Article

Girl game designers

new media & society 13(8) 1373­–1388 © The Author(s) 2011 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1461444811410397 nms.sagepub.com

Carolyn Cunningham Gonzaga University, USA

Abstract Educational programs designed to bridge the digital divide for girls often aim to increase girls’ technological literacy. However, little research has examined what aspects of technological literacy are highlighted in these programs. In this article, I provide a case study of a video game design workshop hosted by a girls’ advocacy organization. Through observations, interviews, and analysis of program materials, I look at how the organization conceptualizes technological literacy as contributing to gender equality. I compare this conceptualization to how technological literacy was taught in the classroom. Finally, I draw on situated learning theory to help explain how girls responded to the class. In the end, both the organization’s limited notion of how technological literacy could increase gender equality as well as gender and race differences between the teachers and the girls influenced girls’ participation in the workshop. Keywords computer programming, digital divide, feminism, gender, girls, race/ethnicity, technological literacy, video games

Girl game designers Since the 1990s, researchers increasingly have paid attention to video games, both for their importance to children’s media culture (Buckingham and Willet, 2006; Cassell and Jenkins, 1998) and for their educational value (Brown, 2008; Fromme, 2003; Gee, 2005; Prensky, 2006). From a cultural perspective, video games play an important role in children’s socialization, influencing their cultural values and norms. From an educational perspective, video games can help children develop a range of new media skills and competencies (Kahn and Kellner, 2006). For example, video games may

Corresponding author: Carolyn Cunningham, Assistant Professor, Communication and Leadership Studies, Gonzaga University, 502 E. Boone Ave., Spokane, WA 99258-0022, USA Email: [email protected]

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increase children’s technological literacy, an essential skill for civic participation in the information age. Technological literacy emphasizes an individual’s ability to understand, evaluate, and adapt to new technologies (Berrett, 2006; International Technology Education Association, 2002; Petrina, 2000). Additionally, playing video games can help children develop cognitive skills, such as understanding three-dimensional space, reading visual images, and keeping track of several images simultaneously (Gee, 2005; Greenfield, 1984; Prensky, 2006; Subrahmanyam and Greenfield, 1994). Boys’ higher interest in computer games is often linked to their higher representation in the high-tech industry (Cassell and Jenkins, 1998; Edwards, 2003). While video games may increase females’ technological literacy and interest in computer programming, females continue to be under-represented within the video game industry. Despite the development of a ‘girl game’ industry spearheaded by companies such as Girl Games and Girl Tech, female players only account for 38 percent of the total video game market and women comprise only 12 percent of video game designers (Entertainment Software Association, 2007; International Game Developers Association, 2005). Video games provide an important site for understanding how to increase gender equality in computer programming. Gender equality is defined as increasing the number of female computer programmers and ensuring that software programs are free from negative sexist content. However, most available research focuses on girls’ and women’s consumption of video games, rather than their participation as video game designers. An analysis of how females learn to become game designers may provide further insight into strategies for increasing their interest in programming. In this article, I provide a case study of a video game design workshop for adolescent girls hosted by the Girl Scouts in Texas. The Girl Scout workshop was designed to change girls’ negative attitudes about computer programming and increase their confidence with digital technologies. Drawing from a situated learning perspective, which sees learning as a type of identity formation influenced by social and cultural factors, I consider the context of girls’ learning and examine how girls’ engagement with cultural practices allowed them to take on ‘tech-savvy’ identities. Helping girls to construct ‘tech-savviness’ is an important strategy for increasing gender equality (American Association of University Women, 2000). Many girls report feeling disenchanted by a perceived masculine culture of digital technologies (Barker and Aspray, 2006; Butler, 2000; Crowe, 2003). Their feelings may be reflective of the persistent under-representation of women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields which limits girls’ opportunities to imagine themselves pursuing those career paths (Cockburn, 1999; Shade, 1998). Analysis of this case study showed that video game design had multiple meanings for the girls. Beyond simply mastering a skill, being a game designer also meant participating in an all-girl activity, sharing common experiences with friends, and having the opportunity to create a video game that represented one’s interests.

