C onsuming U nderwear: F ashioning F emale I dentity

Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Leicester

by

C hristiana Tsaousi School of Management University of Leicester

April 2011

C onsuming U nderwear: F ashioning F emale I dentity by C hristiana Tsaousi     ABSTRACT   ,QDFDGHPLFOLWHUDWXUHXQGHUZHDULVDODUJHO\QHJOHFWHGSDUWRIZRPHQ¶V clothing which, WKLVWKHVLVDUJXHVLVQRQHWKHOHVVDVLPSRUWDQWDVµRXWZDUG¶GUHVVLWVHOI,QGHHGLQVRPH ways underwear is more interesting in the sense that it is hidden from view but still appears to have considerable social/discursive importance. The thesis suggests that underwear functions as a source for (re)constructing female identity and that women µOHDUQ¶ WKURXJK WKHLU HPERGLHG H[SHULHQFH RI FKRRVLQJ WKH µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU IRU WKH right occasion to fashion elements of their identity accordingly. Using a conceptual combination of work by Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu and selected feminists, alongside theories of consumption, the thesis argues that underwear can be seen as a technology of the self and as embodied cultural capital. It functions both as a support for outerwear and the body, and as a tool for self-fashioning and self-improvement due to the intense sensations it can produce for the wearer. Using a series of focus groups and interviews, based on the concept of identity opseis which reflects the different sides of identity a woman arguably plays out in her everyday life, the thesis aims to contribute to the field of the sociology of consumption by exploring the role of socio-cultural imperatives and of taste in the consumption of ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU 7KH HPSLULFDO GDWD LQGLFDWH WKDW XQGHUZHDU LV XVHG IRU WKH construction and reconstruction of various feminine identities, including worker, mother, sports player and sexual partner. It analyses the importance respondents attribute to underwear according to whether it is hidden or visible; the physical/psychological sensations it induces for the respondents; the varying mobilisations of underwear to support aspects of the female identity project; the role of taste when choosing underwear; and the experiences the respondents report regarding shopping for underwear. Thus this thesis contributes to the limited scholarly literature on underwear and establishes an understanding of how such mundane forms of body ZRUNFDQEHHOHPHQWVRIFRQVWUXFWLQJZRPHQ¶VRQJRLQJDQGFRPSOH[LGHQWLW\SURMHFWV

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS   This research could not have been completed without the help of numerous people. Firstly I would like to thank my supervisors Prof. Joanna Brewis and Dr. Karen Dale for the invaluable help, comments and support they provided during our long meetings. I could not have done this without them and without their help in accessing the respondents of this research. Special thanks to my participants who responded with such enthusiasm towards my research. I could not have persevered with this research without the support, encouragement, critical and constructive comments and above all the love of my husband George Kokkinidis. Many thanks to my friends Nikos, Georgia, Georgios, Panayiotis, Elena, Leonidas and Elvina for their support and the great evenings we had during these last few difficult years. They made life more bearable. Many thanks to the staff of the School of Management for their help all these years, especially to Teresa Bowdrey. /DVW EXW GHILQLWHO\ QRW OHDVW ,¶G OLNH WR WKDQN P\ SDUHQWV $QWRQLV DQG $QGURXOOD IRU their strength and never-ending belief in my abilities.

I dedicate this thesis to my late grandfather Kostas Pantzaris

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List  of  Contents     A BST R A C T ...................................................................................................................... i   A C K N O W L E D G E M E N TS ........................................................................................... ii   L ist of Contents .............................................................................................................. iii  

C hapter 1 Introduction ............................................................................................ 1   1.1 ReadinJ7KH7LPHV« .............................................................................................. 1   1.2 So what about underwear? ..................................................................................... 6   1.2.1 Fashionable sinners .......................................................................................... 8   $EULHIKLVWRU\RIZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDU .......................................................... 11  

1.3 Thesis overview ..................................................................................................... 20  

C hapter 2 F ashioning female identity .............................................................. 23   2.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 23   2.2 The regulated body: Foucault and disciplinary power ........................................ 25   2.3 Bodies of pleasure: Foucault and the history of sexuality .................................... 30   2.4 Technologies of the self: Foucault and self-stylising............................................ 36   2.5 E mbodiment and habitus: Bourdieu and the logic of practice ............................. 42   2.6 Having a sense of distinction: Bourdieu, capital and social fields ...................... 50   µ:KDWLWIHHOVOLNHIRUDJLUO¶ .................................................................................. 61  

2.8 Summary ............................................................................................................... 71  

C hapter 3 Consuming underwear ..................................................................... 75   3.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 75   3.2 Theories of consumption: consumer culture and identity ..................................... 78   :RPHQ¶VHYHU\GD\FRQVXPSWLRQSUDFWLFHV ........................................................... 83  

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3.4 The meaning/s of consumption ............................................................................. 88   3.5 Underwear as commodity and its implications ..................................................... 93   3.6 Summary ............................................................................................................. 100  

C hapter 4 Methodology ....................................................................................... 102   4.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 102   4.2 Research questions ............................................................................................. 102   4.3 Making sense of the world: the essence of this social inquiry ............................ 105   4.4. Research design: methods and sampling ........................................................... 111   4.4.1 Focus Groups ............................................................................................... 112   4.4.2 One-to-one semi-structured interviews ........................................................ 116   4.4.3 Sampling ...................................................................................................... 119   4.4.4 Interview schedule ....................................................................................... 127   4.4.5 Stimulus material ......................................................................................... 129  

4.5 Reflections on the field ........................................................................................ 132   4.5 Data analysis ...................................................................................................... 137   4.6 Ethics and implications of this research ............................................................. 142   4.6.1 Ethics in social research ............................................................................... 142   4.6.2 Research implications .................................................................................. 147  

4.7 Summary ............................................................................................................. 150  

&KDSWHU  µ:KDW LW IHHOV OLNH LQ P\ XQGHUZHDU«¶ 8QGHUZHDU DQG identity construction ............................................................................................. 152   5.2 Hidden versus visible underwear ........................................................................ 154   5.2.1 The strawberry bra: comments on visible underwear .................................. 154   'RQ¶WMXGJHPHE\«P\XQGHUZHDU0RQLWRULQJDQGFODVVLILFDWLRQE\RWKHUV .............................................................................................................................. 160   iv

³'RQ¶WVZLWFKWKHOLJKWRQGDUOLQJ«´WKHHURWLFLVDWLRQRIYLVLEOHXQGHUZHDU .............................................................................................................................. 165  

5.3 The physical and psychological sensations induced by underwear ................... 170   5.3.1 Comfort defined ........................................................................................... 170   5.3.2 Technologies of the self ............................................................................... 191   µ7KHXQGHUZHDUWKDW,OLNH¶7KHUROHRIWDVWHLQWKHFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDU

.................................................................................................................................. 198   5.5 Shopping for underwear ..................................................................................... 215   5.6 Summary ............................................................................................................. 223  

C hapter 6 Conclusions ......................................................................................... 226   6.1 Summary of conceptual and methodological frameworks .................................. 229   6.2 Research question 1 ............................................................................................ 232   6.3 Research question 2 ............................................................................................ 237   6.4 Research question 3 ............................................................................................ 241   6.5 Research question 4 ............................................................................................ 244   6.6 Contributions and implications of this research................................................. 246   6.6.1 Theoretical and methodological contributions ............................................ 246   6.6.2 Implications of this research and future research ........................................ 250  

6.7 Summary ............................................................................................................. 251  

A ppendices ............................................................................................................... 253   1. Access Letters ....................................................................................................... 253   1.2 Email to University staff ................................................................................. 253   1.2 Access letter to the gym .................................................................................. 254   1.3 Invitation to participate to research ................................................................ 256  

2. Interview and focus groups schedules .................................................................. 258   v

2.1 Tutors and administrators schedule ................................................................ 258   0RWKHUV¶JURXSVFKHGXOH ................................................................................ 260   2.3 Rugby team schedule ...................................................................................... 262   2.4. Gym clients schedule ..................................................................................... 263   2.5 Gym Instructor schedule ................................................................................. 265   2.6 WADS schedule .............................................................................................. 267  

3. Stimuli material ..................................................................................................... 270   4. List of participants ................................................................................................ 270  

Bibliography ............................................................................................................ 283  

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Chapter  1  Introduction   1.1  Reading  The  Timesǥ   GREY saggy knickers? Holey vests and fraying bra straps? Sound familiar? If your NQLFNHU GUDZHU LV PRUH %ULGJHW -RQHV WKDQ (YD +HU]LJRYD LW VHHPV WKDW \RX¶UH QRW DORQH $FFRUGLQJ WR D VXUYH\ « RQO\ DWKLUGRI ZRPHQ ERWKHU WR SXVKWKH ERDW RXW and match their knickers to their bra, and more than half venture no further than Marks & Spencer for their undies, with a third admitting to being seduced by the power of the practical but unimaginative multipack. (Addison, 2008: 2, capitals in original)

While readLQJ+DUULHW$GGLVRQ¶VVXUYH\1 in The Times, I could not help thinking that in a few lines she perhaps manages to outline some of the main issues that seem to trouble British women today regarding their underwear. But I could not also help wondering: why is it that women who wear mismatched bras and knickers spend less than £10 a month on underwear, buy underwear only when it needs replacing, buy their underwear in Marks & Spencer or buy multipacks of knickers, need to be discussed in The Times? As the title RI $GGLVRQ¶V DUWLFOH LV µ%ULWLVK ZRPHQ DUH SDQWV DW EX\LQJ XQGHUZHDU¶ LW seems that there is some kind of public problematizing of such women and that they KDYHµORVWWKHSORW¶UHJDUGLQJZKDWWKH\ZHDUXQGHUQHDWKWKHLUFORWKHV2URQWKHRWKHU hand, there is a clear social expectation that women should match their underwear, buy underwear not only when it needs replacing and buy imaginative (sexy or special) XQGHUZHDU"0RUHRYHUVLQFHWKHDUWLFOHHQGV³$OOLQDOOWKHQDWLRQ¶VNQLFNHUGUDZHUKDV

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The source of the survey was Mintel, as presented in The Ti mes, and it includes these results: 66% ³Wear mismatcheGEUDVDQGNQLFNHUV´³Spend lesVWKDQ…DPRQWKRQXQGHUZHDU´³Only buy unGHUZHDUZKHQLWQHHGVUHSODFLQJ´, 51³Buy all WKHLUXQGLHVLQ0DUNV 6SHQFHU´³%X\ PXOWLSDFNVRINQLFNHUV´DQG³%X\XQGHUZHDURQO\LQWKHVDOHV´. (Addison, 2008: 2)

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never looked unlovelier. Not so much hello boys2, as not tonight darling´ $GGLVRQ 2008: 2, emphasis added).

Thus it is clearly implying that underwear has erotic

FRQQRWDWLRQVDQGWKDWZRPHQZKRGRQRWEX\µLPDJLQDWLYH¶XQGHUZHDUDUHFRPPLWWLQJ some kind of injustice against the sex lives of the British nation - and perhaps British men especially.

