Speech of B. Disraeli at the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, April 3, 1872. Author(s): Disraeli, Benjamin Source: Bristol Selected Pamphlets, (1872) Published by: University of Bristol Library Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/60249422 . Accessed: 28/06/2013 06:56 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

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10 [Publicationsof the National Union. No. XIV.]

SPEECH

OF THE RIGHT HON.

B.

DISRAELI,

M.P., AT THE

FREE

TRADE

HALL,

MANCHESTER,

APRIL 3, 1872.

FOBTHB PUBLISHED NATIONAL

UNION

OF

CONSERVATIVE

AND

CONSTITUTIONAL ASSOCIATIONS, 53, PARLIAMENT STREET, WESTMINSTER, S.W.

THE

CENTRAL

BY PRINTED PRESS COMPANY 112, STRAND.

(LIMITED),

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SPEECH or THE RIGHT

HON. FREE

B. DISRAELI, ATTHE

M. P.,

TRADE

HALL, MANCHESTER, APRIL 3, 1872.

Mr. Disraelisaid—Yourchairmanhas correctlyremindedyou that this is not the first time that my voice has soundedin this hall, but it wason occasionsvery differentfromthat underwhichwe now assembletogether. It was nearlythirtyyearsago, when I endeavouredto supportthe flagging energyof an institutionin whichI thoughtthere were the germsof future and muchintellectualadvantageto the risinggenerationof Man¬ refinement, chester,and sinceI havebeenhereon this occasionI have learnedwithmuch that it is now accountedamongstyour most flourishinginstitugratification tutions. Therewas also anotherandmorerecentoccasion,whenthe gracious officefell to me to distribute,amongthe membersof the Mechanics'Institu¬ tion, thoseprizeswhichthey had gainedby pursuingtheir studiesin letters and in science. Gentlemen,these werepleasingoffices,and if life consisted only of such offices,few would have to complainof it ; but life has its masculineduties, and wo are assembledhero to fulfil some of the most importantwhen,as citizensof a free country,we are assembledtogetherto declareour determination to maintainand upholdthat constitutionto which weareindebted,in ouropinion,forourfreedomand our welfare. Gentlemen, thereseemsat firstsomethingincongruous the that one shouldbe addressing is not of so as Lancashire who influential and a population intelligent county didfor locallyconnectedwiththem; andI franklyadmitthatthatcircumstance a longtimemakemehesitatein acceptingyourcordialandgenerousinvitation. But, gentlemen,afterwhatoccurredyesterday; afterreceivingmorethan200 addressesfrom everypart of this great county; after the welcomewhich thengreetedme ; I feel that I shouldnot be doingjustice to your feelings, andnot doingduty to myself, if I any longerconsideredit to be an act of presumption. Gentlemen,althoughit maynot be an act of presumption,it still is, I amtold, an act of greatdifficulty. Our opponentsassureus that the Conservativeparty have no politicalprogramme,and therefore they mustlookwith muchsatisfactionto one whomyou honour to-night by con-

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of your opinionswhen he comes sideringas the leader andrepresentative forwardat your invitation to express to you what that programmeis. Gentlemen,if a politicalprogrammeis a policy to despoilChurchesand plunderlandlords,I confessthat the Conservativeparty has no political is a policywhichattacks or menaces programme.If a politicalprogramme every interest and every institution,every class and everycalling in the country,I confessthat the Conservative partyhas no political programme. But if, gentlemen,a policywhich has a distinct aim, and such as deeply interests the great body of the people—ifthis be a becomingpolitical programme, I, for a great party, am here to assert and to vindicate it—here or elsewhere—as one not unworthy of those with whom I act in politicallife. Gentlemen,the programme of the Con¬ servativeparty is the same and unchangeable ; it is a policy that would maintainthe monarchylimited by the co-ordinateauthorityof the Estates of the Realm,and popularlyknownas Queen,Lords, and Commons. The fundamentalprinciplesof that Constitutionhave been recentlyimpugned and assailed. The flag of the Republichas been raised, and therefore to the presenthourand situation gentlemen,I thinkit is not inappropriate if I maketo you one or two briefremarkson the characterof those institu¬ tions. Gentlemen,it is nownearlytwo centuriessincethatConstitutionwas settledT^udduringthatperiodEnglandhasnot knowna revolution,although duringthat periodour countryhas experienced,perhaps,more considerable changesthan any other countryin the world. What is the cause of this .' Whyhaveyou for so long an intervalnot experienceda revolutionin this country Because, gentlemen, the wisdom of your forefathersplaced the prizeof supremepowerwithoutthe sphereof humanpassions.Whatever the struggleof parties—whatever the excite¬ the strifeof factions—whatever ment and exaltationof thepublicmind,therewas eversomethingin England roundwhichall partiesand all classescould rally—whichrepresentedthe majesty of the law and the administrationof justice; which was at the same time the guarantee of all our present rights, and which was the fountainof honour. Gentlemen,it is well to realise what is meant by a countrynot experiencinga revolutionin so long an interval. It means the continuousenjoymentand exerciseof human ingenuity; it meansthe unbrokenapplication of scientificdiscoveriesto yourwelfare,andthe comfort and convenienceof men; it means the accumulation of capital; it means the elevationof labour; it meansthosefabricsof inventionandpowerwhich coverthe districtin which you live, and which supply the requirements of the world. It meansthat indefatigable skill to the of cultivation application of the soil whichhas extractedin this countryfrom a somewhatreluctant glebe harvestsmore abundantthan arefurnishedby landsnearerthe sun. It means, above all, that long establishedorder whichis the only parent

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5 of personal liberty and political rights. And all this, gentlemen, you owe to the throne. Gentlemen,there is another view of this question whichI wishto placebeforeyou on this occasion. I ammyselfa partyman, andprobablythe vast majorityof you who are presentmaybe enrolledin the samecategory. I am a partyman,becauseI do not see howParliamen¬ is possible without party. I look upona Parliamentary tary Government as the noblest governmentin the world, and certainly the Government one most suited to England; but without the recognised discipline of political connection animated by the highest private honour, I cannotunderstandhowa numerousand popularassemblycould long resist the force of seductive arts in a Minister. But, gentlemen,though I am a party man, I am not insensibleto the defects to which party is liable. I know that it has a tendency to warp the intelli¬ gence. I am sure that there is no Minister, when he gives his considerationto some great measure which he believes the exigen¬ cies of the State require, who does not feel that it is an effort altogetherto emancipatehimselffromthe politicalprejudiceunder which he may have longacted. But, gentlemen,what an immense advantage it is in the English Constitutionthat no Ministercanpresentto Parliament any measurewithout first submittingit to an intelligenceentirelysuperior to party feeling, and that one placed in the most exaltedpositionin the State. I know there are some who will say that this is only a beautiful theoryof the EnglishConstitution,and that the personalinfluenceof the Sovereignis now absorbedin the responsibilityof the Minister. Permit me to observethat I believethat opinioninvolvesa greatfallacy. For example, the observations,I need not say, I amnow makingon this subjectrefer not to the time in whichwe live, but to the historyand constitution particularly of ourcountry. Takea casenotuncommon—take Georgethe Third'sreign: he came to the throne at the earliestperiod of life whichthe lawsof his countrywould permit,and he enjoyeda long reign. Conceivethe position of the Sovereignunder these circumstances. Prom the first moment of Ms accession he is in constant communicationwith the most able statesmen of the period, and with the most eminent men of his country of all parties. It is impossible that any indi¬ vidual, even of only average ability, under such circum¬ stances, will not gain a degree of political informationand political experiencewhich must have an influenceon public events. Gentlemen, informationand experience,whetherthey arepossessedby the Sovereignor the meanestof his subjects,are irresistiblein life. No man, with the fearfulresponsibilitywhich devolveson an English Minister, can dare to treatwith indifference a suggestionon public affairswhichdoesnot occur to him, or informationon politicalmatterswhichhadnot previouslyreached