Literature review Research on gender, youth and video games tends to highlight differences between boys’ and girls’ consumption of video games, as well as content analyses of video game characters and narratives (Lucas and Sherry, 2004; Robinson et al., 2008; Smith et al., 2003).

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In general, girls report being disinterested in masculine aspects of traditional video game play, such as competition, mastery of skill, and violence (Agosto, 2004; Cooper and Weaver, 2003). Reports by girls about their lack of interest in video games are complemented by qualitative and quantitative content analyses of video game content that identify sexist representations in mainstream popular videogames (Cassell and Jenkins, 1998; Consalvo and Dutton, 2006; Kennedy, 2002; Smith et al., 2003). Popular video games, such as first-person shooter games, rely heavily on gender stereotypes and often portray female characters as weak and hypersexual (Hartmann and Klimmt, 2006; Jansz, 2005). Video games are also a site for what Lisa Nakamura calls ‘digital racial formation’ (2008: 15). Video game designers and players actively construct race through available representations within the games. Minority characters are not only under-represented in video games, but represented in stereotypical ways (Williams et al., 2009). For example, Leonard (2003) found that 90 percent of African American female characters in video games functioned as props, bystanders, or victims. As Williams et al. (2009) argue, the lack of diversity within video games can perpetuate the idea that minority groups are less important and have less social power. Girls do enjoy playing video games, just not the ones that are generally available. Girls report that they prefer games which involve social interaction and narratives that allow for exploration and problem-solving (Lucas and Sherry, 2004). In the 1990s, several game design companies developed games specifically targeted toward girls. Additionally, there was a rise of female-owned and female-staffed game companies that designed and marketed games toward girls’ interests. These companies developed several strategies for capturing the girl market, including investing in games such as Barbie Fashion Designer that were intended to draw on girls’ specific interests, to designing female characters, such as Lara Croft, that challenged traditional stereotypes (Kennedy, 2002). Girls’ preferences for types of video game narratives and characters are reflected in the games they design. In a study of adolescents’ design of educational video games, Kafai (1998) found several differences between games designed by boys and girls. Boys’ games tended to replicate features available in mainstream video games, such as destroying objects and narratives focused around competition. Girls not only preferred less violence, but also different types of characters, types of games, and game environments. Kafai argues that girls’ designs compensated for the prevalence of sexism and violence found in available video games. Much of the available research on girls and video games relies on narrow definitions of both ‘gender’ and ‘technology.’ Because researchers tend to see boys and girls as two distinct categories, researchers fail to adequately address the race, ethnicity, and class differences among girls as well as the similarities that may exist between boys and girls. In her study of video game design, Kafai (1996) points out that gender differences are not universal; different games allow for different types of play and experiences that can appeal to both boys and girls. As Cassell and Jenkins (1998) warn: if we target games toward girls, we may find ourselves falling into the trap of targeting only the most stereotypical aspects of current girlhood. In doing so, we are ensuring that boys will not play with girl-targeted games, once again ghettoizing girls’ interests as the marked option. (p. 136)

