Quirky dative objects in Basque Beatriz Fernández University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) European Dialect Syntax III Venice, September 18-21, 2008

0. Introduction: Goal: To describe and analyze quirky dative objects in Basque –the 29th syntactic variable of the Basdisyn project.  Descriptive facts:  Quirky dative theme-objects: some theme-objects of bivalent verbs are marked dative in some varieties of Basque.  Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs: objects can be marked both (quirky) dative and (canonical) absolutive in some alternating verbs.

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In field-work: Treat both quirky dative objects separately and elaborate different questionnaires for each of them. them

1. Preliminaries 

Ergative language

ABS marked objects / DAT marked indirect objects in sentences with bivalent and trivalent verbs. 

Rich verbal agreement system: agreement with E, A and D arguments. Transitive and ditransitive auxiliaries. 

(1)

(2)

Ni-k ZU ikusi Z-a-it-u-T I-E you.A see.ASP 2A-plA-root-1sgE ‘I saw you’ Ni-k ZU-RI LIBURUA eman d-i-ZU-T I-E you-D book.A give.ASP (3A)-expl-(root)-DF-2D-1sgE ‘I gave you the book’

2. Quirky dative theme-objects 

Description:  In sentences with bivalent verbs, uncanonical dative marked object, the quirky dative theme-object –sometimes alternating with the canonical absolutive one.  Ditransitive auxiliary selected instead of the transitive one.

• Quirky dative theme-object: (3) (Ni-k) SU-RI ikusi d-o-t-ZU-t (Lekeitio, Bizkaia) I-E you-D see.ASP expl-root-DF-2D-1sgE ‘I saw you’ (Hualde, Elordieta & Elordieta 1994:125-7)

• Canonical absolutive object (4) (Ni-k) SU ikusi I-E you-A see.ASP ‘I saw you’

S-a-itt-u-t 2A-plA-root-1sgE

(Lekeitio, Bizkaia) (Elordieta, A. p.c.)

2. Quirky dative theme-objects

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Dialectal distribution: Navarrese –most of the varieties of South High Navarrese in Bonaparte´s designation; Navarrese-Lapurdian (variety of Baigorri), and in Western Basque (varieties of Markina, Gernika, Bermeo, Arratia and Arrigorriaga in Bizkaia); also the variety of Irun (Central Basque) –see Bonaparte (1869:434) and Yrizar (1981-II:360).

• As a consequence of the quirky dative theme-object, with both bivalent and trivalent verbs, the same ditransitive auxiliary dotzut is used –compare (3) to (5). • Dative marked indirect object (5) (Ni-k) SU-RI liburua emon

d-o-t-ZU-t (Lekeitio, Bizkaia) I-E you-D book-A give.ASP expl-root-DF-2D-1sE ‘I gave you the book’

2. Quirky dative theme-objects

Testing the Animacy Hierarchy: human vs. non-human restriction

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(6) Peru-k ni ikusi n-a-u / ni-RI d-o-s-ta 1st person sg √ Peter-E I-A see.ASP 1sgA-root / I-D expl-root-(DF)-1sgD-(3sgE) ‘Peter saw me’ (7) (Ni-k) su ikusi s-a-it-u-t-en / su-RI n-eu-t-zu-n 2nd person sg √ I-E you-A see.ASP 2A-plA-root-1sgE-past / you-D 1sgA-root-DF-2D-past ‘I saw you’ (8) Peru-k Jon zo d-a-u / Jon-ERI d-o-t-za proper nouns √ Peter-E Jon-A hit.ASP expl-root / Jon-D expl-root-DF-3sgD-(3sgE) ‘Peter hited John’ (9) (Ni-k) neskia ikusi d-o-t / neskia-RI d-o-t-za-t human √ I-E girl-A see.ASP expl-1sgE root / girl-D expl-root-DF-3sgD-1sgE ‘I saw the girl’ (10) (Ni-k) txakurra - telebista ikusi d-o-t /*txakurra-telebista-RI d-o-t-za-t I-E

dog-TV-A

see.ASP expl3sgD--1sgE expl-rootroot-1sgE / dog-TV-D dog-TV-D explexpl-root-(DF)root-(DF)-3sgD

‘I saw the dog/I watch the TV’

*non-human (animate / inanimate)

2. Quirky dative theme-objects and leísmo 

Comparing Basque quirky dative objects to Spanish leísmo (I)