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6 him. But pursue the situationwhichI haveindicated—the longersucha Sovereignreigns,the greatermustbe that influence. The principlesof the the absenceof suchinfluenceon the EnglishConstitutiondo not contemplate partof the Sovereign; andif they did, the principlesof humannaturewould renderthe establishment of sucha conditionimpossible. As that Sovereign continuesto reign,all the greatMinistersof his youth graduallydisappear, and a new generationof statesmenriseup. Somepoliticalcontingency occurs. The Ministersareperplexed,but the Sovereignsays," Thirtyyearsago I re¬ membera similar state of affairs,"and then he states the coursetaken by the peoplewho advisedhim on the difficulty,and successfullyadvisedhim. And though he may maintainhimselfwithin the strictest limits of the Constitution,who can supposethat, when such suggestionsare made by the most exalted, person in the country, they can be without effect? The Minister who would treat such information and such expe¬ rience with indifferencewould not be a constitutionalMinister, but an arrogant idiot. Gentlemen, I maintain when such observations are made they are, in my mind, made by the creatures of ignorance. I think it right to call your attention to these suggestions, becauseI thinkthey havesomemeaningin them,andwhenwe are separated you canmuseoverthem, as I think, with profit. Gentlemen,the influence of the Monarchyin Englandmust alwaysbe considerable. England is a domesticcountry. It is a countrywherehomeis revered,andthe hearthis sacred. Sucha countryis properlyrepresentedby a family—bya Royal Family. If the membersof that familyhave been educatedwith a senseof their duty to their people and their responsibility,it is impossibleto exaggeratethe importanceof the positionwhich they occupyin our social system. Gentlemen,it is not merelya questionof theirinfluenceovermanners, not merelythat they may offera type of all that is elegant, and a model of religionand propriety. A nation—atleast such a nation as England— has a heartas well as intelligence,and in momentsof nationaladversity,in momentsof greatpublicandpoliticalperil, it is somethingthat we have an institutionin this countryroundwhichthe affectionsof the peoplemayrally. thereisoneobservation morewhichI shouldliketo make,withyour Gentlemen, permission, uponourMonarchy.It is onewhicha yearagowouldhavebeenun¬ necessary,nor is it one which is agreeableto touchuponnow; but there are dutieswhichoughtto be performed,and the time is come,in myopinion, whenthis officeshouldbe fulfilled. Youknow,gentlemen,thatpersons—and some of them personsof note—havebeentravellingaboutthe countryin¬ accountof the expenseswhichit veighingagainstthis centralinstitution—on occasions. Now, gentlemen,if my views,such as I have suggested,of the andbeneficial influenceoftheMonarchy importance uponyourwelfarebecorrect —andI inferfromthesymptomsofsympathylhavcreceivedthattheyrepresent

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yours,ifmyviewsarecorrect,I amcertaintheEnglishpeoplewouldbehumiliated if the chief familyin the country—afamily that representsthe nation— shouldnot be maintainedwith becomingdignity,or should be placedin a positionsecondaryor subordinate,perhaps,to someof the Sovereign'sown nobles. But, gentlemen,I amnot goingto dwell upon that consideration, whichI throwasideas a view of the casewith which you are familiar,andI do so becauseyou are familiarwith it, and I won't remindyou that her estatein tho country,on which,if she Majestyhada goodand a considerable chose,she mightlive with becomingsplendour,andwhichis, in its revenue, as the CivilList whichwas votedby Parliamenton condition as considerable of her givingup this estateto the country. Thatestate has beengivenup, andits revenueshavebeen paid overto the Exchequer. I alsothrowthat aside. I comehereto-night,and I takethis opportunityof expressingthat whichI have expressedin the Houseof Commons,thoughI havenot had a becomingoccasionon whichto enterinto detailsuponthe subject—Iexpress thereis not a sovereigntyof any firstmy opinionhere in Lancashire—that ratecountryin theworldso (I will usea meanepithet)cheapas the sovereignty of England. Gentlemen,I will not comparethe expenditureof our Throne with othergreatcountries,becauseit might be said I was takingan unfair advantageof a few exceptionalinstances,becauseI knowin LancashireI am addressing an audience tolerably well acquaintedwith public affairs, and you know that the Civil Lists of the least of these continental empiresaredouble,treble,and in one instancequadrupleof whatis the Civil List of ourSovereign. But I will takethe CivilList of the sovereigntyof a Republic. I will compare the cost of the sovereignty of England with the sovereigntyof a Republic, and that a Republic with whose affairsthe publicof Lancashireare tolerablywell acquainted. I will deal withthe cost of sovereigntyin the United States of America. Gentlemen, thereis no analogy,as is drawnby thesewanderingpoliticians,betweenthe positionof QueenVictoriaand the President of the United States. The • Presidentof the UnitedStates is not the Sovereignof the UnitedStates. Thereis some analogybetweenthe positionof the Presidentof the United States and the Prime Minister of England,and they are both remune¬ ratedmuchat the samerate, which is about what is obtainedby a secondrateprofessionalman. Gentlemen,the Sovereignof the UnitedStatesis the people,and I want to shewyou whatis the cost of the sovereigntyof the people. It is a very shortand simplestory,but it is one pregnantwith in¬ struction. You know the constitutionof the United States—itis a great advantagewhen addressingso largea meetingas this not to haveto explain everystep as you proceed;you knowthat in NorthAmericatherearethirtyseven sovereign States with their Assemblies. You know also there is anotherconstitutionof these thirty-sevensovereignStates by whichthey

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enter into a confederation,and are representedby a House of Represen¬ tatives and a Senate. Now, gentlemen,by the last returnsthat I have obtained—and you may rely upon it they are authentic,for if I made a mistakeon suchmattersI thinkthe Lancashireladswouldsoonfind me out —by the last officialaccountsthat I have received, there were in the confederateconstitutionin the Houseof Representatives 275 representatives and 10delegates;sothat thereare,in effect,285membersof the Houseof Re¬ presentatives.Therearealso74 membersof the Senate,makingaltogether359 members.Nowthese359membersreceivewhatin sterlingis onethousandper annum. Theyreceivemorethanthat ; theyhavean allowancecalledmileage, whichis a veryconvenientallowance,asthosewhohaveticketsonrailwaysare perfectly aware. The aggregate cost of this is about £30,000 per annum. Therefore the House of Representativesand the Senate receive exactly in sterling money £389,000 a year; about the sum of the Civil List of her Majesty. But that will give you only a very imperfectideaof the sovereigntyin the UnitedStates. The sovereignpeople is not satisfiedby a Civil List of that amount. Every memberof the Assemblyof the Legislature,and of the Assembliesof the 37 States,is also paid,and he is paidat about350 dollarsper annum. To guardmyselflest this statementshouldbe questioned,I wish to tell you that all returnson this head(thoughI havebeenfurnishedwiththe greatmajorityof them)are not complete. Someestimateof the New Statesmust,as to numbersand so on, be arrived at by a logical processthat will not materiallyaffectthe calculations; and in order that I may not be charged with over¬ stating, I have left out of the calculation the item which must be placedagainstevery one of the Assembliesof the sovereignStates, and that is mileage. There are, as far as I can calculate,about 5,010 membersof the sovereignStates; their cost at 350 dollars,which wouldbe 1,753,500dollars,is equalto £350,700 per annum,and thereforethe direct cost of the sovereigntyof the United States is betweenseven and eight hundredthousandper yearexactly,or nearlydoublethe amountof ourCivil List. Gentlemen,perhapsthese facts have not been publicly announced before. It is verymuchto be regrettedthat a little moreaccurateinforma¬ tion on the subject was not obtained. I could go throughthe subject to-night,but I will not, becauseeven with your indulgenceI shouldweary you. But thereis one pointonwhichI canassureyou, andthat is, if I were to pursue the consequencesof the sovereigntywhich is the fountainof honourcomparedwith the sovereigntywhichactsuponthe principleof strict economyyou wouldbe astonishedat the result. But, gentlemen,it is no use to havethesemeetingsif we only assembletogetherto exchange sympathyand cheereach other. I hopedthat in cominghere I might learn much and communicate something,andthereforeyou will allow me, I am sure, one

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momentupon the subject, not to exalt it, but only to suggesthow very difficultit is to understandthe questionwhen we hear the trash that is talked in Englandby men who ought never to occupy the positionof instructorsof the people. Now, gentlemen,the most difficultthing in the worldis to governa countrylike this, and every Ministerfeels, from the increaseof businessevery day, that it is difficultto devise meansby which the country, if properlygoverned,would have its affairssatisfactorily administered. Thereis one meansof whichthe Ministersof Englandhave of late years largely availed themselves, which has been a great advantageto the country,and that is the use of RoyalCommissions. You is. The Queenof Englandcan appealto knowwhata RoyalCommission the most experiencedstatesmen, if there is a knotty sxibjectwhich no Cabinet can solve, upon which they want the most careful and authenticinformation; and the Queen of England can appeal to men of the highest rank and fame to give their intelligenceto the subject. She can appeal to the great scholars of the country if the subject demandserudition. If it is a matterwhich involves questionsof art and science,she can at once appeal to the servicesof the greatestartistsand greatestphilosophers. No one for a momenthesitatesto respondto the appealof QueenVictoria when she summonsthem as her trusty and well-belovedcounsellors. These counsellorsare not paid And if, as not unfrequently happens, a subject arises to which soma individual devotes extraordinary powers of intellect, and the nationfeels there ought to be somerewardfor laboursso eminentand con¬ summate,and there is bestowedupon him a decoration,he is proudof the of the Sovereignandthe esteemof his fellow-countrymen. Now, approbation gentlemen,the Governmentof the United States—veryclever men, no doubt—no one disputes their ability, their energy, or their acuteness— have also largely availed themselves of these commissions. Their commissioners are paid, but their commissions have failed. And why Because theirs is a Governmentin which there is no fountain of honour. Now, gentlemen, I have rather exceeded the bounds to which I had intended to confine myself upon this subject, but it is, as they say in fashionablecircles, the subject of the hour; and when I find young gentlemen can rise up in a large assemblyof what I hitherto consideredintelligent men in an Englishcity, and talk nonsenseby the hour againstthe fundamentalprinci¬ ples of the EnglishConstitution,andhold up the sovereigntyof Englandas intolerableon accountof expense,it wasmyduty,whenthe occasionoffered— andI thinkmy friendthe Chairman told us to-nightthat the occasion,some¬ how or another, always came to everyman—toexpressmy viewsuponit. Gentlemen,the English Constitutionis by no meansthe uninfluentialand