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Thus, it is important to examine how gender is constructed within video games. Race and class differences among girls can impact their experiences with video games. Critical scholars of race and digital technologies see cyberspace as a place where race is actively produced and negotiated. Indeed, dominant discourses of race and technology, such as the ‘digital divide,’ position minority youth as the ‘have-nots,’ failing to acknowledge their participation in digital media culture (Everett, 2008). More recent work draws attention to the many ways in which minority youth are involved in what Henry Jenkins (2006) calls ‘participatory culture.’ For example, Byrne’s (2007) case study of the website BlackPlanet.com showed the many ways that African American youth are using digital technologies to engage in civic participation. In addition to a narrow conceptualization of gender, available research on girls and video games relies on a narrow definition of technology, failing to interrogate how computer hardware and software are more than simple artifacts; they embody particular forms of knowledge and shape what people can (and cannot) do. Instead, feminist studies of technology, which aim to reveal the political, cultural, and economic choices that are embedded in technological design, can provide more nuanced explanations of girls’ experiences with video games (Cockburn, 1999; Haraway, 1998; Wacjman, 2004). This body of work looks at the ‘mutually shaping relationship between gender and technology in which technology is both a source and consequence of gender relations’ (Faulkner, 2001: 81). This limited conceptualization of technology as artifact leads to simplistic explanations for the under-representation of women in computer programming. As Marwick argues, the ‘girl’ problem in computer programming is framed by individualist discourses that either look at ‘what is done to girls’ or ‘what the girls do wrong’ as a result of socialization (2002: 2). These explanations deny girls agency and leave little room for seeing girls’ resistance to computer programming as a critique of a masculine culture of technology. Feminist technology studies call for a gendered analysis that looks at the mutual shaping of gender and technology in all-girl computer programming classes. In my analysis of this case study, I examine the political, economic, and cultural assumptions embedded in program staff’s software choices. A case study is useful for understanding a particular phenomenon in its context (Yin, 2003). The strengths of a case study design lie in using multiple sources of evidence, or triangulation. This case study draws on interviews with program staff and girls attending the workshop, analysis of curriculum materials, observations in the classroom, and analysis of students’ final projects. While there are several limitations to this study, most notably the generalizability of the findings, this case provides some insight into learning dynamics that may occur in all-girl computer programming classes and raises important areas of inquiry for future research.

Description of the program In 2000, the Girl Scouts in Texas opened the Girls’ Technology Center (GTC), equipped with twelve desktop computers. The goal of the center is to provide hands-on technology activities, such as training in computer software, to girls aged 5–17. The GTC is the Girl Scouts’ first STEM program in the US. The GTC classes incorporate best practices

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for addressing the barriers girls face in achieving equality in technological literacy, such as providing an all-girl learning environment where girls can feel comfortable exploring digital technologies. Classes include desktop publishing, digital photography, Web design, and word processing. In the Animated Game Design Workshop, which took place over a four-hour period, girls learned how to create the Girl Scout Style game. Using Macromedia Flash, participants designed a female main character along with clothing and accessories that they could drag and drop onto the character. Eleven girls between the ages of 11 and 15 and three parents attended the workshop. In total, six girls are white, four girls are Latina, and there is one African American girl. All of the girls come from middle class backgrounds. In general, the GTC primarily serves middle class girls because there is a fee for taking the classes (about fifteen dollars per class) and girls need to have access to transportation to travel to the center. However, the Girl Scouts offers programs that reach girls from different class backgrounds, such as in-school programs for girls who lack transportation.

Methodology Through interviews, participant observation, and analyses of girls’ final projects, I examined how program staff conceptualized technological learning as benefitting girls and how learning was implemented in the classroom. Next, I considered how girls responded to classroom teaching. In my analysis of the workshop, I draw on a situated learning perspective, which sees learning as a social process that occurs within particular social, cultural, and historical contexts (Gee, 2004; Lave and Wenger, 1991; Rogoff, 1993). Situated learning pays attention to how individuals develop skills and knowledge through their participation in communities of practice (Lave and Wenger, 1991). ‘Communities of practice’ refer to groups of people or organizations that share common interests. There are several ways that the Girl Scouts create a community of practice. For example, girls learn to become Girl Scouts through their affiliation with troops who engage in shared activities, such as selling cookies or completing community service projects. As Lave and Wenger (1991) write, individuals become members in communities of practice through their participation in group activities. Lave and Wenger use the concept of ‘legitimate peripheral participation’ to describe the process through which members move from the periphery to the center. Additionally, learning is a type of identity formation that is developed and negotiated in social interactions. Throughout the workshop, girls not only took on identities as video game designers, but they identified with the main character of the game they were creating. Gee (2004) sees identification as one of the essential learning aspects of video games. Video games can be an important learning tool because they encourage players to think critically about simulated situations while gaining cognitive knowledge. Additionally, Gee argues that video games present simulated ‘semiotic domains’ because players create social worlds that represent different meanings (2005: 19). Thus, video game design can help girls to explore different aspects of their identity.