Quirky dative objects bring to mind the Spanish leísmo –see also Hualde, Elordieta & Elordieta (1994:126) and Rezac (2006). Short definition of leísmo: the use of dative le(s) instead of accusative lo(s) (or exceptionally, la(s)) as a pronoun to refer to some direct objects. (11) ¿Conoces a Juan? Sí, le conozco hace tiempo know-2sg P Juan yes cl know-1sg do-3sg time ‘Do you know Juan? Yes, I know him long time ago’ (12) ¿Sabes dónde está mi libro? No, no le he visto por aquí know-2sg where be-3sg my book no no cl have-1sg seen P here

‘Do you know where my book is? No, I haven´t seen it around here’ (Fernández-Ordoñez, I. 1999)

2. Quirky dative theme-objects and leísmo 

Comparing Basque quirky dative objects to Spanish leísmo (II)  Some similarities  In Basque varieties with quirky dative objects, no opposition between absolutive and dative agreement. In Spanish varieties with leísmo, no opposition between accusative and dative clitics.  Both Basque quirky dative objects and leísmo may be governed by the same Animacy Hierarchy, although the Basque quirky dative theme-objects occur higher on the hierarchy: human < animate, inanimate in Basque vs. animate < inanimate in Spanish. 

One (perhaps) crucial difference  In Basque, not only agreement but also case is affected. • Dative is the only case assigned to both direct and indirect objects.  As a consequence, dative agreement is expressed in the auxiliary for both quirky dative objects and indirect objects –ditransitive auxiliary is selected. • Case and agreement match  In Spanish, leísmo involves clitics not case marking.

2. Quirky dative theme-objects and leísmo

Comparing Basque quirky dative objects to Spanish leísmo (III)

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Unresolved questions  Empirical questions: • Do we have in Basque (in)animate quirky dative objects –opposite to the pattern observed in Lekeitio? And plural (in)animate quirky dative objects?  Searching for an explanation: • Do Basque quirky dative objects appear because of the influence of the Spanish leismo? • If quirky dative objects are attested in the variety of Baigorri in a French spoken area, why does it happen? • Is there a general explanation for both Basque quirky dative objects and Spanish leísmo?

3. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs 

Description: 

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Objects can be marked both (quirky) dative and (canonical) absolutive in some alternating verbs. As a consequence, alternation also between transitive and ditransitive auxiliaries

(11) Obeditü behar d-üt-ü-gü-la gü beno zaharragoak obey modal expl-3plA-root-1plE-KONP we than older.A ‘We have to obey those who are older than us’

(Bp I 93)

(12) Non haren sensuek arrazoiña-ri obeditzen bait-i-o-te (Ch III 53,2) wh Her/his sense-E reason-D obedy COMP-expl-(root)-DF-3sgD-3plE ‘Her/his senses obey the reason’

3. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs

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Alternation typology 

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Plain alternation: alternation observed in the same dialect and very often in the same idiolect. (Bultzatu ‘push’, erregutu ‘pray’, iguriki ‘wait’, itxaron ‘wait’, jarraitu ‘follow’, kontseilatu ‘give advice’, manatu ‘order’, obeditu ‘obey’, oratu ‘hold’ and utzi ‘let, leave’). See examples (11) and (12). Semantic alternation: alternation attested only in some meanings of the verb. (Begiratu ‘look at’ , deitu ‘call’, erreparatu ‘be aware of’ , esetsi ‘attack’, jazarri ‘persecute’ and laga ‘let, leave’ ).

Dialectal alternation: roughly speaking, absolutive a t t e s t e d i n Navarrese-Lapurdian and Zuberoan, and dative in Navarrese and in Western and Central Basque (Abisatu ‘notify’, deitu ‘call’, entzun ‘hear’, eskertu ‘thank’, lagundu ‘accompany, help’ and segitu ‘follow’). Corpus analyzed: Mitxelena (1989-2005). 

3. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs 

Semantic alternation 

Begiratu 1 ‘look at’

(13) […] ez ni-RI begiratu not I.D look at ‘Don´t look at me’

(Lar SAgust 14)

(14) Hara, beitu […] eskale ziztrin-loi a My gosh, look at beggar dirty that.A ‘My gosh, look at that dirty beggar’

(Altuna 96)

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Begiratu 2

(15) Gatzak begiratzen

du aragia usteltzetik (Ir YKBiz 120n) salt-E look at.ASP (3A)expl-root meat.A rot-NF-P

‘Salt inhibits the rotting of meat’

3. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs

Dialectal alternation

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Lagundu ‘accompany’

(16) Doña Inesek (hura) ospitaleraino lagundu

z-u-en (Laph 36) lady Ines.E (s)he.A hospital.P accompany.ASP (3A)expl-root-(3sgE)-p ‘Lady Ines accompanied her/him to the hospital’

(17) Josetxo (gu-RI) lagundu bear d-eus-ku-zu Buenos Airesera (Echta Jos 318) Josetxo we-D accompany.ASP modal expl-root-1plD-2E ‘Josetxo, you have to accompany us to Buenos Aires’ Aires 

Lagundu ‘accompany’ with an intransitive auxiliary

(18) (Zuek) (ni-RI) lagun z-a-ki-zki-t you-A I-D help 2A-vow-DF-plA-1sgD ‘You accompany me’ me

2. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs

Why quirky dative objects in alternating verbs?

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Searching for an explanation  One possible hypothesis and two versions: • At least some of the alternating verbs seem to be verbs with an implicit direct object (abisatu, barkatu, entzun, erregutu, eskertu, kontseilatu, manatu, obeditu, and depending on the meaning, laga, lagundu and utzi). • Quirky dative objects are in most cases goals (the verbs just mentioned and also deitu, esetsi, jazarri). • Not all the verbs confirm the hypothesis: (begiratu, erreparatu, oratu) 

Open issues: • Do we have historical reasons for the preference of the quirky dative or the canonical absolutive? Do we have similar evolution for at least some of these verbs? • Can we find a more general explanation for both instances of the quirky dative objects?

5. Conclusions  Two instances of quirky dative objects in Basque 

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Quirky dative theme-objects: • Governed by the Animacy Hierarchy. Main restriction: no dative assignment to non-human objects • Some similarities with Spanish leísmo Quirky dative objects in absolutive/dative alternating verbs: • Plain, semantic and dialectal alternations • Most alternating verbs seem to have an implicit object. Thus, quirky dative objects are goals.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Jon Ortiz de Urbina, Pablo Albizu, Arantzazu Elordieta and Ricardo Etxepare for their valuables comments and suggestions in preparing this talk. This work has been partially funded by the University of the Basque Country (EHU 06/20); by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (FFI2008-00240/FILO), and by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche.

References: Etxepare, Ricardo. 2004. “Valency and argument structure in the Basque Verb”. In Jose Ignacio Hualde & Jon Ortiz de Urbina (eds.) A grammar of Basque, Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter. Euskaltzaindia (Royal Academy of the Basque language). 1987. Euskal Gramatika. Lehen urratsak II, Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia. Fernández, Beatriz & Jon Ortiz de Urbina. 2007. Hizkuntzari itzulia 80 hizkuntzatan. Bilbo, UEU. Fernández-Ordoñez, Inés. 1999. “Leísmo, laísmo y loísmo”. In Ignacio Bosque & Violeta Demonte (eds.) Gramática descriptiva de la lengua española I. Madrid, Espasa Calpe, 1317-1394. Hualde, Jose Ignacio, Gorka Elordieta & Arantzazu Elordieta. 1994. The Basque dialect of Lekeitio, ASJUren eranskinak XXXIV, Bilbo, University of the Basque Country/Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia. Iglesias, Aitor. 2005. Igorreko hizkeraren azterketa dialektologikoa, Gasteiz, University of the Basque Country, manuscript.

6. References

Laffite, P. 1962. Grammaire basque. (Navarro-Labourdin littéraire), Donostia, Elkar 1979. Landa, Alazne. 1995. Conditions on Null Objects in Basque Spanish and their relation to Leísmo and Clitic Doubling. Los Ángeles, Universiy of Southern California. Mitxelena, Luís. 1989-2005. Diccionario General Vasco. Orotariko Euskal Hiztegia. Bilbo, Euskaltzaindia. Rezac, Milan. 2006. Agreement displacement in Basque: Derivational principles and lexical parameters. Gasteiz, University of the Basque Country, manuscript. Yrizar, Pedro de. 1981. Contribución a la Dialectología de la Lengua Vasca, 2 vol. Donostia, Gipuzkoako Aurrezki Kutxa Probintziala. —. 1992. Morfología del Verbo Auxiliar Alto Navarro Septentrional (estudio dialectológico), 2 vol. Iruñea, Nafarroako Gobernua & Euskaltzaindia.