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10 obsoletethingsomepersonswouldattemptto persuadeyouit is, and therefore I ask yourpatiencefor a momentwhileI makea few remarksuponanother institutionof the countrythat has been latelyvery muchinveighedagainst, andwhich,we aretold, oughtto be eitherabolishedor reformed—that is the Houseof Lords. I will not stopnow one momentto endeavourto proveto Constitution canlastwithoutthe SecondChamber. you that norepresentative I will not do that becauseit is a questionwhich formorethan one hundred andthe years—orat least for one hundredyears—has occupiedconsideration, men of all of most ever in eminent countries, since, fact, the controversy of the NorthAmericanRepublic; and they haveall agreed— establishment statesmenhave agreed—American, French, German,andItalian—thatre¬ presentativeinstitutionswithouta secondChamberareimpossible. Of late years it has been significantlynoted by very great authoritiesin these matters that the frequentfailure of the arrangementcalled the French Republicis mainlyto be attributedto that want. But, gentlemen,although statesmenof all countrieshave expressedtheirconvictionthat representative institutionswithouta secondChamberare impossible,they havefoundthe utmostdifficulty,almostthe impossibility,of creatingthe secondChamber. How is it to be created Is it to bo createdby the sovereignpower Well, we knowwhat a chamberof nomineesis—itis the proverbfor generaldis¬ regardand general disrespect. Are they to be elected Are they to be chosenby the same constituencyas the popularbody If so, whatmoral in the popu¬ rightwouldthey haveto criticiseand controltherepresentatives lar body Will you escape from the difficultyby electing them by a restrictedand more exclusiveconstituency,with a higher franchise, and chosen, as you may suppose, from superior elements The question then immediately arises, Why should the majority be governedby the minority Gentlemen,our cousins in the United States settled the questionof a secondChamberwell. Theyhad elementsat their com¬ mand which never before existed in the world, and so faras I can form any opinion, never will again. They summoned their representative fromtheir thirty-ninesovereignStates. In England,gentlemen,we had a Houseof Lords. It had developedfrom the historicalconstitutionof an ancientcountry,and had always adapteditself to the circumstances of the age-whichit had to encounter. What is the first elementof this second Chamber,deemed,andrightlydeemed,so indispensable by the greatestpoli¬ tical authorities Its indispensable elementyou will all agreein a moment is Independence.Whatis the soundestbasisof independence I thinkyou will all agreewith me when I say that it is Property. Well, the Prime Ministerof England—andthough I do not agreewith him in all points, I agreewithhim entirelyin this—hasrecentlyinformedthe Housesof Parlia¬ ment that the averageincomeof the House of Lords is £20,000 a year,

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11 makingwith its numbera revenueof £9,000,000per annum. So far as so far as propertyis property—Ido not say that is the only element—but concernedas a necessaryelementof a second Chamber,all will agreethat the Houseof Lordsfulfils that condition. At the same time that there is a partialoutcryagainsttheThrone,thereis alsoan attackuponthe House of Lordson the groundof its hereditarycharacter. BeforeI referto that : that the propertyof the I wouldcall your attentionto this circumstance Houseof Lordsis of a peculiarcharacter. In the first place,it is visible property,and thereforeit is responsibleproperty—asI should suppose manyof the ratepayersin this largeassemblymustknowto their cost. Gen¬ tlemen,it is notonlyvisibleproperty,but it is, generallyspeaking,territorial. A greatmassof propertyof the Houseof Lordsis derivedfromland; and one of the elementsof landedpropertyis that it mustbe representative. I will illustratethe observationif you will permitme. Suppose,for example, there was no House of Commons—which God forbid—but,gentlemen, supposethere was none, and take an Englishmanin any part of the country— say Cumberlandand Cornwall as the two extremes, so that we may be impartial—andhe had a grievance. The Cumber¬ land man would say, " This is a great oppressionI am suffering from, but I know a Cumberlandman in the House of Lords— perhapsthe Earl of Lonsdaleor Lord Carlisle—andhe will see that I am righted." And the Cornishman,too, if he had a grievance—ifhe of justice,and that he wasthe thoughttherewas some maladministration victim of oppression,wouldnaturallysay, " I will go to the head of the family at Port Eliot. His family have sacrificedthemselvesbefore this for the liberties of Englishmen,and he will not see a Cornish¬ man treated in this way." So it is that if there were no House of Commons,and there were a House of Lords, there is no part of England where an Englishman when in trouble of landedpropertyin wouldnot rememberthat there was a representative the Houseof Lords who couldtake the initiative in havinghis grievance removed. But, gentlemen, the charge against the House of Lords is that the dignities are hereditary; and we are told that if we have a House of Peers they should be peers for life. There are persons of great authority who are in favour of life peerages. Thereis mynoblefriendnearme,withwhomI seldomdiflerupon any subject. Even he the otherday gavea limitedkind of admissionof the principle on grounds which are highly deserving of consideration. Gentlemen,I must say one word about peersforlife. In the first place let me observethat every peer is a peer for life, as he cannot be a peer after his death; but some peers for life are succeededin their dignities by their children. The questionarises, who is most respon-

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12 sible—a peer for life whose dignities are not descendible,or a peer for life whosodignities are hereditary Now, gentlemen,a peerfor life is in a verystrongposition. He says, "Here I am; I have got powerand I willexerciseit." I haveno doubtthat, on the whole,a peer for life would exerciseit for whathe deemedwasthepublicgood. Let us hopethat. But, after all, he might, and could, exercise it accordingto his own will. Nobody can call him to account; he is independent of everybody. But a peer for life whose dignities descend is in a very different position. He has every inducement to study publicopinion,andfeels it just to yield; becausehe naturallyfeelsthat if the orderto whichhe belongsis in constantcollision with public opinionthe chancesarethat his dignitieswill not descendto his posterity. Therefore, gentlemen,I amnot preparedmyselfto believethata solutionof any difficul¬ ties in the publicmindonthis pointis to be foundby creatingpeersforlife. I know there are some philosopherswho believe that the best substitute for the House of Lordswouldbe an assemblyformedof ex-Governorsof Colonies. I have not sufficient experience on that subject to When the Muse of Comedy give a decided opinion upon it. threw her frolic grace over society a retired Governorwas generally one of the charactersin every comedy; andthe last of our greatactors— who,by the by, was a greatfavouriteat Manchester—Mr. Farren,was cele¬ bratedfor his delineationof the characterin question. Whetherit be the or not, I confessI am inclinedto believethat recollectionof the performance to business,managinghis ownestate,adminis¬ an Englishgentleman—born teringthe affairsof his county,mixing with all classes of his fellowmen, now in the hunting field, now in the railway direction, unaffected, unostentatious,proud of his ancestors,if they have contributedto the greatness of our common country—is,on the whole, more likely to form a senator agreeable to English opinion and English taste than any substitute that has yet been produced. Gentlemen, let me make one observation more, on the subject of the House of Lords,beforeI conclude.Thereis someadvantagein politicalexperience. I rememberthe timewhentherewas a similaroutcry againstthe Houseof Lords,but muchmoreintenseand powerful;and, gentlemen,it arosefrom the samecause. A LiberalGovernment had beeninstalledin office,with an immenseLiberalmajority. They proposedsome violent measures. The Houseof Lordsmodifiedsome, delayed others, and somethey threwout. Instantlythere was a cry to abolish or to reform the House of Lords, and the greatest popular orator that probably ever existed was sent on a pilgrimageoverEnglandto excitethe peoplein favourof this opinion. Whathappened Thathappened,gentlemen,whichmayhappento-morrow. Therewasa dissolutionof Parliament. ThegreatLiberalmajorityvanished.