But these were not the only questions that came into my mind when reading this piece. It also made me think about my own knicker drawer and feel rather ashamed of my very practical, black and white underwear. I even had regrets about a beautiful, purple lace set I saw in the window of a specialist underwear shop the last time I went shopping, but which I did not purchase. Of course it is a common phenomenon that mass culture SUHVHQWVVRPHNLQGRIµXQZULWWHQODZ¶DERXWZKDWZRPHQVKRXOGZHDUWKXVDGGLQJWR WKH LPSHUDWLYHV DURXQG ZKDW LW WDNHV WR µEH¶ IHPDOH , DOVR EHJDQ WR ZRQGHU ZKHWKHU other women are actually influenced by reading this type of survey and to feel iQDGHTXDWHDERXWZKDWWKH\DUHGRLQJµZURQJ¶(VSHFLDOO\LIRQHORRNVDWWKHLQFUHDVLQJ number of specialist underwear shops in the British high street, for example La Senza, Ann Summers, Triumph and others, and the many different types of underwear that are DGYHUWLVHGQRZDGD\VKDYHZRPHQFRPHWR µNQRZ¶WKDWSODLQEODFNDQG ZKLWHXQGLHV IURP0DUNV 6SHQFHUµVKRXOGQRW¶EHWKHRQO\XQGHUZHDULQWKHLUGUDZHUV"

Since the statistics in this survey seemed interesting I then looked for other data that perhaps could say more about how the UK underwear market functions. Indeed the 2009 Underwear Retailing Mintel Report (Mintel Marketing Intelligence, 2009)3 indicates that the UK underwear market grew by 9.7% between 2003 and 2008, and that 2

The famous slogan from the advertising campaign launched in 1994 by Playtex Wonderbra, featuring the model Eva Herzigova looking down at her bra-encased cleavage. 3 Section: Size and shape of market

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ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU LQ Sarticular have grown by 14.3% in that period. The report VXJJHVWVWKDW³XQGHUZHDULVDQHPRWLRQDODVZHOODVDQHVVHQWLDOSXUFKDVHDQGWKHIHHO JRRG IDFWRU LV FHUWDLQO\ VRPHWKLQJ WKDW UHWDLOHUV DQG PDQXIDFWXUHUV QHHG WR IRFXV RQ´ (2009, Market in Brief: section 4.)4. It also notes that specialist stores like La Senza or )LJOHDYHV KDYH EHHQ JURZLQJ VWURQJHU RIIHULQJ D JUHDWHU µEUHDGWK RI FKRLFH¶ DQG investing in niche sectors of the underwear market such as the development of maternity underwear or larger sizes (2009, Market in Brief: section 5)5. It seems that British retailers are responding to a demand for different designs and types of underwear and offering a wider range of choices, for example sports underwear, since, as the report further suggests, ³PRUHSHRSOHORRNWRJHWILW´0DUNHWLQ%ULHIVHFWLRQ 6. It is WKXVHYLGHQWWKDWWKH8.PDUNHWIRUZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDULVH[WUHPHO\EXR\DQWDWOHDVW up until the current financial crisis, and a wide range of underwear is apparently available, targeting different groups/segments of women consumers, according to their DFWLYLWLHV DJH ERG\ VL]H DQG ERG\ µVWDWXV¶ HJ SUHJQDQF\ EUHDVW FDQFHU VXIIHUHUV  Underwear comes in different shapes, colours, materials and brands. Moreover when one considers what the market has to offer, it is then perhaps reasonable to wonder why D ODUJH SURSRUWLRQ RI %ULWLVK ZRPHQ DV WKH WLWOH RI $GGLVRQ¶ DUWLFOH LPSOLHV GRHV QRW pay that much attention to underwear.

Indeed if women do not pay attention, as the Mintel survey suggests, then what does underwear mean for them? Is it just about the mundane task of putting underwear on? Then again, when a woman buys a multipack of knickers, does that mean she does not pay attention to her underwear? And on the other hand if a woman does wear matching underwear, or buys it from a specialist, or if her underwear is expensive, does that mean 4

Section: What the market needs - New opportunities Section: Strongest and weakest 6 Section: What the market needs: New opportunities 5

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that she pays more attention to how she looks and feels than someone who does not? After all, underwear is ostensibly hidden from view. And why is it that, when women say that they do not pay attention to underwear, my respondents at least always end this VHQWHQFHZLWK³DVORQJDVLWVHUYHVLWVSXUSRVH´"0\IHHOLQJLVWKDWLIXQGHUZHDUKDV a purpose, it must have some importance. If underwear is not a matching set, or if it is not expensive, does it not still have some importance, especially if we consider its proximity to the body?

The intention of this thesis is to explore some of the issues identified above, by seeking RXW ZRPHQ¶V H[SHULHQFHV ZLWK WKHLU XQGHUZHDU 8QGHUZHDU LQ WKLV WKHVLV LV WUHDWHG DV part of dress, as an erotic artefact, as a mundane task and as a consumption practice (buying for self and for others). It takes all of these aspects together to treat underwear DV DQDVSHFW RIµPDNLQJ VHQVHRIZKR , DP¶RUµZKDW LWIHHOV OLNHEHLQJIHPDOH¶DV D means, that is, of identity construction. I have chosen to privilege gender as a key element in identity construction, whereby we define ourselves as male or female, masculine or feminine in particular and dynamic ways. This I would defend on the basis that gender is a pervasive filter (Bristor and Fischer, 1993) or a primary mechanism (Brewis, 2005, following Gherardi, 1994) through which individuals classify others, at OHDVW LQ WKH :HVW µ*HQGHULQJ¶ RWKHUV LV WKH SULQFLSDO DFW ZH HQJDJH ZLWK ZKHQ encountering others ( ibid.) and indeed Gherardi (1993) notes the ambiguity of a situation where we cannot ascribe a gender identity to an individual ± perhaps because of the way they are dressed. Thus gender is an important element of classifying individuals, not undermining, though, the importance of other classifications like race, class and other. Gender is a social process and we do gender everyday with the way we

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walk, dress and interact with others. On this Gherardi cites West and Zimmerman who argue that

doing gender involves a complex of socially guided perceptual, interactional and micropolitical activities that cast particular pursuits as expressions of masculine and IHPLQLQHµQDWXUHV¶ 

Thus doing gender is a fundamental foundation in the identity project as it encompasses these activities. The consumption of underwear as part of dress can be seen as a way of

doing gender, especially taking into consideration the discursive connections between women, fashion and clothing which will be discussed in this chapter.

Before elaborating on these issues, though, the research questions underpinning this present thesis are considered below: What are the socio-FXOWXUDOIDFWRUVWKDWLQIOXHQFHZRPHQ¶VFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDU" i. What is the role of underwear as part of dress in the construction of female identity? ii. What kind of feelings and experiences do women report regarding the consumption of underwear? (e.g. how important is underwear to them?; do they wear different underwear for different occasions,?; for whom do they buy underwear?) iii. What is the role of taste when it comes to what underwear women choose?

To answer these questions, I took on the task of gathering together different women and talking to them about underwear. For some this topic felt odd or amusing, or they thought they had little to say. But it was only when I actually started asking these questions about their underwear that they realised the respondents had more to add. 6XGGHQO\WKH\VHHPHGWRIHHOXQGHUZHDUZDVSDUWRIDZLGHUGLVFRXUVHDERXWµEHLQJD

5

ZRPDQ¶$QGWKDWIRUPHDVDUHVHDUFKHUDQGDVDZRPDQLVZKHUHWKHLPSRUWDQFHRI this research lies. It also HQDEOHGPHWRFDSWXUHWKHVHZRPHQ¶VGLIIHUHQWH[SHULHQFHVDQG to gain some understanding about the role of underwear in supporting their bodies throughout their everyday life.

,QWKLVLQWURGXFWRU\ FKDSWHUP\ IRFXVZLOOEHPDLQO\WR MXVWLI\XQGHUZHDU¶VGLscursive LPSRUWDQFHWR ZRPHQ¶V OLYHVERGLHVDQGLGHQWLW\ FRQVWUXFWLRQ0\LQWHQWLRQZLWK WKLV FKDSWHULV WR VKRZKRZ ZRPHQKDYHEHHQGLVFXUVLYHO\OLQNHGZLWK WKHµWULYLDOLWLHV¶RI fashion and how their bodies have historically been under much more scrutiny than WKRVHRIPHQ7KXVXQGHUZHDUDVSDUWRIZRPHQ¶VGUHVV DQGRYHUDOODSSHDUDQFHKDV D major role in how femininities have been constructed throughout history, at least in the ZHVW , WUDFH VRPH NH\ PRPHQWV LQ WKH KLVWRU\ RI ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU WKDW FDQ demonstrate these connections, but also I locate underwear more specifically in wider academic treatments of dress and fashion.

1.2  So  what  about  underwear?   &RQVLGHULQJ XQGHUZHDU¶V SUR[LPLW\ WR WKH ERG\ DQG LWV UROH DV DQ DVSHFW RI GUHVV LW seems reasonabOH WR DVVXPH LW KDV VRPH LPSRUWDQFH LQ WKH ZD\ WKDW WKH ERG\ µZRUNV¶ and is presented in the social world, especially when thinking about its connection with identity. The body is a subject of various discourses: it marks gender distinctions, it is controlOHG DQG UHJXODWHG LW LV WKH µYHVVHO¶ RI LGHQWLW\ DQG ZH DUH QRZ EHLQJ PRUH reflexive towards it and are expected to take care of it. However any literature regarding underwear has more or less neglected the importance that it could have regarding its attachment to the body in particular and thus perhaps its connection with identity. Indeed much of this literature comes from costume studies or cultural studies and 6

mostly deals with the history of underwear in the West, starting from the medieval period in Europe until the twentieth century (e.g. Ewing, 1978; Saint-Laurent, 1986; Willett and Cunnington, 1992). Surprisingly, given the attention paid to these issues in broader analysis of dress and fashion per se, only limited attempts to connect underwear with issues around femininity, the body and female identity have been made (eg, Juffer, 1996; Hart and Dewsnap, 2001; Storr, 2002; 2003; Amy-Chinn, 2006; Amy-Chinn et

al., 2006; Jantzen et al ., 2006; Fields, 2007).

Nevertheless the literature around the history of underwear helps us to understand the connections that it has with the presentation of the dressed body in the social world, as well as to understand the social forces acting on or through the body throughout time. It can also provide a framework to understand the complexities of the representation of the female body and shifting ideals of femininity across time and space. Moreover, as part RI GUHVV LQ JHQHUDO LW FDQ SURYLGH HYLGHQFH RI VLJQLILFDQW VRFLDO FKDQJHV LQ ZRPHQ¶V lives, for example the increasing involvement of women in paid employment across the twentieth century.

%XWXQGHUZHDU¶VFRQQHFWLRQVZLWKLGHQWLW\VKRXOGQRWEHXQGHUVWDWHGVLQFHLQWKHZHVW at least, we are now experiencing a mass culture that speaks strongly of self-regulated practices of management of the body and identity through artefacts such as underwear. While mass culture talks about the association of underwear with the erotic aspect of ZRPHQ¶VOLYHVLWDOVRVKRZVKRZXQGHUZHDUFDQEHXVHGWRPDQDJHWKHERG\µEHWWHU¶ along with other self-regulating techniques like dieting or exercising. This clearly situates underwear as an aspect of the management of the self, within the realm of identity projects. On the other hand underwear most of the time is hidden from view. So

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what is it about underwear that makes it an arguably important part of the female identity project?

1.2.1 F ashionable sinners Recalling the Mintel statistics regarding the UK underwear market, the fact that the PDUNHW IRU ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU LV PRUH FRPSOH[ DQG PRUH SURILWDEOH WKDQ WKH PDUNHW for men is no surprise, if we think about underwear as part of dress and fashion and the lDWWHU¶V GLVFXUVLYH DVVRFLDWLRQ ZLWK ZRPHQ 7KH SURGXFWLRQ RI GLIIHUHQW W\SHV RI ZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDUDQGWKHFRQWLQXDOFKDQJHVRIIDVKLRQLQZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDUFDQEH WUDFHG LQ WKH KLVWRU\ RI GUHVV DQG IDVKLRQ :RPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU KDV LW VHHPV EHHQ variously used to support the outer dress, and as a marker of social status and of gender inter alia. As fashion changed, underwear changed to continue shaping the female body and to support the outer garments of women.