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Gee’s insight about the cognitive learning that occurs while playing video games can be applied to video game design. In my analysis of this case study, I look at the culture of the classroom, including what aspects of technological learning were emphasized, the interactions between teachers and students, the forms of participation (peripheral to central) offered and taken up by girls, and how girls appropriated learning into their projects. I pay attention to the mutual shaping of gender and technology, not only through the design choices made by program staff, but also the ways in which girls appropriated learning into their final projects.

Designing the Girl Scout Style Game The design of the Girl Scout Style Game was a collaborative effort between Kristine Kopelke and the GTC. Kopelke runs the website www.flashclassroom.com, which provides educators with resources on how to incorporate Flash into classroom settings. Shelly Rao, program director at the GTC, spoke about the choice of Flash for this workshop. She commented: we thought Flash was a good way to go because it’s used in real-life and it’s easy to export and email as a file to your friends or family or [post on] your website. A lot of girls have a Myspace account and they could put this up there and say, ‘Look what I designed.’

Flash was chosen because it would provide girls with ‘real-world’ skills. As several scholars have noted, informal educational programs are important venues for providing students with twenty-first century skills that they do not have access to in traditional school settings (Fancsali, 2002; Miller, 2003; Schwarz and Stolow, 2006). Besides the choice of software, the design of the game also reflected particular norms about gender. The design of the game is similar to Barbie Fashion Designer, one of the most popular video games for girls. In their analysis of the success of the Mattel game, Subrahmanyam and Greenfield (1998) argue that the very nature of the game, which centers around dressing up Barbie dolls, appeals to girls because of their familiarity with this type of play. Barbie Fashion Designer is significant because it does not engage players in pretend play, such as in first-person shooter games, but instead allows girls to create objects and engage in play that they find compelling. In this way, the software makes the computer ‘yet another accessory for Barbie play. The computer takes on the role of a tool and, unlike other games, ceases to be an end unto itself’ (Subrahmanyam and Greenfield, 1998: 59). The computer is no longer a machine, but rather a ‘tool in the player’s imaginative play’ (Subrahmanyam and Greenfield, 1998: 59). In addition to developing technical skills that would benefit girls, program staff also spoke about how the project would allow girls to showcase their work in other venues outside of the workshop, such as on their social networking sites, drawing attention to girls’ active participation as video game designers. Giving value to girls’ work is an important aspect of technological learning for girls who may have limited opportunities to see themselves as video game designers. As several scholars note, boys are more likely than girls to have opportunities to interact with computers outside of school and have more opportunities to learn about computer programming (Fancsali, 2002; Sadker and

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Sadker, 1995). Thus, teaching girls Flash would enable their participation in the broader digital culture. Although program staff deliberately designed the game to feature a female as the central character, it is important to consider how these design choices normalized a particular type of femininity. The assumption that all girls would prefer to identify with female characters needs further investigation. Would girls find the workshop just as appealing if the central character was an animal? What choices would girls make if a range of character-types, both human and non-human, were presented to them? Additionally, ‘game design’ in the context of the workshop referred to customizing features of the game, such as changing backgrounds, drawing objects, and animating objects through the use of a pre-scripted computer code. It is important to note that video game design can also include other features, such as the development of game rules and strategies.