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13 The balanceof partieswas restored. It was discoveredthat the House of Lordshadbehindthem at leasthalf of the English people. We heardno morecriesfor their abolitionor their reform;and before two yearsmore passedEnglandwas reallygovernedby the Houseof Lords,underthe wise influenceof the Duke of Wellingtonand the commandingeloquence of Lyndhurst;and such was the enthusiasmof the nation in favour of the Second Chamberthat at every public meeting its health was drunk, withthe additionalsentimentforwhichwe areindebtedto one of the most distinguishedmembersthat ever represented the House of Commons, "Thank God, there is the House of Lords." The main powerof the Houseof Commonsdependsuponits commandof the publicpurse, and its gooduse of the publicexpenditure; and when poweris enjoyed by a large majority,and is so exercised,the powerof the Houseof Commonsincreases, it maybe predominant andundersomecircumstances ; but this greatpower is not the creationof the legislationof the last fortyyears; it is not the ReformBill of Earl Derbywhichhasgiventhis greatpowerto the Houseof Commons; theyhave enjoyedit forcenturies; they haveoften asserted,they havesometimestyrannicallyexercisedit. Whatis the Houseof Commonsi of England. Is thereany¬ of the constituencies Theyarethe representatives thingwhichhas occurredwith regardto the constituenciesof Englandwhich altersthe Houseof Commonsin relation to the Throne or the House of Lords I will ask you to-night that question,we can discussit with very great advantagenow, for we have in our possessiona documentwhichif I hadacceptedyourinvitationlast yearI shouldnothavepossessed,andthere¬ fore there must have been a wiserinfluencethan we both couldhave sup¬ posed at work when I declinedthat flatteringappeal. We havenowthe censusof the populationof this country,and we havealsoanotherimportant of the United returnof the constituencies andstill morerecentdocument—the oftheUnited Kingdom,andfromthe registrationoflastautumnthepopulation andthenumKingdommaybe fairlystatedatthismomentatabout32,000,000, berof the constituencies of the UnitedKingdom,and I amtakingin every¬ after those deductionswhichhithertohave alwaysbeen made thing, making in parliamentaryreturnson that subject,whichweremadein the returnof 1865, are not madein the present,but whichI will certainlynot overstate. Generally speakingwemakeforratherdoublereturns,andsoon,adeductionof10 percent. I will not even say so nrachas that, but I may fairly say the amountof the constituenciesof the United Kingdomis 2,200,000. Well, gentlemen,you will at onceperceivethat there must be 30 millions of the populationof this countrythat are representedas much by the House of Lords as by the House of Commons,and who for the protectionof their rightsmustdependuponthemandtheMajestyoftheThrone.Now,gentlemen, I willtell youwhatwasaccomplished bythelast ReformAct. WhenLordGrey

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14 introducedhis Bill—nodoubt a greatand statesmanlikemeasure—hecom¬ mittedan immensepoliticalmistake,and one whichfor a longtime appeared irretrievable. He fortifiedthe legitimateinfluenceof the aristocracy,and gave the franchiseto the middle classes. But the workingclasses were omittedin the Act, and, whatwas worse,no provisionwas made for them, andthoseancientfranchiseswereabolishedwhichthey hadenjoyedfromtime immemorial.Gentlemen,that wasthe originof the electoraldisturbance and inconvenience whichfor30 yearsannoyedandperplexedthe community. The Liberalparty,I feel it my duty to say, had not actedfairlyby this question. In their adversitythey held out hopes to the workingclasses; but when they had a strong Governmentthey laughedtheir vows to scorn. Lord Derby,the fatherof my noble friend,my colleaguein publiclife for twenty years,underprobablya seriesof difficultiessuch as no two publicmen ever hadyet to encounter,and betweenwhomandmyself I cansay with honour therewas nevera coldness—Lord Derbyhadto encountergreatdifficulties— difficultiesimpossibleto exaggerate. When Lord Derby became Prime Ministerit was absolutelynecessarythat he should dealwith this question, andhe dealtwith it in a mannerwhichwas conclusive,becauseit placedthe franchiseona distinctprincipleandbasis. Whatwasthe resultofthemeasure I will tell you in a sentence. In 1848therewasa revolutionin France,and the FrenchRepublicwascreated. Whateffecthadthat on EnglandI I can tell you. In my ownexperienceno womanwasallowedto quit her housein Lastyeartherewas London,andartillerywasplantedon Westminster-bridge. anotherFrench Revolution,and an infinitelymore threateningRepublic established,yet not five menwerefoundto meet togetherin Manchesterand grumble. Andwhy Becausethe peoplehadgot whattheywanted,andthey gotmorethantheywanted.Theywerecontent,andweregrateful.Gentlemen, I havebeenaskingsomeof my friendsto informmeof the degreeof patience of a Lancashireaudience; but rememberthis is an invitationwhichhasbeen extendedfor a longtime, and if I trespassupon your patienceyou may attributeit to rightmotives. I wishto speakto you truthfullyand frankly on publicaffairs. I don't do it for the purposeof receivinga cheer; but whenI amgoneyou mayhavewhatI havestatedtestedby yourexperience. If it be the rightthing, clingto it ; if it be not right in its conclusions,you are too 'cutemen not to reject it. Gentlemen,the constitutionof Eng¬ land is _not merely a constitution in State. I have touched on Queen, Lords, and Commons;but we must rememberthat the constitu¬ tion is Churchand State. Thewisestsovereignsandstatesmenhave always been anxious to connect authority with religion. They have felt that it gave a sanction to power, and the most enlightened have believed that it mitigated its exercise. But the samedifficultyhasbeen experiencedin effectingthis union whichhas been experiencedin forminga

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15 the spiritualpowerhas usurpeduponthe civil and SecondChamber—either establisheda sacerdotalsociety, or the civil powerhas invaded successfully the rightsof the spiritualandthe ministersof religion have been degraded into stipendiariesof the State and instrumentsof the Government. In Englandwe accomplishthis great result by an alliancebetweenChurchand State, between two originallyindependentpowers. I will not go into the history of that alliance, which is rather a question for those archaeo¬ logical societies which occasionallyamuse and instruct the people of this city. Enoughfor me that that union was made and has contributed for centuriesto the civilisation of this country. Gentlemen, there is the sameassaultagainstthe Churchof Englandand the union between the Stateandthe Churchas thereis againstthe Monarchyand againstthe Houseof Lords. It is saidthat the existenceof Nonconformity provesthat the Churchis a failure. I drawfrom these premisesan exactly contrary conclusion;andI maintainthat to have secureda nationalprofessionof faithwiththe itnlimitedenjoymentof privatejudgmentin matters spiritual is the solution of the most difficultproblemand one of the triumphsof civilisation. It is said that the existence of parties in the Church also proves its incompetence. On that matter, too, I entertain a contrary opinion. Parties have always existed in the Church; and somehave appealedto them as argumentsin favourof its Divine institu¬ tion, because,in the servicesand doctrinesof the Churchhavo been found of everymoodin the humanmind. Thosewho areinfluenced representatives find consolationin formswhich secureto them " the beauty ceremonies by of holiness." Thosewhoare not satisfiedexceptwith enthusiasmfindin its the exaltationtheyrequire,whileotherswhobelievethat "the ministrations anchorof faith" can never be safely mooredexcept in the dry sands of reasonfind a religionwithin the pale of the Churchwhichcanboast of its irrefragable logic andits irresistibleevidence. Gentlemen,I am inclined sometimes to believe that those who advocate the abolition of the union between Church and State have not carefully considered the consequencesof such a course. The Church is a powerful cor¬ poration of many millions of her Majesty's subjects, with a con¬ summate organisationand wealth which in its aggregate is vast. Restrictedand controlledby the State,so powerfula corporation maybe only fruitfulof publicadvantage,but it becomesa groatquestionwhatmight be the consequenceof the severanceof the controllingtie betweenthesetwo bodies. The State would be enfeebled,but the Churchwouldprobablybe strengthened. Whetherthat is a resultto be desiredis a gravequestionfor all men. For my ownpart,I amboundto saythat I doubtwhetherit would be favourableto the causeof civil and religiousliberty. I knowthat there is a common idea that if the union between Churchand State was

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10 severed, the wealth of the Church would revert to the State ; but it would be well to remember that the great proportion of ecclesiastical property is the property of individuals. Take, for example,the fact that the great massof Churchpatronageis patronage in the handsof privatepersons. That you could not touch without com¬ pensationto the patrons. You have establishedthat principlein yourlate IrishBill, wheretherewasvery little patronage. And in the presentstate of the publicmindon the subjectthereis verylittle doubtthat therewould be scarcelya patronin England—irrespective of otheraid the Churchwould to the spiritualwantsof receive—whowould not dedicatehis compensation his neighbours. It was computedsomeyearsagothat the propertyof the Church, in this manner if the union was terminated,would not be less than between £80,000,000 and £90,000,000; and since that period the amount of private property dedicated to the purposes of the Churchhas very largely increased. I thereforetrust that whenthe occasion offers for the country to speak out, it will speak out in an unmistakablemanner on this subject; and, recognisingthe inestimable to maintainits servicesof the Church,that it will callupon the Government union with the State. Upon this subject there is one remark I would make. Nothing is more surprisingto me than the plea on whichthe presentoutcryis made againstthe Churchof England. I could not believe that in the 19th centurythe charge against the Churchof andespeciallythe clergy,had educated Englandshouldbe that Churchmen, the people. If I wereto fix upononecircumstance morethan anotherwhich redoundedto the honour of Churchmen, it is that they shouldfulfilthis nobleoffice; and, next to being " the stewardsof Divinemysteries,"I think the greatestdistinctionof the cleigy is the admirablemannerin whichthey have devoted their lives and their fortunesto this greatest of national objects. Gentlemen,you arewell acquaintedin this city with this contro¬ versy. It was in this city—Idon't knowwhetherit wasnot in this hall— that that remarkablemeetingwas held of the Nonconformiststo effect importantalterationsin the EducationAct, andyou are acquaintedwiththe discussionin Parliamentwhich arose in consequenceof that meeting. Gentlemen,I have due and great respectfor the Nonconformist body. I their services to this and that I believe acknowledge country, though the politicalreasonswhichmainlycalledthem into existencehave entirely a bodywhichhas been ceased,it is impossiblenot to treatwithconsideration eminent for its conscience,its learning,and its patriotism; but I must that, froma feelingof envyor of pique,the Noncon¬ expressmy mortification formistbody, ratherthan assistthe Churchin theirgreatenterprise,should absolutelyhave becomethe partisansof a merelyseculareducation.I believe myself,gentlemen,that without the recognitionof a superintendingProvi-

