land degradation & development Land Degrad. Develop. 20: 327–335 (2009) Published online 16 April 2009 in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com) DOI: 10.1002/ldr.921
GLOBAL COFFEE MARKET INFLUENCE ON LAND-USE AND LAND-COVER CHANGE IN THE WESTERN GHATS OF INDIA S. AMBINAKUDIGE* AND J. CHOI Department of Geosciences, Mississippi State University, MS 39762, USA Received 29 October 2008; Revised 24 February 2009; Accepted 27 February 2009
ABSTRACT In this study, we used image-processing techniques to examine the spatial pattern of land-use and land-cover (LULC) change that occurred in the coffee growing area in the Western Ghats of India during the international coffee crisis in the 1990s. The study also ascertains the driving forces of these changes using qualitative research methods that include archival studies and interviews of knowledgeable individuals. We analyzed Landsat Thematic Mapper (TM) for 1991 and Landsat ETMþ for 2002 to quantify LULC. Historical land-use changes in different land ownership regimes were also analyzed. Global coffee market fluctuations were found to be the major cause of landscape change in the study region. When the global coffee prices increased, more forested areas were cleared for coffee cultivation. Failure of global coffee market forced farmers to convert land from subsistence farming (rice) to short-period commercial crops like ginger. This also resulted in land degradation in rice paddies. For the farmers in the Western Ghats, LULC decisions are one of the methods used to cope with the vulnerability created due to the international coffee crisis. Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. key words: remote sensing; coffee; India; Western Ghats; ethnography; Landsat TM/ETMþ; land use and land cover; degradation
INTRODUCTION Forest land-cover combats land degradation by stabilizing soils, reducing water and wind erosion and maintaining nutrient cycling in soils. Land-use and land-cover (LULC) change is increasingly recognized as an important driver of global environmental change (Turner et al., 1994). Studies have demonstrated that the patterns of landscape modification are the results of complex interactions between physical, biological and social forces (Turner, 1987; Young et al., 1999; Lambin et al., 2001). Identifying the causes of LULC change requires understanding of how people make land-use decisions and how specific environmental and social factors affect land use and land cover. These specific environmental changes range across a wide variety of spatial scales from household-level decisions to regional and global policies, including economic factors. To understand the environmental transformation and to plan the management of natural resources, it is necessary to quantify the processes of landscape changes. Remote sensing is a useful data source for measuring landscape modifications (Hudak and Wessman, 1998; Lambin et al., 2001; Yang and Lo, 2005). The dynamic process of landscape modifications, with respect to LULC change, can be investigated by analyzing change through a temporal series of remote sensing data (Turner, 1987; Singh, 1989; Turner et al., 1989; Hall et al., 1991; Alves and Skole, 1996; Coppin and Bauer, 1996; Lambin, 1996; Guerra et al., 1998; Mertens and Lambin, 2000). In LULCchange detection, multi-date images are used to evaluate environmental conditions and human actions on the differences in LULC (Yang and Lo, 2005). Researchers have looked at LULC changes through the lenses of cultural landscapes (Behrens et al., 1994; Moran and Brondizio, 1998; Jiang, 2003). In these integrated approaches, remote sensing analysis provides a large * Correspondence to: S. Ambinakudige, Department of Geosciences, 355 Lee Boulevard, Mississippi State University, Mississippi State, MS 39762, USA. E-mail:
[email protected]
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spatial and temporal context for landscape studies (Moran and Brondizio, 1998), supplementing the use of ethnographic data in evaluating land-use dynamics (Guer and Lambin, 1993). Further, these landscape interpretations should be sought in the broad context of political and economic changes (Jiang, 2003). Although agriculture provides livelihoods for millions of people, agricultural expansion is also one of the major causes of environmental degradation, especially through deforestation and land-use change (Ehrlich, 1988; Gorenflo and Brandon, 2003; Benhin, 2006). Reviewing 16 years of research studies on land-cover change, researchers have pointed out that deforestation is frequently accompanied by the process of expanding agricultural commodity production (Geist and Lambin, 2001). Similarly, in the Western Ghats of India, agricultural expansion is seen as one of the major causes of deforestation (Menon and Bawa, 1998). The area under coffee cultivation in the Western Ghats has increased significantly in the last century and is considered to be one of the major causes of deforestation in the region (Menon and Bawa, 1998; Ambinakudige and Sathish, 2008). Coffee being a global commodity, the collapse of international coffee agreement in the 1989 significantly affected farmers’ land-use decisions and livelihood outcomes throughout the coffee-growing areas in the world (Talbot, 