Girls’ interest in video game design Girls’ interest in attending the workshop reflected and extended program staff’s goals. In general, girls emphasized the importance of attending the workshop for providing them with information about different careers. For example, Erin, a 13-year-old Latina in the seventh grade, attended the workshop with her mother and was interested in learning about what education she needed to pursue a career in video game design.1 Other girls spoke about the social aspects of the workshop as the motivating factor for attending. Jennifer, a 14-year-old white girl, attended the workshop with her father. Her father was eager to speak with me about how weekend technology classes provided an opportunity for the two of them to spend time together. His work in the biotechnology industry required that he travel extensively during the week and weekend technology classes were a way for the two of them to participate in activities they both enjoyed. Several of the girls spoke about the importance of spending time with their friends. Abby and Allie, both 13-years-old and white, sat together throughout the workshop and helped each other complete the different activities. Isabella and Victoria, both Latina, also attended the workshop together and spoke to me about how they enjoyed signing up for computer classes together. Finally, girls spoke about how the workshop would offer increased access to digital technologies. All of the girls had access to home computers. However, many of them complained that they had to share their computers with siblings or their parents, limiting the time they had to interact with computers. Additionally, both Diane and Angie spoke about how their home computers were outdated and slow. They were frustrated when their older home computers crashed or prevented them from accessing certain websites. Both girls commented that the GTC offered an opportunity to learn about the latest software and to work with faster computers.

Forms of participation In this section, I provide an analysis of how technological literacy was practiced in the classroom, paying attention to the context of girls’ learning. Applying a situated learning

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perspective to the workshop, I look at the forms of participation offered and taken up by the girls.

Mastery of skill Greg Herman, a graphic designer who taught at a local community college, was the instructor for the workshop. Throughout the workshop, Herman used a skill-based approach to teach video game design. This model of teaching emphasized the transmission of knowledge in a one-way form of communication from the teacher to the students. In the first part of the workshop, Herman projected step-by-step instructions on a screen in the front of the room and girls followed along. Herman’s approach to teaching led to different forms of participation among the girls. While some girls quickly picked up on Herman’s teaching style, other girls were confused. During the workshop, Herman assumed that all of the girls had a basic understanding of how computers worked. However, it was clear that there was a range of technological literacy among the girls. While some girls felt comfortable applying their knowledge of different computer software programs to learning new software, other girls had a difficult time navigating computer architecture, such as saving files or launching different software applications. For example, one of the first tasks was to draw shapes in ‘object drawing mode.’ This task required girls to change a feature within the software program so that they could draw different shapes. Many girls commented that they did not understand how to perform this task and were frustrated that their screen looked different from the one projected in front of the room. The variance in the quality of home access and my observations of differing skill levels in the classroom suggest the need to develop refined measurements for technological literacy. Because my research focused on the context of girls’ learning, I did not conduct a pretest establishing their existing knowledge about computers. Previous research on the digital divide has found that socioeconomic status determines household computer and internet access; however, scholars such as Livingstone and Helsper (2007) point out that access does not guarantee technological literacy. For example, Hargittai et al. (2010) found that users’ technological literacy was not necessarily correlated with socioeconomic status. In a study of young adults’ evaluation of web content, Hargittai et al. (2010) found that there was widespread variability among users’ online skills, such as searching and evaluating web content. Indeed, all of the girls in this study had access to home computers and the internet, yet their access was influenced by other factors, such as age of computers and shared access among family members. Another factor that influenced girls’ participation in the workshop was the physical features of the laptops and the desktop computers. Both Karen and Isabella chose to sit at the laptop stations in the room because they had never used laptops and were eager to experiment with the new technology. However, they had difficulty transferring their skills from desktop computers to laptops. For example, they had a difficult time using the trackpad since they were used to using the mouse on a desktop computer. This inability to transfer knowledge from different computer types prohibited their ability to complete their projects. Many studies of technological learning tend to see computers as monolithic artifacts, yet the physical differences between computer hardware, in this case