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17 dencein the affairsof this worldall nationaleducationwill be disastrous,and I feel confidentthat it is impossibleto stop at that mere recognition. Religiouseducationis demandedbythe nationgenerallyandby the instincts of humannature. I should like to see the Churchand the Nonconformists work together; but I trust, whatevermay be the result, the country will standby the Churchin its effortsto maintainthe religiouseducationof the people. Gentlemen,I foreseeyet trialsfor the Churchof England;but I am confidentin its future. I am confidentin its futurebecauseI believe thereis nowa verygeneralfeelingthat to be nationalit mustbe comprehen¬ sive. I will not use the word" broad,"becauseit is an epithetappliedto a and systemwith whichI haveno sympathy. But I wouldwish Churchmen, that in our '' Father'shousethere especiallythe clergy,alwaysto remember are many mansions,"and I believe that comprehensivespirit is per¬ fectly consistentwith the maintenanceof formulariesand the belief in dogmaswithoutwhichI hold no practicalreligioncanexist. I havenowmade some observationsto you whichhave rangedover the generalcharacterof our politicalinstitutions. I have touchedupon the Monarchy,upon the Estates of the Realm, upon the alliance of Churchand State, and the influenceupon societyof a public professionof religiousfaith, and some¬ what episodically,but still I -thinknecessarily,I have touchedupon the act of recentlegislationrespectingthe educationof the people,whichmust deeplyinteresteverythinkingman. I haveintendedto speakgenerallyand frankly;I hopeI havenot beenmisunderstood. I wish to shew upon all these subjectsthe conclusionsat whichI have arrived, and I shallbe proud to hopethat you participatein them. Gentlemen,I do not come here to makea partyspeech,but at the same time I will not restrictmyselffrom makingthose observationson public affairswhich becomepublicmen. 1 mustsay it is with the greatestregret and wonder, with more regreteven thanwonder,that on the partof the chiefsubjectof this realm—Imeanthe Prime Minister of England—whois always writing letters and making speechesuponthesesubjects,thereis everan uncertainsound. If a member of Parliamentannounceshimselfto be a Republican,the Prime Minister of England recognises him as a fellow-labourer.If a noisy multitude demand the abolition or only the reform of the House of Lords,the Prime Minister of England says that it is a difficultbusiness;he must think once or twice, or even thrice before he can undertake it. If a gentleman who represents a borough not far distant, Mr. Miall, brings forward a motion in the House of Commons for the dis¬ establishmentof the Church, the Prime Minister tells Mr. Miall that it mustbe obviousto him that the temperof the House of Commonsis not at presentin favourof it, andthat if he wantsto succeedhe must act uponopinionout of doors; whereupon,Mr. Miall, like a sensibleman, calls

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18 a public meeting, and tells the public meeting exactly what the Prime Ministertold him, andhe says—"In consequenceof his instructionsI have calledthis meetingin orderthat we may petition Parliamentfor the dises¬ tablishmentof the EnglishChurch." Gentlemen,I havespoken to you of tho institutionsof your country; but, after all, the test of institutions is the condition of the nation that they influence. I want to put them to that test. You are the inhabitants of an island not of colossalsize, and which certainly was geographicallyintendedto be the appendageto some continentalempire—whether of the Franks or Gaulson the otherside of the Channel,or the Teutonsor Scandinavians beyondthe GermanSea, it matterslittle. Yourearlyhistorygivesproof that Englandwasmoreinvaded and pillagedand conqueredthan any other country; yet amidthese perilsand vicissitudesthe Englishracewasformed, and they have brought about very differentresults. Instead of being invaded,yourland is the only one that hasa legitimateclaimto the epithet of being inviolate. It is the inviolateisland of the great and the free. Insteadof being pillaged,you haveattractedall the capitalof the worldto yourshores; instead of being conquered,your flag floatson manywaters, and your standardwaves in either zone. You have createda society of classeswhichgives vigour,variety,and life to the nation,andyet thereis no class that has a privilege; all are equal before the law. You possess a realaristocracy,open to all who deserveto enter it. You have created not merely what is the boast of other countries, a middle class but you have created a hierarchyof middle classes, so that there is no degree of wealth, of refinement, of patience, of energy, of effort, which is not representedin those classes. And what is the conditionof the great body of the people Thatis a questionwhich mustnot be evaded. Gentlemen,it is a long time sinceI firstfoundmyself in your district, much longer, indeed, than those eight-and-twenty years whichare often by your kindnessreferredto, and alwayswithpride; and, therefore,so far as the conditionof the great body of the peopleof this importantdistrictof Englandis concerned,I can speakfrompersonalexpe¬ rienceand observation. I take the periodwhichI took withreferenceto all politicalmattersan hour ago, a periodof forty years,from 1832 to 1872, and whathavethe workingclassesrealisedin that time Immenseresults. Theirprogresshas not in any waybeen inferiorto that of any otherclass. In that time theyhavegainedimmenseresults; theirwageshavebeenraised, andtheirhoursof dailytoil havebeendiminished—the meansof leisure,which is thegreatsourceof civilisation,havebeenincreased.For centuriesthe great bodyof the people of this countryhaveenjoyeda personalrightandliberty not enjoyedby the populationof any othercountry;but of late years poli¬ tical rights have been largelyand gradually,thereforewisely,distributed.

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19 That the workingclasses of Lancashireand Yorkshirehave provednot unworthyof these boons maybe easilymaintained;but their progressand elevationhave beenduringthis intervalwonderfullyaided and assistedby threecauses,whichare not so distinctlyattributableto their own energies. Thefirstis the revolutionin locomotion,whichhas openedthe worldto the workingman,whichhas enlargedthe horizonof his experience,increasedhis knowledgeof natureandof art, and addedimmenselyto the salutaryrecrea¬ tion, amusement,and pleasureof his existence. The secondcauseis the cheappostage,the moralbenefitsof whichcannotbe exaggerated. And the third is that unshackledpresswhich has furnishedhim with endlesssources pf instruction,informationand amusement,and has increasedhis ideas, elevatedhis self-respect,and madelife morevariedand delightful. Gentle¬ believe that I am men,I thinkthat the workingclasses of Lancashire—I nowspeakingfeebly,havingaddressed I so you long—but say theirimprove¬ ment has not only been gradual, but even rapid, during the last 40 years. Those who can rememberLancashirenearly 40 years ago will see that great results have accrued, and will feel that there is a vast increase in the intelligence, happiness, general prosperity, and self-respectof the workingclasses. Gentlemen,if you would permit me, I wouldnow makean observationupon anotherclassof the labouring population.This is not a civicassembly,althoughwemeetin a city. Thatwas forconvenience,but theinvitationwhichI receivedwasto meetthecountyand all the boroughsof Lancashire ; andI wishto makea fewobservationsupon the conditionof the agricultural labourer.Thatis a subjectwhichnowgreatly attractspublicattention. And, in the firstplace,to preventany misconcep¬ labourerhas as much tion, I beg to expressmy opinionthat an agricultural labourer rightto combinefor thebetteringofhis conditionasa manufacturing or workerin metals. If the causesof his combinationarenatural—that is to say, if they arise fromhis ownfeelingsandfromthe necessitiesof his own will end in resultsmutuallybeneficialto employ¬ condition,the combination ers and employed. If, on the otherhand,it is factitiousandhe is actedupon will produce, by extraneousinfluencesand extraneousideas,the combination I fear,muchloss and miserybothto employersand employed; and after a time he will findhimselfin a similaror in a worseposition. Gentlemen,in my opinion,the farmersof England,as a body,cannotaffordto pay higher wagesthanthey do, and those whowill answerme by sayingthat they must findtheirabilityby the deductionof rentsare, I think, involvingthemselves with economiclaws which may prove too difficultfor themto copewith. The profits of a farmer are very moderate. The interestuponcapital invested in land is the smallest that any propertyfurnishes. The farmerwill have his profits and the investor in land will have his interest,eventhoughthey maybe obtainedat the costof changingthe mode