2YHUDOO IDVKLRQ KLVWRULFDOO\ ³KDV IXQFWLRQHd as a technology of social control, OHJLWLPLVLQJ VRFLDO GLVWLQFWLRQV´ (Tseëlon, 1995: 14). As Fields (2007: 2) further suggests,

both as a set of regulatory practices and as a system of signification, [it] has been an arena of social struggle not only about what can be worn but also about what that attire means.

Moreover, according to Entwistle (2000b) historically fashion has been strongly associated with women in both literal and metaphorical ways. In a literal way, women in the west and particularly in Europe have for centuries been involved with sewing and the making of clothes at home, and in the eleventh century with development of textiles. 8

Metaphorically the same is true. Breward (1995: 29) notes that, as early as the medieval SHULRG WKHUH ZDV D ³VWURQJ UHODWLRQVKLS EHWZHHQ SHUFHSWLRQV RI IDVKLRQ DQG VRFLDO expectations of femininity, as though the two were complementary components of the VDPHPRGHO´

Tseëlon (1995) H[SODLQV WKDW GXULQJ PHGLHYDO WLPHV WKHUH ZHUH WZR µYLFHV DJDLQVW IDVKLRQ¶RQHZDVWKHWUDQVJUHVVLRQRIJHQGHUOLQHVLHDGRSWLRQRIWKHRWKHUJHQGHU¶V fashion and the second was immodesty of dress in terms of temptation. Regarding the first vice against fashion, female fashion was criticised and controlled in a different PDQQHU WKDQ PDOH IDVKLRQ PDOH IDVKLRQ ZDUQHG ³DJDLQVW HIIHPLQLVDWLRQ´ 7VHsORQ 1995: 15). In medieval times the effeminisation of male fashion was seen as sartorial WUDQVJUHVVLRQ EHFDXVH RI ZRPHQ¶V GLVFXUVLYH DVVRFLDWLRQ ZLWK IDVKLRQ LW ZDV WKRXJKW WKDW ³WKH ZRPDQ >KDG@ EHHQ PDGH WR HPERG\ WKH HVVHQFH RI IDVKLRQ >DQG that] the TXDOLWLHV RI IDVKLRQ >KDG@ EHFRPH RQH ZLWK KHU IOHVK´  ibid.). However, as Tseëlon FRQWLQXHV³LIHIIHPLQDWHFORWKHVLQPHQSURGXFHGULGLFXOHIHPDOHDSSURSULDWLRQRIPDOH DWWLUHSURGXFHGQHDUK\VWHULFDOUHDFWLRQV´ ibid.). Medieval female fashion was deemed WRUHIOHFWZRPHQ¶VLQIHULRUZHDNIUDJLOHDQGYXOQHUDEOHµQDWXUH¶WKXVWKHDGRSWLRQRI PDOHDWWLUHZDVVHHQDV GHILDQFHRIKHUQDWXUHDQGPRUDO YDOXHV7VHsORQ¶V   DUJXPHQW KHUH LV WKDW D ZRPDQ LQ IDFW ³FRXOG QHYHU JHW LW ULJKW :Katever she wore EHFDPH V\QRQ\PRXV ZLWK VRPH QHJDWLYH FKDUDFWHULVWLF´ 7KLV EULQJV XV WR WKH VHFRQG vice against fashion.

Tseëlon (1995) argues that any fashion style that exposed too much flesh was under scrutiny and usually condemnation at this time in history. Religion also had a great influence here, as well as in associating women with dress and fashion in general.

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Within the earliest Judaeo-Christian teachings, according to Tseëlon (1995), the woman was the descendant of Eve and her body was the location of seduction and sin. Going IRUZDUG WR PHGLHYDO &KULVWLDQLW\ WKH IHPDOH ERG\ HLWKHU QDNHG RU µGHFRUDWHG¶ FRQWLQXHGWREHFRQVWUXFWHGDVWKHORFDWLRQRIGHVLUHDQGWKHµHQVQDULQJ¶RIPHQ7KXV ³WKHOLQNVEHWZHHQVLQWKHERG\ZRPDQDQGFORWKHVDUH HDVLO\IRUJHG´7VHsORQ   0HGLHYDO &KULVWLDQLW\¶V DWWHPSWV WR FRQWURO WKH µVLQIXO¶ IHPDOH ERG\ WDUJHWHG ZRPHQ¶V GUHVV E\ LQWURGXFLQJ LPSHUDWLYHV DURXQG PRGHVW\ DQG SUXGHQF\ VLQFH FORWKLQJ¶V SUR[LPLW\ WR WKH ERG\ VLJQDOOHG VH[XDO H[SOLFLWQHVV ,t seems thus that ZRPHQ¶VGUHVV KDV IRUVRPHFRQVLGHUDEOHWLPHEHHQVHHQWR VSHDNLQ YDULRXV ZD\V RI their sexualised bodies.

So as dress has been historically seen as a marker of gender differences, it can also be used as a lens for exploring how identities take shape. This has, as established earlier, been the subject of much interdisciplinary academic discussion (see for example: Finkelstein, 1991; Brydon and Niessen, 1998; Entwistle, 2000a; Entwistle and Wilson, 2001; Guy et al ., 2001; Keenan, 2001; Bolich, 2006). The dressed body and its interactions with the social world are regarded here as expressive of identity. As Entwistle (2001: 47) suggests,

dress [forms] the key link between individual identity and the body, providing the PHDQVRUWKHµUDZPDWHULDO¶IRUSHUIRUPLQJLGHQWLW\>DQGLWLVDOVR@IXQGDPHQWDOO\DQ inter-subjective and social phenomenon, an important link between individual identity and social belonging.

In that respect underwear, as part of dress, can likewise serve as a link between identity DQGWKHVRFLDO,QXQGHUZHDU¶VFDVHVLQFHLWLVKLGGHQIURPYLHZPRVWRIWKHWLPHLWLV

10

even more interesting to explore these connections. Indeed while this section has attempted to outline the discursive connections between women, fashion and dress, the next section offers some contextual flavour regarding the history of underwear in order to show how its changes and transformations through time have marked significant FKDQJHVLQZRPHQ¶VOLves. It thus emphasises the implications of underwear as part of GUHVVLQZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\SURMHFWV

$EULHIKLVWRU\RIZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDU This section does not intend to give a precise and in depth historical account of underwear. This has already been done (see for example: Saint-Laurent, 1968; Ewing, 1971; 1978; Shelley, 2000). This section instead aims to explore some of the most VLJQLILFDQWGHYHORSPHQWVRIZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDULQWKH:HVWDQGKRZXQGHUZHDUVLQFH medieval times has emphasised gender and class distinction; necessary observations for the research objectives of this thesis. It is thus a partial history and, unavoidably, gaps will be evident.

$V XQGHUZHDU DV SDUW RI GUHVV KDV EHHQ KLVWRULFDOO\ XVHG WR VKDSH WKH µDSSURSULDWH¶ female siOKRXHWWH LW FDUULHV PDUNV RI JHQGHU GLIIHUHQWLDWLRQ ,QGHHG XQGHUZHDU¶V proximity to the body has historically made it an important marker of social and cultural distinctions, whether those were about class and status or gender distinctions. On some occasions these distinctions intersect and they are often treated as inextricable by commentators. Looking back at the history of underwear in the west and more specifically in Britain and France where the most significant developments in dress and thus underwear seem to have taken place, these two distinctions/functions characterise XQGHUZHDU¶V UROH WRJHWKHU ZLWK LWV RVWHQVLEOH RU H[SOLFLW IXQFWLRQV RI SURWHFWLQJ WKH 11

JHQLWDOVDQGVHQVLWLYHSDUWVRIWKHERG\:RPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDUKDVFKDQJHGLQGHVLJQDQG function parallel to changes in outerwear and fashion in overall; and these changes LQGLFDWH ³ODUJHU VRFLDO FKDQJHV WDNLQJ SODFH LQ ZRPHQ¶V OLYHV´ )LHOGV    DQG shifts in ideals of femininity. So looking at the history of underwear and its complex functionality since medieval times can help us understand the struggles of women to µH[LVW¶DFURVVKLVWRU\(TXDOO\DOWHUDWLRQVLQXQGHUZHDUµUHJLPHV¶FDQKHOSXVWUDFHWKH FRQWLQXRXVO\VKLIWLQJµHVVHQWLDOV¶RIEHLQJIHPDOH

Starting from as early as the medieval period, the expression of class distinction was seemingly not explicitly about underwear per se, but rather in the way it supported the outer costume. Willett and Cunnington (1992: 34-35) observe that in this era.

the undergarment was no longer an obscure drudge, but was promoted to serve in the general mode of expressing what the whole costume so extravagantly announced.

During medieval times class distinction was denoted by decorations on clothes and other ornaments attached to the outerwear. When it comes to gender distinction on the other hand, it had begun to be more clearly evident by the fourteenth century. Techniques for shaping clothes in a certain way had developed, with the narrowing of WKHZDLVWDQGFXWWLQJWKHRXWHUERGLFHVRIZRPHQ¶VGUHVVHVLQWRWZRSLHFHV ± creating thus a skirt ± with a decorative belt for the waist (Ewing, 1971; 1978). The attention to a small waist marked a preference for a specific type of female body, something that can be traced back to Ancient Greek civilisation and its zoné7 ³ZRUQ WR FLQFK WKH ZDLVW´ (ZLQJ $FFRUGLQJWR(ZLQJ WKHZDLVWKDVLQIDFWEHHQWKH³SLYRW RQZKLFKIDVKLRQKDVUHYROYHG´(PSKDVLVZDVDOVRJLYHQWRORQJ and narrow bodies in 7

The Greek word for belt.

12

medieval times and around the fourteenth century an undergarment similar to a corset was introduced in order to shape the female body as such. This was known as a cotte, similar to the French word côte for ribs. This is the earliest form of corset used in western Europe and thus a significant development in underwear fashion in that context (Ewing, 1971; Willett and Cunnington, 1992). This indicates that fashion even six centuries or more ago was characterised by a manipulation of the female body, narrowing the waist and making the upper body seem longer.

Towards the end of the medieval period, class distinction began to be expressed by the VL]HRIZRPHQ¶VVNLUWV+XJHVNirts apparently denoted a higher class and the petticoat8 was used to support them. In fact the number of petticoats worn indicated the rank of the woman, her wealth or fashion awareness. The fashion developments of that era were usually introduced by the courts of the monarchs in Britain and France, such as the famous farthingale, a petticoat reinforced with hoops of cane, whalebone or wire in RUGHUWRFUHDWHDKXJHFXUYHLQWKHVNLUW7KHIDUWKLQJDOHZDVZRUQZLWKWKHµERG\¶DQ undergarment later known aVµVWD\V¶ZKLFK ZDVVLPLODUWR WKHFRWWHEXWIRUWLILHGZLWK whalebones. This undergarment firmly controlled the body by making it look slimmer DQG ORQJHU 7DNHQ WRJHWKHU WKH IDUWKLQJDOH DQG WKH µERG\¶ H[HPSOLILHG WKH SUHIHUHQFH IRU DQ µXQQDWXUDO¶ RU DW Oeast obviously manipulated female body. Nevertheless, since these undergarments were initially worn by the ladies of the royal courts, they were also markers of class distinction.