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laptops and desktops, can impact not only how users view the technology, but also their ability to interact with it. Herman’s approach to technological learning emphasized girls’ competency, rather than their fluency. Several scholars point out the difference between teaching competency and teaching fluency (Hug, 2007; National Research Council, 1999; Resnick et al., 1998). Competency stresses the skills students need to know to perform certain tasks, such as how to launch software programs or how to use a keyboard. Fluency refers to the ability of individuals to adapt their knowledge to changes in technology and synthesize new information. Fluency is an important aspect of technological literacy because it includes not only skills, but also concepts and capabilities (Pearson and Young, 2002). Capabilities include logical reasoning, evaluating information, and communicating with others. Teaching students fluency, rather than simply competency, is important because it provides a foundation for students to adapt their learning to new technologies. Fluency, then, will serve students in the long term because it provides a foundation for lifelong learning. Several scholars and policymakers point out the importance of teaching girls fluency not only for preparing them for the future, but also for encouraging them to apply their learning to their own interests (American Association of University Women, 2000; Ramsey and McCorduck, 2005). These scholars argue that teaching girls fluency can be a powerful strategy for addressing the barriers that girls face in technological learning, such as a lack of relevant content that reflects their interests. Educators suggest several strategies for encouraging fluency, such as collaborative learning and project-based learning, where students are encouraged to engage in problemsolving. As was evident in this case study, educators cannot assume that students are fluent with technology. Although Herman emphasized the importance of mastering the different elements of the computer program, he assumed that the girls had a basic understanding of how to navigate the different features of computers and that they could transfer their existing knowledge to learning a new software program. Yet, this was not true for all of the participants. Herman’s approach to teaching was to show girls how to ‘fix’ the problems they encountered, rather than encouraging them to understand the concepts behind the different features of the program. As a result, several girls kept encountering the same problems with the software because they did not understand the concepts behind what they were doing.

Legitimate peripheral participation Gender differences between the teacher and the students may have impacted girls’ participation. A male instructor was highlighting particular masculine aspects of the computer program, that is, mastery. As several studies have found, the ‘hard’ skills related to computing, such as programming, tend to be perceived as masculine, whereas ‘soft’ skills, such as communication and collaboration, tend to be perceived as feminine (American Association of University Women, 2000; Trauth et al., 2010). Many of the girls’ participation can be described as ‘legitimate peripheral participation’ because they had difficulty completing their projects and there was little interaction among the participants. From a situated learning perspective, members’ participation in

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communities of practice shift as their participation becomes more central and they take on roles as full practitioners. Learning is a social process of reproduction, transformation, and action. One of the limitations of studies utilizing situated learning is that they fail to interrogate gender dynamics (Salminen-Karlsson, 2006). As Nielsen (2008) points out, most studies look at the structure of the workplace itself, but do not examine how different contexts can reproduce hierarchical gender relations. Social practices are gendered with regard to physical arrangements and interactions, which can either sustain or transform gender relations. Learners are motivated by the opportunity to transform their social world. If learning experiences merely reproduce gender hierarchies, rather than allow participants to challenge dominant structures, their participation may remain peripheral. Nielsen’s research suggests the need to make gender a fluid category in the classroom. Recognizing how gendered discourses can restrict learning is especially relevant to the study of single-sex learning environments. Research on encouraging girls’ learning in STEM subjects primarily looks at the benefits of single-sex classrooms, yet there is little research that examines gender differences between teachers and students (Barker and Aspray, 2006; Marwick, 2000). Certainly there could be alternative explanations for girls’ responses to Herman, such as lack of interest in the subject or little motivation for learning. Girls’ response to learning brings up the question of whether a female instructor would have a different impact. Indeed, little evidence suggests a male teacher cannot be sensitized to gender differences. In fact, research has found that gender differences in computer programming classes tend to disappear over time (Blum and Friege, 2005). Another way that girls’ participation remained peripheral is through the lack of collaboration. A situated perspective emphasizes the social aspect of learning. Yet, social context was constrained by both gendered assumptions of the instructor and the physical layout of the room. Neither the instructor nor the physical space encouraged collaboration. The physical layout of the GTC includes four clusters of computer stations. Each computer station had a rectangular configuration with two computers on each desk. As the girls arrived, they chose to sit next to their friends or parents, which limited the social interaction among the other girls in the room. Additionally, girls from the same race sat together and there was little interaction between girls of different races. In general, girls were hesitant to ask questions of the instructor and instead relied on their peers when they were confused. Throughout the workshop, only Karen and Abby raised their hands to ask questions to the instructor. Karen, a Latina, was the loudest member of the group and often expressed her frustration. Karen also acted as the spokesperson for her friend Isabella, whom she sat next to. Both Isabella and Karen had difficulty understanding basic concepts, such as what the icons on the toolbars were supposed to represent. In the end, both Isabella and Karen spoke to me about how they had fun during the workshop, but they did not really understand most of what they learned. A look at the girls’ projects suggests that they had little knowledge of the basic concepts. Neither of the girls was able to draw facial features for their dolls and their projects were not animated because they could not figure out how to write the computer code. In contrast, Abby, who is white, was uncomfortable talking to Herman and never looked at him directly. Abby attended the workshop with her best friend Allie, who is also white. Similar to Karen, Abby played the role of asking questions of Herman and