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20 of the cultivationof the country. Gentlemen,I shoulddeeplyregretto see to pasturetakeplace. I the tillageof this countryreduced,anda recurrence shouldregretit principallyon accountof the agriculturallabourersthem¬ selves. Their new friendscall them Hodge, and describethem as a stolid race. I must say that, from my experienceof them, they are sufficiently shrewdand open to reason. I would say to themwith confidence,as the greatAtheniansaid to the Spartanwho rudelyassailedhim, " Strike, but hearme." First, a changein the cultivationof the soil of this countrywould be veryinjuriousto the labouringclass; and, secondly,I am of opinionthat that classinsteadof beingstationaryhave made,if not as muchprogressas the manufacturing class, very considerableprogressduring the last forty years. Manypersonswriteand speak aboutthe agriculturallabourerwith not so perfecta knowledgeof his conditionas is desirable. They treat him always as a human being who in every part of the country finds himself in an identical condition. Now, on the contrary,there is no class of labourersin which there is greater variety of condition than that of the agriculturallabourers. It changesfrom north to south, fromeast to west, and fromcountyto county. It changeseven in the same county,wherethereis no alterationof soil and of configuration.The hind in Northumberland is in a very differentconditionfromthe famousDorset¬ shire labourer—thetiller of the soil in Lincolnshireis differentfrom his fellowagriculturistin Sussex. What the effectof manufactures is uponthe it wouldbe presumption in me agriculturaldistrictsin their neighbourhood to dwellupon—yourown experiencemusttell you whetherthe agricultural labourerin North Lancashire,for example,hashad no rise in wagesandno diminutionin toil. Takethe caseof the Dorsetshirelabourer—the wholeof coastof England,for a very the agriculturallabourerson the south-western in otherpartsof Eng¬ long period,workedonly half the time of the labourers land, and receivedonly half the wages. In the experienceof many,I dare say, who areherepresent,even thirtyyearsago,a Dorsetshirelabourernever workedafter three o'clockin the day; and why Becausethe whole of thatpartof Englandwasdemoralised bysmuggling.No oneworkedafterthree he hadto workat night. o'clockin the dayfor a very goodreason—because No farmerallowedhis teamto be employedafterthree o'clock,becausehe reservedhis horsesto take his illicit cargoat night and carryit rapidlyinto the interior. Therefore,as the menwereemployedand remunerated other¬ wise,they got into a habitof half-workandhalf-payso far as the landwas concerned, and when smugglingwas abolished—andit has only been abolishedfor thirtyyears—theseimperfecthabitsof labourcontinued,and do evennow continueto a greatextent. Thatis the originof the condition of the agricultural labourerin the south-western partof England. But now, gentlemen, I want to test the conditionof the agriculturallabourer

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21 generally; and I will takea partof Englandwith whichI amfamiliar,and canspeakas to the accuracyof the facts—Imeanthe groupdescribedas the south-midlandcounties. The conditionsof labourthere are the same, or pretty nearly the same, throughout. The group may be describedas a strictlyagriculturalcommunity,and they embracea populationof probably a million and a half. Now, I have no hesitation in saying that the improvementin their lot during the last forty years has been pro¬ gressive and is remarkable.I attribute it to three causes. In the first place, the rise in their moneywagesis no less than fifteenper cent. of is the almost total disappearance Thesecondcauseof their improvement excessiveand exhaustingtoil, from the generalintroductionof machinery. I don't know whetherI could get a coupleof men who could,or, if they could,wouldthrasha loadof wheatin my neighbourhood. The thirdgreat causewhich has improvedtheir conditionis the very general,not to say universal,institutionof allotmentgrounds. Now, gentlemen,whenI find that this has been the courseof affairsin ourvery considerableand strictly agriculturalportionof the country,where there have been no exceptional like smuggling,to degradeand demoralisethe race,I cannot circumstances, resist the conviction that the agriculturallabourers,instead of being stationary,as we areconstantlytold by those not acquaintedwith them, has they beenone of progressiveimprovement ; andthat in thosecounties—and a influence of neighbour¬ manufacturing the aremany—where stimulating hood acts upon the land, the general conclusionat which I arrive is that the agriculturallabourer has had his share in the advance of nationalprosperity. Gentlemen,I am not here to maintainthat thereis nothingto be doneto increasethe wellbeingof the workingclassesof this country,generallyspeaking. There is not a single class in the country whichis not susceptibleof improvement;andthat makesthe life and anima¬ tion of our society. But in all we do we mustremember,as my noblefriend told themat Liverpool,that much dependsupon the workingclassesthem¬ selves; andwhatI know of the workingclassesin Lancashiremakes me surethat they will respondto this appeal. Muchalsomaybe expectedfrom that sympathybetweenclasseswhich is a distinctivefeatureof the present day, and, in the last place, no inconsiderableresults may be obtainedby judiciousandprudentlegislation. But, gentlemen,in attemptingto legis¬ havebeforeus late uponsocialmattersthe greatobjectis to be practical—to which means distinct somedistinctaimsand some they canbe accom¬ by as attention I think regardsthese mattersought plished. Gentlemen, public to be concentratedupon sanitary legislation. That is a wide subject, and, if properly treated, comprisesalmost every considerationwhich has a just claim upon legislative interference. Pure air, pure water, the inspection of unhealthy habitations, the adulteration of food,

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22 these and many kindred matters may be legitimately dealt with by the Legislature; and I am boundto say the Legislatureis not idle upon them,for we havea this timetwo importantmeasuresbeforeParliamenton a the subject. One—bya late colleagueof mine, Sir CharlesAdderley—is and consoli¬ for it founded a sure large comprehensive basis, measure, upon datesall existingpublicActs andimprovesthem. A prejudicehas beenraised againstthat proposal,by statingthat it interfereswith the privateActs of the greattowns. I takethis opportunityof contradicting that. The Bill of Sir CharlesAdderleydoesnot touchthe Acts of the great towns. It only allowsthem,if they thinkfit, to availthemselvesof its new provisions.The othermeasure,by the Government, is of a partialcharacter. Whatit com¬ of prisesis good,so far as it goes, but it shrinksfromthat boldconsolidation existingActswhichI think one of the greatmeritsof Sir CharlesAdderley's Bill, whichpermitsus to becomeacquaintedwith howmuchmay be donein favour of sanitary improvementsby existing provisions. Gentlemen,I cannotimpressuponyou too stronglymy convictionof the importance of the Legislatureand societyunitingtogetherin favourof theseimportantresults. A greatscholarand a greatwit 300 yearsago said that, in his opinion,there was a greatmistake in the Vulgate, which, as you all know, is the Latin translationof the Holy Scriptures,andthat, insteadof saying "Vanity of vanities, all is vanity"—Vanitasvanitatum,omnia vanitas—thewise and witty King reallysaid Sanitas sanitatum,omnia sanitas. Gentlemen,it is impossibleto overratethe importanceof the subject. After all, the first consideration of a Ministershouldbe the healthof the people. A landmay be coveredwith historictrophies,with museumsof scienceandgalleriesof art, with Universitiesand with libraries; the people may be civilised and ingenious; the countrymaybe even famousin the annalsandactionof the world; but, gentlemen,if the populationeveryten yearsdecreases,andthe statureof the race everyten yearsdiminishes,the history of that country will soonbe the historyof the past. Gentlemen,I said I hadnot comehere to makea partyspeech. I haveaddressedyou upon subjectsof grave,and, I will ventureto believe,of generalinterest; but to be hereandbe altogether silentuponthe presentstate of public affairswould not be respecfulto you, and, perhaps,on the whole, wouldbe thoughtincongruous. Gentlemen, I cannot protendthat our position either at home or abroad in is, my opinion, satisfactory. At home, at a periodof immenseprosperity, with a peoplecontentedandnaturallyloyal,we findto our surprisethe most extravagantdoctrinesprofessedandthe fundamentalprinciplesof ourmost valuableinstitutionsimpugned,and that too by personsof someauthority. Gentlemen,this startlinginconsistency is accountedfor, in my mind,by the circumstances under which the presentAdministration wasformed. It is the firstinstancein my knowledge of a BritishAdministration beingavowedly

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23 ~formedon a principleof violence. It is unnecessary for meto remindyou which precededthe formationof that Government. of the circumstances You werethe principalscene and theatreof the developmentof statesman¬ shipthat then occurred. You witnessedthe incubationof the portentous birth. You rememberwhenyou wereinformedthat the policyto securethe prosperityof Irelandandthe contentof Irishmenwas a policyof sacrilege andconfiscation. Gentlemen,whenIrelandwas placedunderthe wise and ableadministration of LordAbercornIrelandwasprosperous,and I maysay content. But there happenedat that time a very peculiarconjunctionin politics. The civil war in America had just ceased; and a band of at New Italians,andmanyIrishmen—concocted militaryadventurers—Poles, Yorka conspiracyto invade Ireland, with the beliefthat the wholecountry wouldrise to welcomethem. How that conspiracywas baffled,howthose plotswereconfounded,I neednot nowremindyou. Forthatweweremainly indebtedto the eminentqualitiesof a greatmanwho hasjust left us. You rememberhow the constituencieswere appealedto to vote against the as that of LordMayoto whohad madeso unfitan appointment Government the Viceroyaltyof India. It wasby his great qualitieswhen Secretaryfor that Ireland,by his vigilance,his courage,his patience,andhis perseverance this conspiracywas defeated. Neverwasa Ministerbetterinformed. He knewwhatwasgoingon at New Yorkjust as well as whatwas going on in had beenentirelyput down the city of Dublin. Whenthe Fenianconspiracy it becamenecessaryto considerthe policywhichit was expedientto pursue in Ireland; andit seemedto us at that timethat whatIrelandrequiredafter wasa policywhichshouldlargely all the excitementwhichit hadexperienced developeits materialresources. Therewereoneor two subjectsof a different character which,for the advantageof the State,it wouldhavebeen desirable to have settled, if that could have been effected with the general concurrenceof both the great partiesin that country. Had we remained in office that would have been done. But we were destined to quit it, and we quitted it without a murmur. The policy of our successorswas different. Their specificwas to despoil Churches and plunderlandlords,and what has been the result1 Sedition rampant, a treasonthinlyveiled,andwhenevera vacancyoccursin the representation candidateis returnedpledgedto the disruptionof the realm. Her Majesty's new Ministersproceededin their careerlike a body of men under the influenceof some deliriousdrug. Not satiated with the spoliationand anarchyof Ireland,they beganto attackeveryinstitutionand everyinterest, everyclassandcallingin the country. It is curiousto observetheir course. Theytook in handthe Army. Whathavethey done I will notcomment on whatthey havedone. I will historicallystate it, and leave you to draw the inference. So long as Constitutional Englandhas existedtherehasbeen