As also established earlier, because the history of underwear is usually found in costume studies, not enough emphasis has been given to the actual experiences of 8

The petticoat was a garment that hung from the waist. Evidence exists to suggest that petticoats were also worn as outer garments, as a skirt; but usually - especially for lower class women whose petticoats were not ornamented - they were under-petticoats (Willet and Cunnington, 1992).

13

women in those times. There are almost no examples of how women experienced or understood the social and cultural meanings of underwear before the twentieth century. OQH UDUH LQVWDQFH WKDW VHHPV WR EH UHYHDOLQJ RI ZRPHQ¶V IHHOLQJV UHJDUGLQJ WKHLU underwear can be found in Willett and Cunnington (1992), who stress how uncomfortable underclothes were in the medieval period in particular. The authors note a lot of examples of women expressing discomfort. The farthingale not only made movement difficult, especially when walking upstairs, but, with whalebones inserted LQWR LW PDGH LW H[WUHPHO\ GLIILFXOW WR VLW 7KH DXWKRUV TXRWH IURP 9DQEUXJK¶V 7KH 3URYRN¶V:LIHDZRPDQZKRVD\VWKDW³LIWKHUHZHUHQRPHQDGLHXILQHSHWWLFRDWVZH VKRXOG EH ZHDU\ RI ZHDULQJ ¶HP´ :LOOHWW DQG &XQQLQJWRQ    7KLV LV illustrative of how women had to present themselves, in the presence of men in particular. The presentation of their bodies, with either unnaturally wide skirts, narrow ZDLVWV RU DQ DUWLILFLDOO\ ERRVWHG ERVRP ZDV LQGLFDWLYH RI D ZRPDQ¶V UDQN EXW DOVR health, especially important when attracting a husband, another example of the interrelation of gender/class distinctions. Broad hips, shoulders and bosoms apparently denoted a healthy woman in terms of her reproductive abilities.

%XW RWKHU WKDQ XQGHUZHDU¶V PHGLHYDO FRQQRWDWLRQV DURXQG D ZRPHQ¶V IHUWLOLW\ LW ZDV not until the mid seventeenth century that underwear acquired quite an important role in the game of sexual attraction, at least in Europe. Female underclothes, denoting both gender and class distinction, were apparently used for the attraction of a husband, in contrast with the male underclothes that just denoted class distinction (Ewing, 1978; :LOOHWWDQG&XQQLQJWRQ :RPHQEHJDQWRSOD\RQWKHLUµIHPLQLQHFKDUP¶7his is evident if we look at how their flowing skirts allowed their under-petticoat to be

14

glimpsed while they moved. Nevertheless, underwear and the proper presentation of the female body were simultaneously a matter of modesty and morality.

Moving on to the Victorian era, underwear continued to have great importance in the construction of femininity, and particularly middle-class femininity. As Summers (2001: 21) stresses

[d]ress operated as a vital and problematic conduit which, ideally acted, was expected to visually delineate and distinguish middle-class femininity from that of its VXSSRVHGO\µFRDUVHU¶LQFDUQDWLRQLQZRUNLQJ-class women.

With regards to underwear the body was accentuated with the use of the corset and the crinoline. In line with the above argument, tight clothing, including the unnaturally tight corset, distinguished middle-class from working-class women, as it denoted their lack of ability for manual labour (Kaiser, 2001).

Notwithstanding class distinction, dress and corsetry were also instrumental in terms of the pursuit of morality and respectability (Summers, 2001). Indeed the controversies of the Victorian corset created undoubtedly one of the most interesting debates in the literature on underwear. The Victorian corset is said to be one of the most intriguing undergarments ever, since its importance lay not just in the construction of a distorted IHPDOHERG\DQGWKXVIHPLQLQLW\EXWDOVRLQLWV³FODVV-EDVHGLGHQWLW\DQGVXEMHFWLYLW\´ (Summers, 2001: 9). In terms of morality the corset was linked to such imperatives VLQFHXQFRUVHWWHGZRPHQZHUHFRQVLGHUHGDVµORRVH¶DQGLPPRUDO5REHUWV 

15

Feminist critics like Roberts argue that the corset had material consequences for the female body, causing weakening of the muscles and sometimes fatal illnesses, and that its symbolic meanings reflected Victorian understandings of the female condition as one of submissiveness and pain (Roberts, 1977). On the other hand, Steele (1985: 42) challenges the feminist criticisms of the corset and stresses that that it did not settle the Victorian woman into a subordinate role. In contrast she believes that Victorian women were aware of the connotations that the corset was producing, and sees the corset as an H[DPSOHRIKRZWKHVHZRPHQKDGWKHGHVLUHWRDUWLILFLDOO\LPSURYHµQDWXUH¶VJLIWV¶

Nonetheless, the Victorian corset is certainly a key example of how underwear, during this period denoted an intense gender distinction. Another example, according to Fields (2007), was the open-crotch drawers worn in those times. These drawers had a significant role in constructing feminine sexuality. On the one hand there was the seemingly open access to the female body and on the other it served as a reference to ZRPHQ¶VELRORJLFDOGLIIHUHQFHVIURPPHQ)LHOGVVWUHVVHV

>7@KH IXQFWLRQV RI GUHVV GHVSLWH FORWKLQJ¶V DWWDFKPHQW WR WKH ERG\ DUH QHLWKHU µQDWXUDO¶ QRU UHPRYHG IURP KXPDQ LQWHUYHQWLRQ DQG VRFLDO VWUXFWXUHV ,QGHHG WKH careful consideration of social understandings about the functions of dress related to the body reveals the unquestioned biological explanations underlying culturally constructed gender differences, and thus how culture operates to reinforce seemingly irrefutable proof of essential, bLRORJLFDOO\EDVHGDQGµQDWXUDO¶JHQGHUGLIIHUHQFH>«@ 6HUYLQJ DV D PDWHULDO PHDQV RI FRQVWUXFWLQJ ZRPHQ¶V ERGLHV DV GLIIHUHQW RSHQ GUDZHUV UHIHUHQFHG ZRPHQ¶V ELRORJLFDO GLIIHUHQFH RQ D GDLO\ EDVLV  -23, emphasis in original)

16

Fast forwarding to the twentieth century the emergence of mass produced underwear with new materials like nylon was introduced, while different conceptions of the female body shape, for example the juvenile or boyish figure relished in the early years of the century, changed underwear once more. This is a period of new undergarments such as the suspender belt, cami-knickers, the corselette and of course pyjamas as nightclothes. Wilson±Kovacs (2001: 171) notes that,

witKWKHGHFOLQHRIWKHFRUVHWDQGFKDQJHVLQIDVKLRQ>XQGHUZHDU¶V@DUFKLWHFWXUDOUROH was transferred to the suspender belt, which, by bridging the gap between the stockings and the mysterious recesses of the female anatomy, has changed the erotic focus of the female body from the waist emphasized by the corset, to the genitalia.

What could also be considered as important during this period is the introduction of the use of colours in underwear which in and of itself inspired the inventions of new fabrics. This is the time when a lot of attention was given back to the breasts, and fashion houses such as Dior emphasized with new collections of bras the need for a well-shaped bust (Hawthorne, 1992) :RPHQ EHFDPH ³EUD-FRQVFLRXV´ (ZLQJ  162). At the same time the feminist movement was scrutinising underwear, objecting to FRQILQLQJXQGHUZHDUHQFRXUDJLQJWKHPRUHµQDWXUDO¶FRPIRUWDEOHDQGKHDOWK\YDULHWLHV Indicative was the 1968 bra-burning protest in Atlantic City, USA, where protesters burned their braVJLUGOHVDQGRWKHUµRIIHQVLYH¶XQGHUJDUPHQWV)LHOGV ,QGHHGDV )LHOGV DUJXHV IHPLQLVW PRYHPHQWV PDVV FXOWXUH DQG WKH ³FKDOOHQJLQJ WUDGLWLRQDO wisdom about respectable femininity all informed the shape and perceptions of ZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDU´7: 272) during the twentieth century.

17

%ULQJLQJ WKLV EULHI KLVWRU\ XS WR WKH SUHVHQW GD\ ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU LQ WKH ODWH twentieth century and onwards, in the west, is shrinking in size. Still, it seems to possess the same importance in terms of its social and cultural meaning and the prevailing perceptions of femininity which attach to it, as promoted by various institutions of mass culture. However, and as noted before, not enough emphasis has been given to underwear in academic literature in terms of its FRQQHFWLRQVWRZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\

Identity here is defined as the way individuals give meaning to their existence in the world, how they see themselves in relation to others and how they want to be seen by those others. But as Sawicki (1988: 184) avers,

a UHODWLRQDO YLHZ RI SHUVRQDO LGHQWLW\ >PHDQV WKDW@ RQH¶V LQWHUHVWV DUH D IXQFWLRQ RI RQH¶V SODFH LQ WKH VRFLDO ILHOG DW D SDUWLFXODU WLPH QRW JLYHQ >,GHQWLW\ WKHQ LV@ constantly open to change and contestation.

Thus, identity as a relationship between iQGLYLGXDOV¶H[LVWHQFHDQGWKHVRFLDOZRUOGLV not one of causal determination of the former by the latter but an ongoing task, imperative or project, something which is actively (if not necessarily altogether consciously) accomplished on a daily basis. Indeed there are arguably multiple discursive versions of what it means to be a woman, on which our identity projects draw in various ways, and a multitude of resources which can be mobilized in this regard. This thesis is therefore premised on the idea that a wRPDQ¶V LGHQWLW\ LV D FRPSOH[ performative and processual project, as the following chapters will elaborate.

Underpinning the research questions of this thesis is also my contention that underwear is closely connected with identity. This is supported by Jantzen et al . (2006) who argue

18

IRUQRWLRQVRIEHFRPLQJDµUHDOZRPDQ¶RUDµZRPDQWRWKHEDFNERQH¶ZKHQLWFRPHV WR ZHDULQJ WKH µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU ZKDWHYHU WKDW PLJKW EH WKHVH LQGLFDWH WKHQ WKDW feminine identity projects are strongly connected with underwear, and that underwear is used as a resource in these projects. Nonetheless the limited literature that attempts to PDNHFRQQHFWLRQVEHWZHHQXQGHUZHDUDQGZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\SURMHFWVWHQGVRQO\WRIRFXV on erotic allurement and the idea of wearing special, sexy underwear. No literature within the field of consumption or other cognate fields that I have been able to locate has attempted to explore the connections between the consumption of underwear, all types and kinds, with the ongoing and multifaceted female identity project.

Thus, in order to emphasise that these connections have in fact been evident throughout the western history, I decided to trace the history of underwear at the beginning of the thesis, precisely to show how underwear as part of dress has had a crucial role in articulating and constructing femininity. This brief and partial history also intended to VKRZKRZZRPHQ¶VERGLHVKDYHDUJXDEO\EHHQPRUHVFUXWLQLVHGDQGXQGHUVXUYHLOODQFH WKDQ PHQ¶V &RPLQJ WR WRGD\ ZH ZLWQHVV D PDVV FXOWXre that puts emphasis on the female body as a project to be monitored and managed by various techniques, one of them being underwear. Underwear is now not just connected to the support of the body and the outerwear, but it is arguably also a means of feeling good about the self, and UH FRQVWUXFWLQJDVHQVHRIµZKR,DP¶VHH-DQW]HQ et al . 2006). The intention thus of this thesis is to capture some of these experiences and find out something about the IDFWRUV EHKLQG WKH FRQVXPSWLRQ RI ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU DW the same time exploring ZRPHQ¶VXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHIHPLQLQHLGHQWLW\SURMHFWWRGD\DQGWKHUROHRIXQGHUZHDU in this regard. More specifically, to reiterate my research questions, I aim to explore the socio-FXOWXUDO IDFWRUV WKDW DIIHFW ZRPHQ¶V FRQVXPSWLon of underwear; the role of

19

underwear as part of dress in the construction of the female identity; the feelings and experiences women report regarding the consumption of underwear; and finally the role of taste when it comes to what underwear women choose.