2004; Ambinakudige, 2006). To understand the driving forces (both global and local) behind land-use decisions that results in land degradation, an integrated approach combining remote sensing and ethnographic studies was used in this study. In our study, we analyzed LULC change in the coffee-based-livelihood landscape in the Kodagu region of the Western Ghats of India. We used Landsat satellite images to extract physical LULC change and conducted ethnographic study to identify the driving forces of these changes. Background: Coffee Cultivation in the Study Area We conducted this study in the Kodagu district of Karnataka State in the Western Ghats of the southern Indian peninsula. The Western Ghats are located between 88 220 –208 400 N latitude and 738–770 E longitude (Pascal and Meher-Homji, 1986). Kodagu was selected because it is one of the major coffee growing regions in India. Both Coffea arabica (Arabica coffee) and Coffea canephora (Robusta coffee) are grown in Kodagu. These coffees are grown under shade in India. For the last century, large areas of forests have been converted to coffee cultivation in Kodagu (Menon and Bawa, 1998; Shrinidhi and Lele, 2001; Ambinakudige, 2006). Traditionally in Kodagu, rice is grown for subsistence. Black pepper, cardamom, oranges and ginger are other commercial crops. Of these crops, coffee plays a major role in the socio-economic domain of Kodagu. The state supported and nourished the Indian coffee sector for years by providing subsidies and extension services (Ambinakudige, 2006). The first change in LULC occurred when British planters introduced coffee in Kodagu on a commercial scale in 1854. Later, native farmers also started cultivating coffee (Ambinakudige, 2006). The second LULC change was the conversion of private forests (locally called baane) to coffee (Shrinidhi and Lele, 2001). European investors easily bought baane lands for coffee cultivation instead of waiting for the Indian government to open new forests for coffee cultivation (Ambinakudige, 2006). The Indian government eventually opened large tracts of forests for coffee cultivation, which introduced more severe landscape transformations (Elouard, 2000) or landscape modification (Bhagwat, 2002). The French Institute of Pondicherry found an increase in the area under coffee cultivation between 1977 and 1997 resulted in a loss of forest habitat (Ambinakudige, 2006). Today, about 36 per cent of the land in Kodagu is covered by forest—a drastic reduction from 88 per cent in 1920. About 71 per cent of forest loss is due to coffee cultivation (Menon and Bawa, 1998). LULC Classification and Ethnographic Study This study brings together two interrelated efforts: first, a satellite-image analysis to establish LULC changes caused by coffee market fluctuations; second, an ethnographic study to explain the driving forces of LULC change. To study the LULC change, we used Landsat satellite images for 1991 and 2002. Reasons for choosing the year 1991 are as follows: first, the Coffee Board of India’s monopoly over the Indian coffee market was seriously questioned, and, second, India started liberalizing its economy in 1991. Another reason for choosing 1991 for the LULC-change analysis is the collapse of the International Coffee Agreement in 1989. During the 1990s, the global coffee market experienced tremendous change, which created a livelihood crisis for millions of farmers and Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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workers in coffee growing countries (Talbot, 2004). In India, the immediate effect of the coffee open market was an increase in the farm gate price for coffee. The later part of the decade witnessed a record low coffee price (Ambinakudige, 2006). These market fluctuations are assumed to affect LULC change in Kodagu. In this study, we quantify LULC changes in the study area between 1991 and 2002 and then critically analyze these changes with respect to the institutional factors in play at local, regional and global levels. We selected the study site using a stratified random sampling approach. Based on land-use data collected from the records of Karnataka State Directorate of Economic and Statistics and population data from the Census of India, we calculated several ratios for all 305 villages in Kodagu. These ratios include ratio of population to total geographical area (TGA) of the village, the ratio of cultivated land (mainly coffee and paddy) to TGA and the ratio of total uncultivated land (controlled by Forest Department and Revenue Department) to TGA. In particular, the cultivated land ratio to TGA gives us an ideal spatial concentration of the commercial crop and the subsistence crop in the region. We visited 59 villages falling in the middle two quartiles of total villages for all these parameters in order to observe any outliers in the selected villages and to make suitable changes. Out of the 59 villages, 4 villages were selected on the basis of the vegetation type and the topography of the region. Finally, we chose one village— Nokya (with an area of about 1200 ha)—because Nokya is an example for the village where the forests were opened for coffee cultivation. (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Land-tenure classes in study area.
Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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The Landsat images for the Nokya village were downloaded from the Global Land-cover Facility (GLCF) maintained by the University of Maryland. The downloaded images were already radiometrically and geometrically corrected and projected to UTM map projection, WGS 84 datum, Zone 43. The first image was a Landsat Thematic Mapper (TM) acquired on 1 January 1991; the second was an Enhanced Thematic Mapper plus (ETMþ) image acquired on 29 March 2002, of path 145/row 51. These datasets were chosen because they were taken before the monsoon season and contained less than 10 per cent cloud cover. Initially, an Iterative Self-Organizing Data Analysis (ISODATA) algorithm was used to identify 60 spectral clusters from the Landsat data (Lo and Yang, 2002). Based on the reconnaissance visit to the study area, seven LULC classes were identified: coffee, rice, forest, new-crop, teak, scrub and the settlement. Sixty clusters were specified by the ISODATA algorithm. To reduce the 60 clusters to 7 classes, visual interpretation was used (Yang and Lo, 2005). Field surveys in all seven classes were conducted. LULC class descriptions were noted, along with the coordinates of each class, using a GPS receiver. About 50 sites were visited to improve the classification. Studies have indicated that differentiating shade coffee from forests is difficult with Landsat data (Menon and Bawa, 1998). However, differentiating these two land-cover classes was not problematic in our study for two reasons. First, an extensive field survey in the study area helped us to distinguish forest patches (small in areal coverage) from coffee patches. Second, the government has planted forests with mostly teak trees in the study area. Teak is clearly separated from coffee patches in Landsat images. The land-tenure boundaries (Figure 1) of Nokya were used as area of interest (AOI) to correct the misclassification of coffee as forests. In particular, the class ‘New-crop’ includes new coffee plants with lots of shade plants as well as ginger plots. These plots are generally small, covering only a few pixels and are generally located in paddy fields. This is one way people try to replace the subsistence crop of rice with a short-period cash crop, like ginger, to meet immediate financial needs during a coffee crisis. The normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) and green vegetation index (GVI) from tasseled cap transformation helped clearly identify these new crops (Lillesand and Kiefer, 1994; Jensen, 1996). NDVI and GVI values of new crops are generally higher compared to surrounding rice paddy fields. To find land-use change in different land-tenure classes, cadastral map and land-tenure documents of the Nokya village were acquired from the village office. A village map was then scanned, digitized and rectified to the Survey of India topographic map. The land survey record showed land allotted for coffee cultivation, private forests, settlement areas, land declared as forest, rice paddy lands and government-controlled lands (Figure 1). Training site development involved ‘ground-truth’ data derived from GPS-assisted field visits and topographic maps. Field visits were conducted in 2004. While collecting ground truth, we also conducted household interviews. Both 1991 and 2002 Landsat images were rectified to the Survey of India topographic map with a negligible error of less than 005 m. The minimum mappable unit used in the study is 30 m. The overall accuracy of the 1991 image classification was 88 per cent; the Kappa statistics was 082, whereas the overall accuracy of the 2002 image classification was 925 per cent and Kappa statistics was 086 (Table I). Table I. Accuracy assessment of land use land cover map produced from Landsat data LULC Class
Coffee Forest New Crop Rice Scrub Settlement Teak Overall Accuracy Overall Kappa
Landsat TM in 1991
Landsat ETMþ in 2002
Producers’ accuracy (per cent)
Users’ accuracy (per cent)
Producers’ accuracy (per cent)
Users’ accuracy (per cent)
100 100 60 81 0 — 100
89 100 60 90 0 — 100
98 60 90 100 — — 75
96 100 90 88 — — 75
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88 per cent 082
925 per cent 086
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To identify the driving forces of historical LULC changes in the study area, semistructured interviews were conducted to provide details of the role of coffee market and socio-economic dynamics on people’s land-use decisions. For the interview, 20 coffee growers in the village were randomly selected. These individuals have lived in the area for a long time and were involved in every aspect of coffee cultivation. In particular, the coffee growers were asked about the land-use changes they made in their lands and the reasons for these decisions. Interviewees were asked to explain their socio-economic conditions, cultural aspects and livelihood practices, land-use decisions in different periods. Villagers were also asked to explain with examples the global, regional and local changes in the coffee market and their impact on their land-use decisions. We also asked about the influence of coffee market and government policies on the villagers’ land-use decisions. The interviews focused solely on collecting qualitative information. All interviews were recorded and transcribed. Data were coded and