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24 a jealousyamongall classesagainstthe existenceof a standingarmy. As our Empireexpandedand the existenceof a largebodyof disciplinedtroops became a necessity, every precautionwas taken to prevent the danger to our liberties which a standing army involved. It was a first principle not to concentratein the island any overwhelmingnum¬ ber of troops, and a considerableportion was distributed in the colonies. Care was taken that the troops generallyshould be officered by a classof mendeeplyinterestedin thepropertyandthelibertiesof England. So extremewas the jealousythat the relationsbetweenthat onceconstitu¬ tionalforce,the Militia,andthe Sovereignwererigidlyguarded,and it was carefullyplacedunder local influences. All this is changed. We have a standingarmy of large amount, quartered,and brigaded,and encamped in England,andfed by a considerable and constantlyincreasing permanently Reserve. It will in due time be officeredby a class of men eminently scientific,but withno relationsnecessarilywith society; whilethe Militiais withdrawnfrom all local influences,and placedunder the immediatecom¬ mandof the Secretaryof War. Thus,in the nineteenthcentury,we have a largestandingarmyestablishedin England,contraryto all the traditionsof theland,andthatby a LiberalGovernment, andwiththewarmacclamations of the Liberalparty. Let us look whatthey have donewith the Admiralty. You remember,in this countyespecially,the denunciations of the profligate expenditureof theConservative andyouhavesincehadanoppor¬ Government, it withthegentlerburdenof Liberalestimates.TheNavy tunity of comparing wasnot merelyaninstanceof profligateexpenditure,butof incompetentand inadequatemanagement. A greatrevolutionwaspromisedin its administra¬ tion. A gentleman,almost unknownto English politics, was strangely preferredto one of the highestplacesin the councilsof Her Majesty. He set to at his task with ruthlessactivity. The ConsultativeCouncil,under whichNelsonhadgainedall his victories,was dissolved. The Secretaryship of the Admiralty,an officewhichexerciseda completesupervision overevery divisionof that greatdepartment—an officewhichwasto the Admiraltywhat the Secretaryof Stateis to the kingdom,which, in the qualities which it requiredandthe dutieswhichit fulfilledwas rightlya stepping-stone to the Cabinet,as in the instancesof LordHalifax,LordHerbert,andmanyothers, wasreducedto absoluteinsignificance. Even the officeof Control,whichof all othersrequireda positionof independence,and on whichthe safetyof the Navy mainlydepended,was deprivedof all its importantattributes. For two years the Oppositioncalled the attention of Parliamentto these destructive changes, but Parliament and the nation were alike in¬ sensible. Full of otherbusiness,they couldnot give a thoughtto whatthey lookedupon merely as captiouscriticism. It requiresa great disasterto commandthe attentionof England; and whenthe Captainwas lost, and

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25 whentheyhadthe detailsof the perilousvoyageof the Megsera,then public of indignationdemandeda completechangein thisrenovatingadministration the Navy. And whathas occurred It is onlya few weekssincethat in the Houseof CommonsI heardthe navalstatementmadeby a newFirstLord,and it consistedonly of the rescindingof all the revolutionary changesof his pre¬ has one of which the last two decessor,every during years beenpressedupon andneces¬ the attentionof Parliamentandthe countryby thatConstitutional sarybodythe Opposition. Gentlemen,it will not do for me—considering the time I have alreadyoccupied,andthereare still somesubjectsof impor¬ tancethat mustbe touched—todwelluponany of the othersimilartopics of whichthereis a richabundance. I doubtnot thereis in this hall morethan onefarmerwho has been alarmedby the suggestionthat his agricultural machineryshouldbe taxed. I doubtnot thereis in this hall morethan ono that last yearan Act of Parliamentwas introduced publicanwhoremembers to denouncehim as a "sinner." I doubtnot there are in this hall a to plundertheir theprofligateproposition widowandanorphanwhoremember it wasnotdifficultto perceive lonelyheritage.But,gentlemen,astimeadvanced Theun¬ wasbeingsubstitutedforenergybytheGovernment. thatextravagance naturalstimuluswas subsiding.Theirparoxysmendedin prostration.Some andtheireminentchiefalternatedbetweena menace tookrefugein melancholy, and a sigh. As I sat oppositethe TreasuryBench,the Ministersreminded notveryunusualon the coastsof South me of one of thosemarinelandscapes America. Youbeholda rangeof exhaustedvolcanoes. Not a flameflickers on a single pallid crest. But the situationis still dangerous. Therearo occasionalearthquakes,and ever and anonthe deep rumblingof the sea. But, gentlemen,there is one othertopic on which I must touch. If the of our domesticaffairshas been foundedupon a principleof management that violence, certainlycannotbe alleged againstthe managementof our externalrelations. I knowthedifficultyof addressinga bodyof Englishmen on these topics. The very phrase"foreignaffairs"makesan Englishman convincedthat I amaboutto treatof subjectswith whichhe has no concern. Unhappily,the relationsof Englandto the rest of the world, which are "foreign affairs,"are the matterswhich most influencehis lot. Upon them depends the increase or reduction of taxation. Upon them of his industry. And yet, dependsthe enjoymentor the embarrassment of our of the mismanagement thoughso momentousare the consequences it then them till the and no one thinks of mischief foreignrelations, occurs, is found how the most vital consequenceshave been occasionedby mere inadvertance. I will illustratethis point by two anecdotes. Since I have been in public life there has been for this countrya great calamity and there is a great danger, and both might have been avoided. The calamitywas the CrimeanWar. You know what were

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26 the consequencesof the CrimeanWar—agreat additionto your debt, an enormousadditionto yourtaxation, a cost morepreciousthanyourtreasure —thebest bloodof England. Half a million of men, I believe,perishedin that great undertaking. Nor are the evil consequencesof that war adequatelydescribedby whatI havesaid. All the disordersanddisturbances of Europe,those immensearmaments that are an incubuson nationalin¬ dustryand the great obstacleto progressivecivilisation,maybe tracedand Warneednever justly attributedto the CrimeanWar. Andyet the Crimean haveoccurred. WhenLord Derbyaccededto office;, againsthis ownwishes, in 1852, the Liberalpartymost unconstitutionally forcedhim to dissolve Parliamentat a certaintime by stoppingthe supplies,or at leastby limiting the periodfor whichthey were voted. There was not a singlereasonto justifythat course,for Lord Derby had only acceptedoffice,having once declinedit, on the renewed applicationof his Sovereign. The country, at the dissolution,increasedthe powerof the Conservativeparty,but did not give to Lord Derby a majority,and he had to retire from power. Therewasnot the slightestchanceof a CrimeanWarwhenwe retiredfrom office; but the Emperorof Russia, believingthat the successorof Lord those Derby was no enemy to Russianagressionin the East, commenced proceedingswiththe resultof whichyou arefamiliar. I speak of what I know—notof what1 believe,but of whatI have evidencein my possession to prove—that the CrimeanWarwould never havehappenedif LordDerby had remainedin office. The great dangeris the presentstate of ourrela¬ tions with the United States. WhenI accededto officeI did so, so far as regarded the United States of America, with some advantage. During the whole of the Civil War in America both my noble friend near me and I had maintaineda strict and fair neutrality. This was fully appreciatedby the Governmentof the United States, and they expressedtheir wish that with our aid the settlement of all differences betweenthe two Governmentsshould be accomplished. They sent herea Plenipotentiary,an honourablegentleman,very intelligent,and possessinggeneralconfidence. My noblefriendnearme, withgreatability, negotiateda Treatyfor the settlementof all theseclaims. He wasthe first Ministerwho proposedto refer them to arbitration,and the Treatywas signedby the AmericanGovernment. It wassigned, I think, on the 10th of November, on the eve of the dissolutionof Parliament. The borough elections that first occurred proved what would be the fate of the Ministry, and the moment they were known in America the American Governmentannouncedthat Mr. Reverdy Johnson had mistakenhis instructions,and they could not presentthe Treatyto the Senatefor its sanction—the sanctionof whichtherehad beenpreviouslyno doubt. But the fact is that, as in the caseof the CrimeanWar, it was sup-