1.3  Thesis  overview   To answer my research questions I initially build my conceptual framework. I am drawing from different theories first to lay the ground for understanding concepts like femininity, the dressed body, technologies of the self and taste and then to illustrate how these concepts can be utilised to understand the connections of underwear with identity projects and imperatives of femininity. In the following chapters these concepts are discussed, exploring possible connections with the consumption and use of women¶V underwear.

In Chapter 2 I draw on some of the works of Foucault, specifically those on power relations and discourse in order to locate the existence of bodies within disciplinary UHJLPHV RI SRZHU  , UHIHU WR WKH µGRFLOH ERG\¶ WKDW UHJLPHV RI GLVFLSOine and power ZRUNXSRQDQGWKHQHQJDJHZLWK VRPHRI)RXFDXOW¶VODWHU ZRUNUHJDUGLQJWKHµDFWLYH ERG\¶ WR LOOXPLQDWH KRZ LQGLYLGXDOV DFWLYHO\ HQJDJH LQ YDULRXV SUDFWLFHV RU WHFKQRORJLHVRIWKHVHOIWRµIDVKLRQ¶DQGLPSURYHWKHLUVHOYHVWKHPVHOYHV 0\Lntention with this treatment of his later work is to show that individuals establish identity WKURXJKµVHOI-VW\OLVDWLRQ¶DUHIOH[LYHIRUPRIIDVKLRQLQJLGHQWLW\,DUJXHWKDWXQGHUZHDU can be seen as a technology of the self in that respect.

While FoucauOW¶V WXUQ WR WKH µDFWLYH¶ ERG\ GHPRQVWUDWHV DQ DWWHPSW WR UH FRQVWUXFW LGHQWLWLHVLWLV3LHUUH%RXUGLHX¶VQRWLRQRIKDELWXVWKDWEHWWHUH[SODLQVKRZWKLVSURFHVV 20

LVH[SHULHQFHG$ZRPDQ¶VYDULRXVµGLVSRVLWLRQV¶FKDUDFWHULVWLFVDUHFRPSRQHQWVRIKHU identity and her involvement in various fields, as well as the volumes of capital she possesses, become elements in the construction of her identity project. These issues are discussed in the later sections of Chapter 2 and my intention here is to explore the role of taste as a manifestation of habitus in order to understand the different meanings and experiences that women report regarding their underwear, as well as the different tastes WKDW WKH\ GHPRQVWUDWH ZKHQ VHOHFWLQJ WKH µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU IRU WKHP )LQDOly this chapter concludes with reference to some selected feminists who have utilised )RXFDXOW¶V DQG %RXUGLHX¶V ZRUN WR PDNH VHQVH RI ZKDW LW IHHOV OLNH EHLQJ D ZRPDQ 7KXV,IXUWKHUGHPRQVWUDWHKRZERWK)RXFDXOWDQG%RXUGLHX¶VZRUNRSHUDWHVWRSURYLGH a useful conceptual framework for this research.

Chapter 3 purposefully plays with the second half of the title of this thesis because it attempts to build a discussion of how underwear forms part of material and consumer culture. I begin by referring to some key theories of consumption and how consumption has been connected with identity. I move on to the literature that focuses on gender in the context of consumption, in order to look at the importance, meanings and the symbolic value of consumption in the context of gendered identity projects. I particularly pay attention to how consumption studies have explored fashion. Finally I conclude this chapter by drawing on the limited literature that looks at underwear and its links to consumption and identity, and discuss its relevance to this thesis.

The methodological design of this research will be presented in Chapter 4. This chapter entails a detailed discussion of the process, as well as a discussion of the philosophical assumptions underpinning the thesis in terms of the generation of data. In this chapter I

21

discuss and justify my research methods, my sampling and my data analysis process. Finally I refer to some of the implications of this research when reflecting back on the field and what I learnt from doing my data analysis.

Chapter 5 presents the findings of this research. This is where some of the experiences and feelings of my participants are reproduced, analysed and discussed. This analysis will produce the conclusions of this research when seen closely with the theoretical framework of the research. This chapter is divided into several sections that represent some of the key themes evident in my data. Specifically it analyses the importance respondents attribute to underwear according to whether it is hidden or visible; the physical/psychological sensations it induces for the respondents; their varying mobilisations of underwear to support aspects of the female identity project; the role of taste when choosing underwear; and the experiences the respondents report regarding shopping for underwear. Throughout the chapter links are made with the conceptual framework developed in Chapters 2 and 3.

Finally Chapter 6 concludes this thesis by summarising the research findings in relation to the questions it set out to answer. More precisely this chapter reiterates the contributions of the thesis and addresses each of the questions set out in this introductory chapter. I draw this thesis to a close by reflecting on some of the implications/limitations of the research as well as discussing possible ways for further UHVHDUFKLQJ WKH UROH WKLV LQWLPDWH SDUW RI ZRPHQ¶V GUHVV FDQ SOD\ LQ LGHQWLW\ construction.

22

Chapter  2  Fashioning  female  identity    

2.1  Introduction   As the research questions and aims of this thesis suggest, it is premised on the belief that there is something significant in the way that women select underwear. Indeed prevailing discourses concerning what is fashionable, beautiful, sexy, comfortable, normal or boring in terms of female attire are often presented, for example by mass culture, as if there is a µQDWXUDO¶RUREYLRXVZD\RIGLVWLQJXLVKLQJEHWZHHQDWWULEXWLRQVUHJDUGLQJWKHXQGHUZHDUWKDW we choose. However, I argue that all these meanings are (re)produced through the ways that we consume underwear and, moreover, that the process through which we engage with these meanings is an element of our identity projects.

Bartky (1988) argues it is crucial for a woman to sense herself as female, to have a body that iVIHOWWREHDQGH[SHULHQFHGDVµIHPLQLQH¶DQG³VLQFHSHUVRQVFXUUHQWO\FDQ be only as male RU IHPDOH´ S  HPSKDVLV LQ RULJLQDO  KHU µIHPLQLQH¶ ERG\ LV FUXFLDO DOVR WR KHU VHOIunderstanding as an functional/functioning individual. As such, prevailing discourses of IHPLQLQLW\VLPXOWDQHRXVO\LPSO\DOHYHORIµEHFRPLQJ¶7KDWLVEHLQJIHPLQLQHLVDQRQJRLQJ process of fitting into imperatives around femininity. Thus, our identity seems to be in constant development, a project that we have to work on, to fashion, in ways that are socially accepted. It is also impossible to talk about identity without taking into consideration the PDWHULDO ERG\ DV WKLV ERG\ LV WKH µHQYLURQPHQW¶ ZKHUH LGHQWLW\ LV ORFDWHG DUWLFXODWHG DQG performed. Practices of everyday life such as buying and putting on underwear are clearly embodied practices, so embodiment is equally important in understanding identity construction. 23

As already stated in Chapter 1, the research questions of this thesis turn around the experiences of women regarding the consumption of underwear, and more specifically the socio-cultural factors which influence them when buying underwear, the role of underwear as part of their dressing in the construction of their female identity and the role of taste when it FRPHV WR WKH XQGHUZHDU ZRPHQ FKRRVH 0RUHRYHU WKLV WKHVLV DLPV WR H[SORUH ZRPHQ¶V feelings and experiences about the consumption of underwear, e.g. how important underwear is for them, do they wear different underwear in different occasions, who they buy underwear for, and so on. In this chapter I aim to set out a conceptual framework that will help me to XQGHUVWDQG WKH UHODWLRQVKLS EHWZHHQ ZRPHQ¶V H[SHULHQFHV RI XQGHUZHDU DQG WKHLU LGHQWLW\ projects, taking into account how power relations, culture and the corporeal are all implicated during this identity fashioning. I continue this project in Chapter 3 by looking more specifically at consumption as it relates to identity.

,EHJLQE\GUDZLQJRQ0LFKHO)RXFDXOW¶VZRUNRQSRZHUUHODWLRQVDQGGLVFRXUVHWRORFDWHWKH existence of bodies within disciplinary regimes of power. Then, as his later works emphasise WKH µDFWLYH ERG\VXEMHFW¶ , GUDZ SDUWLFXODUO\ RQ KLV QRWLRQ RI WHFKQROogies of the self, to understand how subjectivity proceeds from how individuals engage with such practices. I WKHQ WDNH RQ HOHPHQWV RI 3LHUUH %RXUGLHX¶V ZRUN RQ WKH KDELWXV ILHOGV DQG FDSLWDO WR VKRZ KRZ WKH YDULRXV µGLVSRVLWLRQV¶FKDUDFWHULVWLFV WKDW D Zoman has are components of her identity. More specifically, by drawing on Bourdieu I argue that we can see underwear both as an important part of the cultural field of fashion and as embodied cultural capital, in order to understand the different meanings and experiences that women report regarding their XQGHUZHDU DV ZHOO DV WKH GLIIHUHQW WDVWHV WKDW WKH\ GHPRQVWUDWH ZKHQ VHOHFWLQJ WKH µULJKW¶ underwear for them. Finally I conclude with a section which (re)turns to Foucauldian

24

feminism, as well as discussiQJ IHPLQLVWV GUDZLQJ RQ %RXUGLHX¶V VRFLDO WKHRU\ DQG UHODWHG works which emphasise the experience of what it feels like to be a woman, in order to further demonstrate how some of the key concepts in both Foucault and Bourdieu operate to provide a useful framework for this research.