analyzed with QSR N6 qualitative data analysis software. Results: LULC-Change Detection After classifying 1991 and 2002 Landsat images, we carried out change detection (Figure 2). The results of LULCchange analysis showed areas under coffee cultivation had increased by 10 per cent between 1991 and 2002 (Table II). It is clear from the change analysis that parts of all LULC classes in 1991 were converted to coffee by 2002. Forest and rice paddy were the two LULC categories that were, to a large extent, converted to coffee. In the decade of coffee crisis, some portions of rice paddies were planted with new crops, such as ginger. Vegetation indices (NDVI and GVI) and the intensive field visits helped differentiate the land-cover classes, such as rice paddy from teak plantations, which have very close spectral signatures. The topographic map of the area also helped to separate these two classes. Rice paddies have distinct physical features; they are generally located in valleys surrounded by the elevated lands with trees or grasses, whereas teak plantations in the study area were found only inside the government-owned forest lands. The major LULC change of the decade was an increase in coffee area and a decrease in rice paddy area. Moreover, converting rice paddies to ginger crops resulted in degradation of the soil. As a result, when these plots were returned to rice, farmers reported a decreasing yield. An overlay of the land-tenure-class map on the 2002 classified image gave us some interesting information about the historical changes in LULC (Table III). The single most noticeable change was the conversion of private forests
Figure 2. Land-use land-cover change in the study area between 1991 and 2002. Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Table II. Land use land cover change between 1991 and 2002 LULC classes in 2002
LULC classes in 1991 Coffee Rice New crop Forest Settlement Scrub Teak Total (ha)
Coffee
Rice
New crop
Forest
Settlement
Scrub
Teak
Total (ha)
672 14 24 0 1 0 0 711
37 87 45 0 0 0 8 177
52 10 35 0 1 0 8 106
12 1 0 94 1 1 42 150
2 1 0 0 7 0 0 10
3 0 0 0 0 0 0 4
2 0 0 7 0 0 38 44
779 112 104 102 10 1 95 1203
Coffee area increased by 10 per cent, rice area decreased by 37 per cent, forest area decreased by 32 per cent and teak also increased by 115 per cent.
Table III. Expansion of agricultural in various land tenures over the last century LULC classes in 2002
Land-tenure classes Private forest (baane) Coffee lands Fallow lands Government Forest lands Rice lands Other government lands (Paisari) Road Settlement Total (ha)
Coffee
Rice
New crop
Forest
Settlement
Scrub
Teak
Total (ha)
358 271 3 19 81 25 1 4 762
7 4 0 0 95 0 0 3 110
18 7 0 0 77 1 0 0 104
0 1 0 96 2 0 0 3 102
0 1 0 0 1 0 0 7 10
0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1
2 2 0 77 7 4 1 0 93
384 286 3 193 263 31 2 18 1181
(baanes) to coffee. Almost 92 per cent of the private forests were converted to coffee, and only a negligible area (686 ha) remains as forest. Furthermore, in government-owned forests, about 98 per cent of the land has been converted to coffee, and about 39 per cent has been planted with teak. In other government lands, including community lands, 80 per cent of the land has been converted to coffee plots. Results: Driving Forces of LULC Change The interviews with the coffee farmers indicated that LULC change in the study area is linked to the global and national change in the coffee market (Table IV). Coffee market fluctuations impacted people’s decision to cultivate coffee or other crops in different land-tenure classes. According to the coffee growers we interviewed, conversion of rice paddies (the land for subsistence farming) to coffee is a result of increased coffee prices in the early 1990s, immediately after the Indian Coffee Board’s control of the coffee market was removed. By the end of the 1990s, most of the land allotted by the government for coffee cultivation had already been converted to coffee. Initial coffee price increases in the1990s resulted in increased labor wage rates while the farm gate price for rice remained the same. Cultivation of rice became uneconomical because the same laborers who work in the coffee farms also work in the rice farms. Paying coffee-farm wages to laborers working in rice farms resulted in uneconomical rice farming. As a result, rice farmers decided to convert large tracts of rice paddies to coffee plots or decided to leave them as fallow lands. Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Table IV. Major codes and major findings generated from the qualitative analysis of the interview responses Codes
Major codes
Major findings
1 2 3
Types of land-use change Global level reasons for LULC change Local and regional level reasons for LULC change Types of land degradation
Rice to ginger, forest to coffee, ginger to rice, rice to coffee International coffee price fluctuations; collapse of coffee agreement Liberalization policies; land-tenure regimes; personal debt; labor wages; as a vulnerability coping measure Forest to less diverse and less density coffee farms; degradation of rice paddies due to the ginger cultivation
4