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27 it posedthat our successorswould be favourableto Russianaggression,so Gladstone and a Mr. of to office the accession wassupposedthat by gentleman you knowwell, Mr. Bright,the AmericanClaimswould be consideredin a verydifferentspirit. How they havebeenconsideredis a subjectwhich,no doubt,occupiesdeeplythe mindsof the peopleof Lancashire. Now, gen¬ tlemen,observethis—thequestionof the BlackSea involvedin the Crimean War,andthe questionof the Americanclaimsinvolvedin our negotiations withMrJohnson,arethe two questionsthat haveagainturnedup, andhave beenthe two greatquestionsthat havebeen underthe managementof this thinking Government. How havethey treatedthem Prince Gortchakoff, he saw an opportunity,announcedhis determinationto break from the Treaty of Paris, and terminate all the conditions hostile to Russia which ljad been the result of the CrimeanWar. What was the firstmovementon the partof our Governmentis at presenta mystery. Thiswe know,that they selectedthe mostrisingdiplomatistof the day and that the policy of Russia, if senthim to PrinceBismarckwith a declaration persistedin, waswarwith England. Now, gentlemen,there was not the slightestchanceof Russiagoingto warwithEngland, andno necessity,as I shallalwaysmaintain,of Englandgoingto warwith Russia. I believeI am not wrongin statingthat the Russian Governmentwere preparedto with¬ drawfromthe positionthey hadrashly taken;but suddenlyher Majesty's to use a technicalphrase,threw over their Plenipotentiary, Government, and,insteadof threateningwar if the Treatyof Paris were violated, they agreedto arrangements by whichthe violationof that Treatyshouldbe sanc¬ tionedby England,and, in the formof a Congress,they shewedthemselves their ownhumiliation.ThatMr. OdoRussellmadeno mistake guaranteeing is quiteobvious,becausehe has sincebeenselectedto be her Majesty'sAm¬ bassadorat the mostimportantCourtof Europe. Gentlemen,what will be weaknesson the part of the British the consequenceof this extraordinary Governmentit is difficultto forsee. Alreadywe hearthat Sebastopolis to be re-fortified,nor can any mandoubtthat the entirecommandof the Black Seawill soonbe in the possessionof Russia. The time may not be distant whenwe mayhearof the Russianpowerin the PersianGulf, andwhateffect that mayhaveuponthe dominionsof Englandanduponthosepossessionson the productions of whichyou everyyearmore and more depend, are ques¬ tionsuponwhichit will be well for you on properoccasionsto meditate. I comenowto that questionwhichmostdeeplyinterestsyou at this moment, andthat is ourrelationswiththe UnitedStates. I approvedtheGovernment referringthis questionto arbitration. It was only followingthe policyof LordStanley. My noblefrienddisapproved the negotiationsbeing carried on at Washington. I confessthat I wouldwillinglyhave persuadedmyself that that wasnot a mistake,but reflectionhas convincedme that my noble

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28 friend was right. I remembered the successfulnegotiationof the ClaytonBulwer Treatyby Sir Henry Bulwer. I flatteredmyself that treatiesat Washingtonmightbe successfullynegotiated;butlagreewithmynoblefriend that his generalviewwasfar moresoundthan my own. But no one when that Commission wassent forthfor a momentcould anticipatethe courseof theirconductunderthe strictinjunctionsof the Government. We believed that that Commission wassent to ascertainwhat points shouldbe submitted to arbitration,to be decidedby the principlesofthe law of nations. Wehad not the slightestideathat that Comissionwas sent with power andinstruc¬ tionsto alterthe law of nationsitself. Whenthat resultwasannouncedwe expressedour entiredisapprobation ; andyet, trustingto therepresentations of the Governmentthat matterswere concludedsatisfactorily,we had to decidewhetherit waswise, if the greatresultwas obtained,to wrangleupon points,howeverimportant,suchas thoseto whichI havereferred. Gentle¬ men, it appearsthat, thoughall partsof Englandwerereadyto makethose sacrifices,the two negotiatingStates—the Governmentof the United Kingdomand the Governmentof the United States—placeda different interpretationupon the Treatywhen the time had arrived to put its provisionsinto practice. Gentlemen,in my mind, and in the opinion of my noble friendnear me, there was but one courseto take underthe ch-cumstances, painfulas it mightbe ; andthat was at onceto appealto the goodfeelingandgoodsenseof the United States,and, statingthe difficulty, to invite confidentialconferencewhetherit might not be removed. But Her Majesty'sGovernmenttook a differentcourse. On the 15th of DecemberHer Majesty'sGovernment wereawareof a contraryinterpretation beingplaced on the Treatyof Washingtonby the AmericanGovernment. The PrimeMinisterreceiveda copyof theirCounterCase,and he confessed he had neverreadit. He had a considerablenumberof copiessent to him to distributeamong his colleagues,and you remember,probably, the remarkable statementin which he informedthe House he had distributed thosecopiesto everybodyexceptthoseforwhomthey wereintended. Time went on, andthe adverseinterpretationof the AmericanGovernment oozed out, andwasnoticedby the press. Publicalarmandpublicindignationwere excited; and it was onlysevenweeksafter,on the very eve of the meeting of Parliament—some 24 hours beforethe meetingof Parliament—that Her Majesty's Governmentfelt they were absolutely obliged to make a to the United States that they had arrived "friendlycommunication" at an interpretationof the Treaty the reverse of that of the American Government. What was the position of the American Government Seven weeks had passed withouttheir having received the slightest intimation from Her Majesty's Ministers. They had circulatedtheir Case throughoutthe world. Theyhad translatedit into

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29 everyEuropeanlanguage. It hadbeensent to everyCourtand Cabinet,to everySovereignand everyMinister. It was impossiblefor the American to recedefromtheirposition,evenif they hadbelievedit to be Government one. Andthen, to aggravatethe difficulty,the PrimeMinister erroneous an to be declaresthat thereis only one interpretation to down Parliament, goes it sus¬ who believes and defies and attacks the on everybody Treaty, placed of negligenceand ceptibleof another. Wasthere ever such a combination 1 And now, gentlemen,whatis aboutto happen1 All we know blundering that Her is Majesty'sMinistersare doing everythingin their powerto evade the cognizanceandcriticismof Parliament. Theyhave receivedan answer to their "friendly communication;"of which, I believe, it has been ascertained that the American Government adhere to their in¬ terpretation; and yet they prolong the controversy. What is about to occur it is unnecessaryfor one to predict; but if it be this—if,aftera fruitless ratiocinationworthyof a schoolman,we ultimately as to submit of the AmericanGovernment agreeso far to the interpretation of a with feeble reservation to the whole case arbitration, protestif it be decidedagainstus, I ventureto say that we shallbe enteringon a coursenot moredistinguishedby its feeblenessthan by its impendingperil. There is beforeus every prospectof the same incompetencethat distinguishedour of the BlackSea ; and I fearthat negotiationsrespectingthe independence will be sealedby ourultimately thereis everychancethat that incompetence claims of the United States, which,both as these indirect acknowledging are with the utmostdanger and results, fraught practical regardsprinciple to this country. Gentlemen,don't suppose,becauseI counselfirmnessand decisionat the rightmoment,that I am of that schoolof statesmenwho are favourable to turbulentand aggressivediplomacy. I haveresistedit during a greatpartof my life. I am not unawarethat the relationsof Englandto a vastchangeduringthe centurythat hasjust elapsed. Europehaveundergone Therelationsof Englandto Europearenotthe sameastheywerein the daysof LordChathamorFrederickthe Great. TheQueenof Englandhasbecomethe Sovereignof the mostpowerfulof OrientalStates. On the otherside of the globethereare'nowestablishmentsbelongingto her, teeming with wealth and population,whichwill, in due time, exercisetheir influenceover the distributionof power. The old establishmentsof this country, now the UnitedStatesof America,throwtheirlengtheningshadesover the Atlantic, andmix with Europeanwaters. Thesearevast and novel elementsin the that the policyof Englandwith respect distributionof power.I acknowledge to Europeshouldbe a policy of reserve, but a proud reserve; and, in answerto those statesmen—those mistakenstatesmenwho have intimated the decayof the powerof Englandandthe declineof its resources,I express heremy confidentconvictionthat thereneverwasa momentin our history

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30 whenthe powerof Englandwasso greatand her resourcesso vast and in¬ exhaustible. Andyet, gentlemen,it is not merelyourfleetsandarmies,our powerfulartillery,ouraccumulated capital,andourunlimitedcreditonwhich I so muchdepend,as uponthat unbrokenspiritof her people,whichI believe wasneverprouderof the Imperialcountryto whichthey belong. Gentlemen, it is to that spiritthat I aboveall thingstrust. I look upon the people of Lancashireas fair representativesof the people of England. I thinkthe mannerin whichthey haveinvitedme here,locallya stranger,to receivethe expressionof theircordialsympathy,and only becausethey recognisesome efforton my partto maintainthe greatnessof their country,is evidenceof the spiritof the land. I mustexpressto you again my deep senseof the generousmannerin whichyou havewelcomedme, and in which you have permittedme to expressto you my viewsuponpublicaffairs. Proudofyour confidenceandencouraged by yoursympathy,I now deliver to you, as my last words,the causeof the ToryParty,of the EnglishConstitution,and of the BritishEmpire.

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