2.2  The  regulated  body:  Foucault  and  disciplinary  power   )RXFDXOW¶V WKHRULHV RI WKH UHJXODWHG ERG\ KDYH EHHQ H[WUHPHO\ LQIOXHQWLDO LQ KRZ ZH understand the place of bodies in societies. His work to some extent can be seen to constitute ³DKLVWRU\RIWKHERG\´(Bordo, 1993: 190). Indeed the genealogical approach Foucault uses demonstrates the specific historical contexts that produce different discursive formations of bodies across time and place. He asserts that any given society in any given time and place, is permeated with power relations and that the body is at the centre of a process of various SRZHUIRUPDWLRQV,Q)RXFDXOW¶VZRUGV

The body is the inscribed surface of eYHQWVWUDFHGE\ODQJXDJHDQGGLVVROYHGE\LGHDV >«@ Genealogy, as an analysis of descent, is thus situated within the articulation of the body and history. Its task is to expose a body totally imprinted by history and the processes of KLVWRU\¶VGHVWUXFWLon of the body. (Foucault, 1977: 148)

For Foucault the body is produced and constituted by discourse. This view of the body is dependent upon his notion of power and knowledge and how these two phenomena are connected. Knowledge is embedded in the exercise of power and power comes with knowledge. For Foucault power in modern society, as will be discussed below, is not openly or even mainly repressive but is instead exercised through processes of normalisation, such as VWDQGDUGVDQGYDOXHVWKDWLQGLYLGXDOVDUHµFDOOHG¶WRDGKHUHWR

25

7KHFRQWULEXWLRQRI)RXFDXOW¶VZRUNUHJDUGLQJWKHFRQFHSWXDOLVDWLRQRISRZHULVLQIDFWD reconceptualisation of the concept. While power has conventionally been regarded in a negative manner, as a force possessed by the elite and used to repress others in order to preserve social hierarchies, Foucault sees power as an essentially positive force, entangled in all the complex relationships of people at all levels of society. It is a circulating force and not something that can be localised as a zero-sum commodity (Foucault, 1980). The conceptualisation of power as a repressive force is only one of the multiple effects produced E\WKHLQWHUSOD\ RISRZHUUHODWLRQV)RXFDXOW¶VYLew of power allows for an analysis of the µPLFURSK\VLFV¶ RI SRZHU WKDW LV KRZ SRZHU RSHUDWHV DW WKH PLFUR OHYHO XSRQ DQG WKURXJK ERGLHV9LHZLQJWKHERG\DWWKHFHQWUHRIWKLVQHWZRUNRISRZHUPDNHVLW³ the link between daily practices on the one hand anG WKH ODUJH VFDOH RUJDQL]DWLRQ RI SRZHU RQ WKH RWKHU´ (Dreyfus and Rabinow, cited in Shilling, 2003: 66, emphasis in original). Indeed, this link can EHHDVLO\LOOXVWUDWHGE\ORRNLQJDW)RXFDXOW¶VZRUNRQSHQLWHQWLDU\V\VWHPVDQGWKHKLVWRU\RI sexuality. Here Foucault emphasises the development of disciplinary regimes to control the individual body and also to manage the mass population.

In Discipline and Punish (1979) Foucault demonstrates a shift of disciplinary regimes between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in the west. From the public torturing and dismembering of the regicide Damiens at the end of the eighteenth century to the daily routines of a nineteenth century Parisian prison, Foucault attempts to show the shift from a system of justice that relies on excessive and public violence to one of punishment via imprisonment, and its implications. This is also a shift of discourse from constructing the body as flesh, to be publicly and symbolically meshed with the power of the sovereign to GHQRWH FULPLQDOLW\ WR FRQVWUXFWLQJ WKH ERG\ DV PLQG RU µPLQGIXO ERG\¶ ZLWK WKH DWWHPSWHG

26

reformation of criminals through incarceration. Punishment began to be enforced in highly disciplinary surveillance spacHV ZLWK HPSKDVLV RQ µGLVFLSOLQDU\ PRQRWRQ\¶ DQG RQ WKH hierarchisation of people and activities within prisons to make certain that inmates were inserted in a network of disciplinary relations (Foucault, 1979). The example of the Panopticon is indicative of how this disciplinary power could be exercised. The Panopticon ZDV -HUHP\ %HQWKDP¶V DUFKLWHFWXUDO GHVLJQ IRU D FLUFXODU EXLOGLQJ ZLWK D FHQWUDO WRZHU around which prison cells would be arranged. The idea of the central tower as a permanent surveillance place, Foucault (1979) explains, ensures the exercise of this disciplinary power over offenders who, not knowing if indeed they are being watched or not, are impelled to PRQLWRUWKHPVHOYHVDQGFRQWUROKRZWKH\EHKDYHDWDOOWLPHV,Q)RXFDXOW¶VZRUGV

Hence the major effect of the Panopticon: to induce in the inmate a state of conscious and permanent visibility that assures the automatic functioning of power. So to arrange things that the surveillance is permanent in its effects, even if it is discontinuous in its action; that the perfection of power should tend to render its actual exercise unnecessary; that this architectural apparatus should be a machine for creating and sustaining a power relation independent of the person who exercises it; in short, that the inmates should be caught up in a power situation of which they are themselves the bearers. (1979: 201)

Indeed as Foucault argues, the effect of the panoptic schema of permanent surveillance and visibility was extended to other forms of social controODWWKLVWLPHLQKLVWRU\³LWVYRFDWLRQ >EHFDPH@ D JHQHUDOL]HG IXQFWLRQ´    LQ LQVWLWXWLRQV OLNH VFKRROV KRVSLWDO WKH workplace and the military. Its principle includes a permanent sense of self-regulation and self-assessment and encompasses an emphasis on normalisation. In the modern penal system this is accomplished because it does not only ensure the physical constraint of prisoners, but includes a set of relatively new forms of normative and scientific knowledge, such as

27

criminology, psychology etc, which makes possible the monitoring, assessment and regulation of prisoners at a micro level. On other levels of social control this normalising function produces a network of power-NQRZOHGJH WKH µVFLHQWLILF NQRZOHGJH¶ WKDW D psychologist or a criminologist for example claims to have makes them regulators of behaviour bearing the values of normality. The effectiveness of the power of the norm is due WRLWVUHODWLYHLQYLVLELOLW\VLQFHXVXDOO\WKLVQRUPVRFLHW\¶VVWDQGDUGVDQGYDOXHV LVJURXQGHG in the form of knowledge like criminology, psychology and also education, medicine and RWKHUHPHUJLQJERGLHVRIVSHFLILFµH[SHUWLVH¶

)RXFDXOW¶V WKHRUHWLFDO FRQWULEXWLRQ UHJDUGLQJ WKLV GLVFLSOLQDU\ SRZHU KDV EHHQ LQIOXHQWLDO LQ the feminist conceptualisation of the construction of the female body and relatedly the FRQVWUXFWLRQRIIHPLQLQLW\0DLQO\IHPLQLVWWKHRULVWVKDYHH[DPLQHG)RXFDXOW¶VYLHZVRQWKH discipline of the body, how power/knowledge operates in this regard and how this can be seen in contemporary societies where women are concerned with the appearance and management of their bodies so as to perform a specific kind of femininity and the implications of such processes (see for example Bartky, 1990; Bordo, 2004). As hinted at in &KDSWHU  ZRPHQ DUH DUJXDEO\ PRUH VFUXWLQLVHG ZKHQ LW FRPHV WR KDYLQJ D µFRUUHFW¶ ERG\ and relatedly it is usually the case that women are overall less satisfied with their bodies (Bordo, 2004). This (re)produces among women constant attention to and monitoring of their bodies. Of course femininity is ever changing to suit the changing standards of society, so modern western society has for example established a version of femininity that is characterised by youthfulness and slenderness. These standards act as a norm. Norms act as a regulating technique (a panopticon) to ensure that women develop or are constantly SUHRFFXSLHGZLWKGHYHORSLQJWKHµFRUUHFW¶SK\VLTXH7KXV)LQHDQG0DFSKerson (1994: 229)

28

argue that women tend to be more vulnerable to censure on the basis of a visibly µXQVXFFHVVIXO¶ERG\SURMHFWDQGDV%XGJHRQ(2003: 39) puts it,

[t]he dominant relation women are posited to have with their bodies is one which is discursively mediated and, it would seem, a significantly over-determined one in which women live with a constant sense of the body as being in need of improvement.

%RUGR¶VDE DQDO\VLVRIPRGHUQGLVFLSOLQDU\UHJLPHVRIGLHWVDQGH[HUFLVH DQG WKH UHSURGXFWLRQ RI µIHPLQLQH SUDFWLFHV¶ VXFK DV HDWLQJ GLVRUGHUV LV DOVR YHU\ UHOHYDQW here. As she argues, these practices make the female body a docile body which obeys cultural GHPDQGV ³ZKLOH DW WKH VDPH WLPH EHLQJ experienced LQ WHUPV RI µSRZHU¶ DQG µFRQWURO¶´ (Bordo, 1993: 192, emphasis in original). She offers the example of Cher and how she has modified her appearance by plastic surgery and has now EHFRPHµQRUPDO¶DFFRUGLQJWR WKH demands of western mass culture. Bordo emphatically argues that

>L@Q VR IDU DV WKH KLVWRU\ RI &KHU¶V ERG\ KDV PHDQLQJ DW DOO LW KDV PHDQLQJ QRW DV WKH µRULJLQDO¶RYHUZKLFKDIDOVHFRS\KDVEHHQODLGEXWDVD defect which has been corrected. It EHFRPHVFRQVWUXFWHGDVµGHIHFW¶SUHFLVHO\EHFDXVHWKHQHZLPDJHLVWKHGRPLQDQWUHDOLW\WKH normalising standard against which all else is judged. (1993: 195, emphasis in original)

Even though this thesis takes experience as pertinent in understanding how the construction of female identity takes place, I cannot but agree with Bordo here when she asks if we really do choose the various constructions of ourselves. The proliferation of particular ideals of beauty, sexiness and femininity in western societies has rendered them as the norm, the µUHDOLW\¶ LQWR ZKLFK ZRPHQ DUH FRQVWDQWO\ ZRUNLQJ RQ PDNLQJ WKHPVHOYHV ILW 7KHUH DUH specific imperatives around being female that play a crucial role in the construction of ZRPHQ¶V LGHQWLWLHV I will develop this point later in the chapter, but here I would like to 29

UHWXUQ WR )RXFDXOW¶V DVVHUWLRQ RI SRZHU DV SRVLWLYH DQG KRZ GLIIHUHQW IRUPV RI SRZHU ERWK produce and limit identities. This is fully explored in the first volume of the History of

Sexuality (1978).

2.3  Bodies  of  pleasure:  Foucault  and  the  history  of  sexuality   In the first volume of the History of Sexuality (1978) Foucault carries out a genealogical analysis of how western understandings of sexuality have emerged. He suggests that there was a shift in discourses in the eighteenth and nineteenth century when western governments became concerned with the overall management and control of the population. This was achieved by exercising control over its sexuality and reproduction. Even though conventional thinking in the West is that sexuality was repressed during the nineteenth century and that the Victorians actively silenced it, Foucault argues that this was far from what was in fact happening. During this time, sex became a social and political problem which had to be regulated: this led to a proliferation of discourses around sex and an obsession with sexuality. ,Q)RXFDXOW¶VZRUGV

There was a steady proliferation of discourses concerned wLWK VH[ >«@ DQ LQVWLWXWLRQDO incitement to speak about it, and to do so more and more; a determination on the part of the agencies of power to hear it spoken about, and to cause it to speak through explicit articulation and endlessly accumulated detail. (1978: 18)

The rise of the human and social sciences as also discussed in Discipline and Punish (1979) led to the categorisation of individuals according to their sexual behaviours. These discourses YDULRXVO\WRRNWKHIRUPRIDMXULGLFDOFRQFHUQZLWKµDWURFLRXV¶VH[XDOFULPHVDPHGLFDODQG SV\FKLDWULF FRQFHUQ ZLWK µGHYLDQW DQG PDUJLQDO¶ EHKDYLRXUV IRU H[DPSOH DGXOWHU\ UDSH

30

sodomy or incest, the use of confession in clinical sciences like psychotherapy, an intense concern with infantile sexuality and a prHRFFXSDWLRQ ZLWK IHPDOH µK\VWHULVDWLRQ¶ DQG WKH VDWXUDWLRQ RI WKH IHPDOH ERG\ ZLWK VH[XDOLW\ 7KHVH ZHUH IRUPV RI VH[XDOLW\ WKDW ³ZHUH QRW DPHQDEOHWRWKHVWULFWHFRQRP\RIUHSURGXFWLRQ´)RXFDXOW )RXFDXOWDVVHUWVWKDWDW the end of the nineteenth century, the key social/discursive concerns revolved around marriage and the ability to fulfil the marital obligation, i.e. to procreate. However, the QLQHWHHQWK DQGWZHQWLHWKFHQWXULHVVDZ³DGLVSHUVLRQ RIVH[XDOLWLHVDVWUHQJWKHQLQJ RIWKHLU disparaWHIRUPVDPXOWLSOHLPSODQWDWLRQRIµSHUYHUVLRQV¶´ WKDWLVKHWHURJHQHRXV sexualities that deviated from the marital laws. We see thus a shift in the mechanisms of controlling sexuality, that is, from controlling sexual behaviour during the seventeenth and eighteenth century, to controlling sexuality with regards to regulating categories of people with a particular sexual behaviour.

