ boxplot1.$ We$ examine$ the$ /s/$ and$ /ea/$ sequences$ separately:$ In$ the$ DM,$ /s/$ is$ realized$ with$ a$ significantly$ shorter$ duration$ (boxplot2),$ lower$ centre$ of$ gravity$ (COG)$ (boxplot3),$ and$ tends$ to$ be$ produced$ with$ more$ voicing$ (boxplot4)$ than$ the$ SUBJ.$ Regarding$ the$ vocalic$ sequence$ /ea/,$ there$ does$ not$ appear$ to$ be$ any$ significant$ difference$ with$ regard$ to$ duration,$ likely$ due$ to$ the$ fact$ that$ the$ DM$ is$ often$ elongated$ in$ utterance$ final$ position$ where$ it$ often$ occurs.$ However,$ upon$ considering$ degree$ of$ acoustic$ differentiation$ between$the$early$[e]@like$part,$and$the$later$[a]@like$part$in$terms$of$a$Euclidean$distance$ measure$ of$ two$ sets$ of$ F1$ and$ F2$ measurements$ (boxplot5),$ the$ DM$ tends$ towards$ a$ monophthongal$ articulation$ (i.e.$ [a]),$ while$ the$ SUBJ$ is$ more$ likely$ to$ be$ realized$ with$ a$ hiatus$or$diphthongal@like$articulation$(i.e$[ea]).$ $ This$ study$ shows$ that$ the$ high@frequent$ DM$ o" sea$ is$ characterized$ by$ clear$ patterns$ of$ reduction$ when$ compared$ to$ the$ low@frequent$ SUBJ$ sea$ from$ which$ the$ former$ evolved.$ The$DM$is$not$only$shorter$in$duration$overall,$but$shows$patterns$of$reduction$in$terms$of$ s@realization$(i.e.$shorter$duration,$lower$COG,$and$more$voicing)$and$the$vocalic$sequence$ /ea/.$The$reductions$observed$in$o"sea$are$patterns$seen$elsewhere$in$the$language,$but$o" sea$is$much$further$along$than$its$SUBJ$predecessor.$These$results$lend$support$to$usage@ based$ models$ of$ language$ change$ that$ allow$ for$ lexical@conditioning$ and$ cannot$ be$ accounted$for$by$purely$phonetic$constraints.$ $ $ $

Figure$1.$Boxplots$of$reduction$patterns$

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Elizabeth Fisher University of Colorado - Boulder Vocal Fry Realization in the English and Spanish of Bilinguals Abstract While vocal fry has been found to be a prominent variation of voice quality in English monolingual discourse (Abdelli-Beruh, Wolk and Slavin, 2014; Lee, 2015; Wolk, Abdelli-Beruh & Slavin, 2012; Yuasa, 2010), very little research has been done regarding it’s possible use in Spanish or bilingual settings (Mendoza-Denton, 2011). This study tests the hypothesis that vocal fry realization occurs in both the English and Spanish production of bilinguals, demonstrating phonetic language transfer from the former language to the later in monolingual conversation. Discourse samples of four bilingual speakers participating in English and Spanish monolingual conversations were recorded and analyzed (258 and 186 tokens, respectively). Evaluation found that while vocal fry does occur in Spanish, it is at significantly lower overall rates (p