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then showing what she learned to Allie. In their finished projects, both Abby and Allie designed identical features, including purple dresses and pearl necklaces. While their projects reflected a higher level of understanding than Karen and Isabella, their drawings were less sophisticated than the other girls’ projects. The differences between Abby’s and Karen’s participation may reflect cultural differences or learning styles. Karen felt confident expressing her confusion, whereas Abby was more reserved. Unfortunately, because Hermann did not emphasize collaboration among all members in the workshop, it is difficult to assess whether pairing girls with different skill levels would have made a difference in the girls’ learning process.

Performances of femininity During the second half of the workshop, Herman encouraged girls to draw feminine accessories, such as shoes, purses, and skirts. Both the design of the game and Herman’s teaching style conveyed normative assumptions about appropriate femininity. Still, many of the girls enjoyed the designing aspect of the game because it allowed them to be creative. Creativity is often seen as a feminine trait (Trauth et al., 2010). For example, Erin chose to draw several different hairstyles for her doll. Her main character could have either blond or brown hair. Many of the girls designed different types of clothing for their main character. For example, Erin designed three pairs of shoes, as well as a polka dot dress, a black dress, and a pair of pants. Not all girls chose to design traditionally feminine accessories. Jennifer, who attended the workshop with her father and did not interact with the other girls, described herself as ‘emo’ and designed all of the accessories and clothing for her project to reflect this style. Emo refers to a gender-neutral fashion style characterized by tight jeans, dyed black hair, and skate shoes. Emo style challenges sterotypical norms of both femininity and masculinity. Jennifer’s main character had green hair and the clothing and accessories for the main character included baggie pants, studded belts, and combat boots. Participating in this project, then, allowed Jennifer to subvert norms of femininity. Jennifer’s participation in the workshop illustrates how a more fluid interpretation of gender norms can be transformative. In my interview with Jennifer, she spoke about how she did not identify with traditionally feminine activities. Indeed, Jennifer’s participation in the Girl Scouts reflects her individuality. Jennifer is considered a ‘Juliette’ who has no troop affiliation and completes badge activities independently. Jennifer’s project draws attention to how the flexibility of the software program allowed more options for participation. In other words, even though the instructor presented stereotypical notions of gender, Jennifer’s learning was motivated by her desire to transform the norms of gender presented to her.