More specifically, Foucault identifies four interrelated operations which demonstrate the positive and circulaWLQJ QDWXUH RI SRZHU DOO RI ZKLFK FRQWULEXWHG WR WKH µSHUYHUVH LPSODQWDWLRQ¶ )LUVWO\ VH[XDOLW\ EHFRPHV VHHQ DV D IXQGDPHQWDO DVSHFW RI RXU LGHQWLW\ RXU µLQQHU WUXWK¶ 6R IRU H[DPSOH ZKLOH EHIRUH WKH QLQHWHHQWK FHQWXU\ KRPRVH[XDO EHKDYLRXU (sodomy) was punished as a criminal act, after the nineteenth century homosexuality was not D VSHFLILF DFW EXW DQ H[SUHVVLRQ RI RQH¶V GHYLDQW  LGHQWLW\ 6H[XDOLW\ EHFDPH D WRRO WR LQWHUSUHW LQGLYLGXDOV¶ EHKDYLRXUV DQG SHUVRQDOLWLHV 6HFRQGO\ WKH FRQFHUQ ZLWK LQIDQWLle VH[XDOLW\ZDVPRUHWKDQVLPSO\UHSUHVVLQJDFKLOG¶VVH[XDOLW\,WZDVQRWRQO\DQH[FOXVLRQRI children from the realm of sexuality, but an expansion of the study of sexuality (and thus the possibility of individual and popular control) to other realms like the family relationship. Thirdly, the obsessive interest with sexual behaviour leads to the tendency to medicalise or SV\FKRORJLVH VH[XDOLW\ DQG DQ\ LQGLYLGXDOV ZKR H[SUHVVHG µLUUHJXODU¶ VH[XDO EHKDYLRXU

31

Sexual instincts became an object of scientific and medical study, a network of knowledge about sexuality, a scientia sexualis. This western science of sexuality constructs sexuality as DQ REMHFW RI VWXG\ D µQDWXUDO¶ SKHQRPHQRQ WKDW QHHGV WR EH µXQFRYHUHG¶ DQG µFRQWUROOHG¶ Lastly, the concern with sexuality not only did not silence sexuality but led Victorian society to view everything through the lens of sexuality, and most of all to view all aspects of family life through sex. The end result is that the reproductive heterosexual couple remains at the top RI WKH IDPLO\ WUHH DQG LV FRQVLGHUHG DV PRVW µQDWXUDO¶ DQG WKDW D ZKROH KRVW RI RWKHU E\ suspicion perverse sexualities emerge precisely because of the material effects of scientia

sexualis.

This volume of the History of Sexuality offers a very specific understanding of how bodies are constituted. Because of the intense interest in sexuality, it was inevitable that bodies ZRXOG DOVR EH D FHQWUH RI DWWHQWLRQ VLQFH NQRZOHGJH DERXW VH[ DQG VH[XDOLW\ ZDV µGHULYHG¶ from contact with bodies (Foucault, 1978). The body was very important in how scientia

sexualis was established, because it was through the studies of bodies that sexuality was µGLVFRYHUHG¶ DQG FRQVWLWXWHG DV DQ DUHD RI VFLHQWLILF LQYHVWLJDWLRQ 7KLV QHZ IRUP RI SRZHU was linked with pleasure LQWKHVHDUFKIRUµWUXWK¶DERXWVH[XDOLW\

The growth of perversions is not a moralising theme that obsessed the scrupulous minds of the Victorians. It is the real product of the encroachment of a type of power on bodies and their pleasures. It is possible that that the west has not been capable of inventing any new pleasures, and it has doubtless not discovered any original vices. But it had defined new rules for the game of power and pleasures. The frozen countenance of the perversions is a fixture of this game. (Foucault, 1978: 48)

32

Moreover, what is most significant about the History of Sexuality is the alternative understanding that Foucault offers of sexuality and the network of power-knowledge that constructed it. He demonstrates the evolution of how we understand bodies and sexuality, which took place under very specific historical circumstances. The role of power as a JHQHUDWLYH IRUFH LV FUXFLDO KHUH DV LW OLWHUDOO\ FUHDWHV QHZ GLPHQVLRQV RI LQGLYLGXDOV¶ H[LVWHQFH%DLOH\ IRUH[DPSOHWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIWKHµLGHQWLW\¶RIKRPRVH[XDOVDQG WKH EHKDYLRXU DQG FKDUDFWHULVWLFV WKDW DUH DWWDFKHG WR WKLV µLGHQWLW\¶  7KLV VXJJHVWV WKDW VH[XDOLW\LVDVRFLDOFRQVWUXFWWKDWFODLPVWRDUWLFXODWHVRPHWKLQJDERXWRQH¶VµLQQHUWUXWK¶$V Bailey (1993: 111) notes,

[Foucault] demands that we take seriously the positive and generative, as well as the negative and coHUFLYH SRVVLELOLWLHV RI WKH µZLOO WR NQRZOHGJH¶ ZKLFK LV D FRQWHPSRUDU\ H[SUHVVLRQRISRZHU,QWKHGULYHWKHFRQVXPHULVWQHHGIRUµWUXWK¶PRVWHVSHFLDOO\WKHGULYH for self-truth, identities are produced which simultaneously ground existence, and thus enable action, and also limit possibilities.

Considering sexuality as a social construct enables an understanding of bodies as not possessing a fixed biology or identity. This understanding has been of value to feminists because it not only disrupts the notion of stable categories of sex but also challenges any DQDO\VHV RI ZRPHQ¶V ERGLHV DQG WKHLU VH[XDOLW\ EDVHG RQ PRUH WUDGLWLRQDO XQGHUVWDQGLQJV such as the distinction between sex as the biological trait and gender as the cultural variable. The new forms of power Foucault illustrates, i.e. discipline and bio-SRZHU ³UHIXVH WKH SRVVLELOLW\RIDEVROXWHDQGILQDO FXOWXUDO WUDQVIRUPDWLRQ´%DLOH\   ,GHQWLWLHV DQG categories such as sex and gender can be historically traced as discursive constructions. For example the notion of gender has been historically bound within relations of power between PHQDQGZRPHQZKLOHWKHVHSRZHUUHODWLRQVKDYHEHHQMXVWLILHGE\WKHQRWLRQRIµVH[¶DVWKH 33

WUXWKEHKLQGZRPHQ¶VµLQIHULRULW\¶WRPHQ$VVXJJHVWHGWKHQWKis insight into the discursive construction of bodies and identities has greatly influenced many feminist theorists of bodies, gender identity and gender politics, such as (Butler, 1993; 1999) and Haraway (1991).

Returning to the regulation of bodies through normalising discourses of sexuality, Foucault (1978) also indicates how the Panoptic self-regulation obsession discussed in Discipline and

Punish was further encouraged through the confessional act. Here, Foucault adds to the religious act of confession other forms of confession such as the psychoanalytic therapy VHVVLRQ7KXVWKHUHLVDVKLIWIURPWKHDFWWKRXJKWWREHFRPSXOVRU\IRUWKHµVDOYDWLRQ¶RIWKH LQGLYLGXDO WR D ³YROXQWDU\ DFW RI GLVHQFXPEHUPHQW RU OLEHUDWLRQ IURP SK\VLFDO UHSUHVVLRQ´ (McNay, 1994: 97). Individuals seek the help of psychoanalysts and psychologists to speak of WKHLUµLQDGHTXDFLHV¶DQGUHOLHYHWKHPVHOYHVRIWKHSUHVVXUHVRIHYHU\GD\OLIH¶DQGUHO\RQWKH guidance and scientific knowOHGJHRIWKHVHµH[SHUWV¶LQZRUNLQJRQWKHLUVHOYHVWKHPVHOYHV  VRWKDWWKH\FDQILWµEHWWHU¶LQWRWKHQRUPVRIZHVWHUQVRFLHWLHV,Q)RXFDXOW¶VZRUGV

7KHREOLJDWLRQWRFRQIHVV>«@LVVRGHHSO\LQJUDLQHGLQXVWKDWZHQRORQJHUSHUFHLYHLWDV the effects of a power that constrain us; on the contrary, it seems to us that truth, lodged in our most secret nature, demands only to surface. (1978: 60)

In its most modern institution this regime of voluntary confession has developed into the occupational categories of life coaches (Paterson, 2006) where individuals who have been µXQDEOH¶WRµUHJXODWH¶WKHLUERGLHVRULQGHHGWKHLUEHKDYLRXURUWKHLUSV\FKH DUHµDEOH¶WRGR so with help from these experts.

Reality make-over shows ± another recent form of the confessional ± try to encourage and convince (mostly) women that taking care of themselves is vital to their identity and how 34

people perceive them. These shows arguably add a new dimension to how women can PDQLSXODWH WKHLU ERGLHV LQWR WKH µULJKW¶ PRXOG DV SURPRWHG E\ FRQWHPSRUDU\ :HVWHUQ XQGHUVWDQGLQJVRIEHDXW\DQGVH[LQHVV0RUHRYHUWKLVW\SLFDOO\FRPHVIURPµXQGHUQHDWK¶DQG PRUH VSHFLILFDOO\ XQGHUZHDU 7KH µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU FDQ VKDSH DQG FRQWURO WKH Eody to fit VRFLDOLPSHUDWLYHVDURXQGEHLQJIHPDOH7KHµXQGHUQHDWK¶WKXVEHFRPHVDQLPSRUWDQWHOHPHQW RIDZRPDQ¶VLGHQWLW\8QGHUZHDUDVWKHVXSSRUWRIWKHERG\DQGWKHRXWHUZHDUKDVDUJXDEO\ EHHQ YLWDO WR ZRPHQ¶V DSSHDUDQFH DV VHHQ LQ &KDSWHU  KRZHYHU recent makeover shows HPSKDVLVHWKDWSD\LQJDWWHQWLRQWRWKHµXQGHUQHDWK¶QRWRQO\VXSSRUWVDSSHDUDQFHEXWZRUNV as a tool for self-improvement and self-confidence.