The ethnographic study also identified an interesting phenomenon during years when the coffee prices started decreasing. Decrease in coffee price was the main cause of the LULC-change decision by the farmers to replace part of rice farming with a short-period cash crop like ginger. In the 1990s, after an initial increase, international coffee prices started to decrease and hit a 30-year low. The ginger crop is a short-period crop with the potential to make cash income. Although ginger prices are generally volatile, study period witnessed higher prices for ginger. In the short term, this new venture helped farmers repay some of their debts and survive during the coffee crisis. Farmers, however, are concerned about land degradation in the rice paddies where they grow ginger. A ginger crop cannot be grown in a water-logged plot of a rice paddy, so preparing rice-paddy land for ginger crops takes skill and labor. These commercially grown ginger crops also require heavy doses of chemical fertilizers and pesticides. Generally, farmers convert ginger plots back to rice paddies after 3–4 years as the ginger yields start decreasing. Farmers said that the yields of rice have shown a decrease in these reverted lands because of the land degradation caused by ginger cultivation. Restoring soil fertility and making the plots suitable for rice cultivation takes several years. This type of gambling to sustain the livelihood of farmers, thereby degrading their land in the heat of international fluctuation in coffee prices, is caused by the lack of institutional support after the collapse of the regulated coffee market in India. Interviews with farmers have identified the reasons for the decision to convert private forests to coffee. These private forests were allotted to farmers to supplement their farming. Over the years, however, coffee became one of the most economically viable crops in the region; the state encouraged the farmers to grow coffee by providing technical, financial and marketing support. Gradually, farmers converted their private forests to coffee. Furthermore, coffee cultivation expanded in government lands (Table III). The economic benefits of coffee growing encouraged some coffee growers to encroach upon government lands. Although these coffees are grown under tree shade, reduction in the number of trees, change in the composition of shade trees and the use of chemicals caused the land degradation in the region. CONCLUSIONS This study used a combination of satellite-image processing and ethnographic methods to quantify and analyze the causes of LULC change in the coffee-growing region of the Western Ghats of India. The study discovered the area devoted to coffee increased by 10 per cent between 1991 and 2002. The area planted in rice decreased by 37 per cent during the same period. The LULC-change studies using medium-resolution satellite images are definitely challenging because of the difficulties in separating the spectral signatures of coffee and evergreen forests. In this study, a combination of intensive field visits, vegetation indices (NDVI, GVI) and land-tenure information helped to improve the accuracy of the classifications. Harvested rice paddies and the teak plantations also had very similar spectral signatures. This can be overcome by multi-date satellite data employing crop calendar (or phenology of crops) as a better option. The knowledge gained regarding the topographic features of rice paddies through the field visits also helped to separate these two classes. The ethnographic study showed that the decrease in rice area in the region could be attributed initially to the increase in coffee price and after the mid-1990s to the decrease in coffee prices. In the early1990s, people expanded Copyright # 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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the coffee area into rice paddies because they expected higher prices to remain. Later, they converted more rice paddies to ginger plots when the coffee prices hit a 30-year low. The ethnographic study also showed that the higher income from coffee and the supports (research, extension and subsidies) from state government resulted in expansion of coffee in all land-tenure classes in the region. In some cases, coffee has encroached upon community and government lands. The international market fluctuations in coffee have also indirectly caused degradation of the quality of the soil in the rice paddy fields. Increase in coffee prices in the early 1990s increased labor wages. Because the same laborers work in rice paddies, farmers experienced reduction of net return in rice due to higher labor and input costs. Therefore, rice was replaced with a more beneficial ginger crop in rice paddies. Finally, extension of coffee into forest and government lands has changed the tree density and composition (Ambinakudige and Sathish, 2008), a change that ultimately resulted in land degradation. Based on the results and analysis in this study, it is clear that LULC change and land degradations are not just the consequences of household-level decisions but are a complex mixture of social, political and economic forces operating at global, regional and local levels. Because these LULC decisions are also livelihood decisions, institutional supports are necessary for the farmers who cannot sustain their livelihoods in the midst of the global coffee market failure, particularly in the developing countries. Finally, this study showed that field surveys and ethnographic study, along with medium-resolution satellite images, are still worthwhile for local-level, LULCchange analysis.
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