Race While program staff spoke extensively about the importance of designing a video game that featured a female as the main character, there was little discussion about the importance of racial and ethnic diversity. The prototype for the main character of the game featured a white-skinned character. However, racial difference was apparent to Angie,

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the only African-American participant. When Herman was showing the girls how to change the background colors of the game, Angie asked how she could change the skin color of the main character. It was clear that Herman, who is white, did not anticipate this question (nor did the game designers), but was willing to show the girls how to use the tools to create a range of skin tones. As a result of Angie’s questions, several of the Latina girls in the room changed the skin colors of their dolls. This example reflects the importance of understanding the mutual shaping of race and technology in informal educational programs. The technology allowed users to represent a range of skin colors, yet the designers of the program used a white character as the norm. The choice to use a female character was well thought-out, yet the reliance on a dominant representation of whiteness was not problematic to the designers. Instead, the burden was on the sole African-American participant in the room to point out to the teacher that the main character did not represent her. Angie’s query about racial representation presented an opportunity for Herman to engage the girls in a discussion about race in video games. However, he chose to employ a technological solution to address the problem. As Leonard (2003) argues, much of the research about the educational significance of video games tends to be uncritical about stereotypical representations in video game content. If the overall goal of workshops such as this one is to empower girls, program staff need to pay attention to the ways in which power is invoked in designing educational activities.

Conclusion The Girl Scout workshop allowed participants to take on identities as video game designers, a title seldom afforded to girls. However, video game design was conceptualized as a tool that girls should master and included normative assumptions about femininity and race. Throughout the workshop, girls challenged and extended the goals of program staff. While some girls saw video game design as a social activity, rather than a skillbased activity, others appropriated their learning to challenge the norms of femininity and whiteness. The differences between the goals of program staff and participants suggest the need for informal education programs to tailor their programs to be more appealing to girls’ interests. In order to interest a diverse group of girls in computer programming, informal education programs should pay attention to the many differences among girls, not only in terms of race, class, and gender, but also motivations and interests. In order to increase girls’ participation as game designers, it is also important to increase girls’ technological literacy. Instruction was mainly focused on teaching girls competency, rather than fluency. The computer was presented uncritically as an artifact and there was little discussion about the capabilities girls would need to succeed beyond the confines of the classroom. Many of the girls had difficulty understanding the basic concepts of the software program and navigating their way through computer architecture. This suggests the need to rethink how informal educational programs address technological learning in the classroom. Increasing girls’ technological literacy may benefit girls in the long term and help them to become more confident technology users.

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Feminist technology studies can extend current conceptualizations of technological literacy through offering a more critical analysis of the social, economic, and political impacts of software and hardware design choices. Feminist technology studies can offer some insight into how to develop girls’ critical literacies, encouraging them to question the modes of production and to contribute their unique perspectives to classroom learning. Indeed, much of the conflicting discourses about increasing gender equality in computer programming fails to grant girls agency and instead offers strategies rooted in a liberal democratic vision of equality that leaves institutional structures unquestioned. Throughout the workshop, girls challenged many of the design assumptions of the game, especially in terms of performances of femininity and representations of race. As a result, video game design took on different meanings than the ones intended by program staff. While there are several limitations to this case study, most notably the use of a single case to examine how girls learn video game design, this case does offer several rich areas to explore in future research. Policymakers and educators are increasingly aware that technological literacy is an essential aspect of twenty-first century learning, yet there is little agreement on what technological literacy is or how to achieve it. Informal education programs are important sites for teaching technological literacy, yet little research has evaluated these programs. Qualitative case studies that integrate situated learning analysis can illuminate how the culture of the classroom impacts youth’s learning. Finally, the insight offered here should not be restricted to informal single-sex educational programs, since both in-school and mixed gender programs are important sites for encouraging youth’s technological literacy. Note 1.

The names of participants and staff have been changed.

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Carolyn Cunningham is an Assistant Professor in the Masters in Communication and Leadership Studies Program at Gonzaga University. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Texas at Austin in the Department of Radio-Television-Film in 2009.