This specific instance of how power is situated and exercised at the micro level of bodies in a Foucauldian reading of course lies at the heart of this thesis. Everyday practices such as ZHDULQJ WKH µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU FDQ KDYH YDULRXV PHDQLQJV IRU WKH ZRPDQ KHUVHOI EXW DOVR theoretically for all others whom she encounters, by whom the woman arguably comes to believe she is constantly under surveillance, even though her underwear is not (usually) visible. Indeed what we notice here again is that power does not operate on individuals VLPSO\ YLD H[WHUQDO VRFLHWDO µFRQVWUDLQWV¶ ,Q )RXFDXOW¶V ODWHU works especially, he explores KRZLQGLYLGXDOVDFWXSRQWKHLURZQZD\VRIEHLQJDQGDUHQRWMXVWµGRFLOHERGLHV¶,QKLVRZQ words,

[i]f one wants to analyse the genealogy of the subject in Western civilisation, one has to take into account not only the technologies of domination but also technologies of self. One has to show the interaction between these two types of the self. When I was studying asylums, prisons and so on, I perhaps insisted too much on the technologies of domination. What we call discipline is something really important in this kind of institution. But it is only one aspect of the art of governing people in our societies. (Foucault, 1985a: 367)

35

7KLVWXUQWRDPRUHµDFWLYH¶VXEMHFWLVLPSRUWDQWWRQRWHEHFDXVH)RXFDXOWKDVEHHQFULWLFLVHG for his lack of an account of agency. Nevertheless, his theories can be used and have been used, by Foucauldian feminists, as a tool in understanding something about living a feminine identity or becoming feminine. A later section in this chapter focuses on such conceptualisations. However, as McNay (1992; 1994) VWUHVVHV VRPH RI )RXFDXOW¶V ODWHU works do question how individuals come to relate to and construct themselves in an effort for improYHPHQW 0F1D\   QRWHV WKDW WKLV WXUQ LQ )RXFDXOW¶V ZRUN HPSOR\V FRQFHSWV RI autonomy and reflexivity. His concept of technologies of the self is particularly important, EHFDXVH LW FRPSOHPHQWV KLV HDUOLHU ZRUN RQ SRZHU ZKLFK DUJXDEO\ ³UHVXOWHG LQ D RQeGLPHQVLRQDO DFFRXQW RI VRFLDO DJHQWV DV µGRFLOH ERGLHV¶ DQG D FRUUHVSRQGLQJO\ PRQROLWKLF DFFRXQWRISRZHU´0F1D\ 

2.4  Technologies  of  the  self:  Foucault  and  self-­stylising   The technologies of the self give an account of subjectivity that was said to be previously PLVVLQJ IURP )RXFDXOW¶V ZRUN 7KH FRQFHSW SURYLGHV DQ DQDO\VLV RI KRZ ZH FRPH WR understand ourselves as subjects. Thus identity for the later Foucault is not simply imposed by the 'technologies of domination' but is also "actively determined by individuals through the deployment of 'practices' of the self" (McNay, 1999:96), an ongoing process. Indeed, )RXFDXOWUHFRJQLVHVWKHLPSRUWDQFHRIVXFKWHFKQLTXHVDQGFDOOVWKHPµDUWVRIH[LVWHQFH¶

those intentional and voluntary actions by which men [sic] not only set themselves rules of conduct, but also seek to transform themselves, to change themselves in their singular being, and to make their life into an °XYUH that carries certain aesthetic values and meets certain stylistic criteria. (Foucault, 1985b: 10-11, emphasis in original)

36

The two later volumes of The History of Sexuality, namely The Use of Pleasure (1985b) and

The Care of the Self (1986), along with The Technologies of the Self (1988b), are especially important here. In the last two volumes of The History of Sexuality, Foucault (rather XQFKURQRORJLFDOO\  GLVFXVVHV WKH µDUWV RI H[LVWHQFH¶ RI $QFLHQW *UHHN DQG &ODVVLFDO 5RPDQ societies and the differences between their codes of behaviour. In the later Classical Roman era, subjectification - how individuals come to define and understand themselves as subjects he suggests, occurs through a juridical form of moral codes, to which the individual was expected to conform. In contrast, the Ancient Greek perspective on ethics left more freedom to the individual to interpret and live out appropriate forms of behaviour according to their own preferences. However, the arts of existence were a project only for the privileged adult male citizens in Ancient Greece.

Despite the admittedly sexist nature of this phenomenon, Foucault develops a theory of the ethics of the self based on the idea of self-mastery and moderation that characterises the classical practices. The self-mastery principle had to do with the daily conduct of the Ancient Greeks and more specifically the intensity of their practices and how they distinguished between activity and passivity. Restraint and excess mostly governed their idea of monogamous relationships with their wives and the pervasive sense that being faithful was a matter of self-mastery and not an obligation. The activity and passivity dualism had to do mostly with sexual activity with their loved objects, mainly boys. In order to be a free man and a master of himself, an Ancient Greek man could not be the object of passivity and VRPHRQHHOVH¶VSOHDVXUH)RXFDXOW :KDW)RXFDXOWYDOXHVPRUHDERXWWKHHWKLFVRIWKH self as practised by the Ancient Greeks however was the degree of autonomy that an individual exercised in relation to the more general codes of ethics in that society. In contrast with the Ancient Greeks, Christian ethics had more to do with the subordination of an

37

LQGLYLGXDO¶VPRUDOLW\WRWKHUXOHVRIFRQGXFWVHWE\WKHV\VWHP7KH$QFLHQW*UHHNV¶Drts of existence were practices that did not submit to such normalising. They were governed by a principle of autonomous aesthetics of the self and they sought to stylise themselves in a way that maximised pleasure and beauty in life. So, technologies of the self for Foucault are an act of self-stylisation:

[They] permit individuals to effect by their own means or with the help of others a certain number of operations on their bodies and souls, thoughts, conduct, and way of being, so as to transform themselves in order to attain a certain state of happiness, purity, wisdom, perfection, or immortality. (1988b: 18)

Foucault asserts that the study of morality and the relationship to self in Antiquity can be helpful in modern times in terms of contemporary ethical thinking. On the one hand Foucault urges us to defamiliarise ourselves with contemporary western practices of the self; that is, to UHVLVWIRUH[DPSOH ZHVWHUQXQGHUVWDQGLQJVRIDQGLPSHUDWLYHVDURXQGIHPLQLQLW\DVWKHµRQH¶ way to be a woman. On the RWKHUKDQG)RXFDXOWDUJXHVWKDWZHQHHGWRVHDUFKIRUµDHVWKHWLFV¶ of the self through the disappearing of moral codes. In antiquity for example morality was achieved not because of the strict obedience of the law, but through the relationship with the selI DQG WKH SUDFWLFHV RU WHFKQLTXHV ZLWK ZKLFK LQGLYLGXDOV DFKLHYHG DQ HWKLFDO VHOI ³D principle of stylization of conduct for those who wished to give their existence the most JUDFHIXODQGDFFRPSOLVKHGIRUPSRVVLEOH´)RXFDXOWE-1). In contemporary times Foucault argues for resistance to power and for utilisation of such practices or technologies that can achieve self-transformation, on an ongoing basis.

In this respect technologies of the self can be utilised as a concept to help us understand various practices and behaviours that aim to act upon the body in order to achieve self38

improvement. Entwistle (2000a) for example explains that they can help us understand PRGHUQWHFKQLTXHVXWLOLVHGE\LQGLYLGXDOVWRµIDVKLRQ¶WKHPVelves. She particularly refers to SRZHU GUHVVLQJ DV D WHFKQRORJ\ RI WKH VHOI WR VKRZ WKDW WKH µUXOHV¶ RI SRZHU GUHVVLQJ DUH presented by western culture to women as a way of succeeding in the workplace. Technologies of the self have also been utilised by Jantzen et al. (2006) to explain the appropriation of lingerie by women to (re)construct themselves as feminine. They stress that underwear produces bodily sensations such as pleasure, arousal or even pain that help women WRµPDQDJH¶WKHLUFRQFHSWLRQRIWKHmselves. The authors argue that technologies of the self

[are] not a neutral set of artefacts and practices for exercising power over things and µRWKHUV¶>7KH\DUH@DUXOHEDVHGRQDVHWRIDFWLRQVE\PHDQVRILQVWUXPHQWVWKDWDOVRDIIHFW and transform the agent in the process of exercising power. The experiential aspects of technology are precisely due to the fact that the very instruments of technology constrain

and JXLGHLWVDJHQWVLQWRWKHµSURSHU¶XVHRIWKHLUERGLHVWKHUHE\HQKDQFLQJVSHFLILFIHHOLQgs and sensations. (Jantzen et al., 2006: 183, emphasis in original)

Both the above examples are illustrative of how technologies of the self are interlinked with and dependent upon the prevailing discourses of femininity. They are not ahistorical, freefloating or a simple matter of choice. So self stylising is

the way in which the subject constitutes himself [sic] in an active fashion, by the practices of the self, [but] these practices are nevertheless not something that the individual invents by himself. They are patterns that he finds in his culture and which are proposed, suggested and imposed on him by his culture, his society and his social group. (Foucault, 1988a: 11)

In the example of EntwLVWOH¶VSRZHUGUHVVLQJVKHVXJJHVWVWKDWLWFDQEHVHHQDVDWHFKQRORJ\ of the self precisely because the prevailing discourses back in the 1980s (when power 39

dressing first emerged as a specific set of practices) around how professional women should be drHVVHG DW ZRUN LQFRUSRUDWHG WKH QRWLRQ RI WKH µHQWHUSULVLQJ VHOI¶ ³VRPHRQH ZKR ZDV ambitious, self-PDQDJLQJ LQGLYLGXDOLVWLF´ E   3URIHVVLRQDO ZRPHQ XVHG SRZHU dressing as a way of acting on themselves and as a stylising strategy that would communicate their feelings of confidence, empowerment and success to others. Similarly Jantzen et al. (2006) suggest that the consumption and use of a specific type of underwear ± lingerie ± and the feelings it produces for women creates experiences of femininity which in turn have effects on their identities.

For example Jantzen et al.  FRQVLGHUIHPLQLQLW\QRWDVD³VWDEOHNHUQHO´S WREH surfaced or reflected in certain practices, but as something located and (re)constructed in specific experiences ± like the sensations of wearing lingerie ± DQG ZKLFK µUHDIILUP¶ ZKDW IHPLQLQLW\µIHHOV¶ like. Relatedly Budgeon (2003) asserts that any technique that individuals adopt to improve and reconfigure their body, appearance and self is central to their identity (2003: 35-55). Women, for example, use technologies such as make-XS GUHVV RU µVSHFLDO¶ underwear in order to improve or transform their bodies and thus to (re)fashion their identity. Underwear then can be considered in this framework because of the bodily sensations it can induce and the resulting effect both on external appearance and identity.

However, Foucault can be seen to fail to analyse the process through which the technologies of the self are practised in a self-aware, reflexive manner. McNay (1994: 155) argues that this failure

arises in part because the reliance on an unexamined notion of aesthetics appears to block a thorough analysis of the power relations which overdetermine the interaction between the LQGLYLGXDOV¶EHKDYLRXUDQGWKHZLGHUVRFLDOFRQWH[W

40

She argues that such an analysis is important in order to distinguish between the use of the technologies of the self as a reflexive and self-aware practice and their use as a reproduction of social imperatives, something which is arguably more akin to the self-surveillance produced via the Panoptic disciplinary regimes. The self-stylisation practices that Foucault introduces as practices of the self need, she argues, to be seen as embodied and more situated practices. McNay offers the example of consumption as a technology of the self and how a deeper analysis is needed in order to distinguish conspicuous consumption or, as Bourdieu KDV LW D ³VLJQ RI GLVWLQFWLRQ´ 0F1D\   IURP DQ act of resistance to normalising GLVFRXUVH 6R WKH HWKLFV RI WKH VHOI µSURSHUO\¶ VXUIDFH DW WKH PRPHQW ZKHQ LQGLYLGXDOV critically examine the process by which they come to understand culturally determined notions of identity. The problem arising here is that, in order to make such a distinction, a more precise analysis of a more situated practice is necessary to show how technologies of the self are experienced. Issues of embodiment are important here as the lived body needs to surface for such an analysis to take place. More specifically, the conceptualisation of underwear as a technology of the self needs to be explored as an embodied practice in order to analyse the elements of reflexivity present - or otherwise - LQHDFKZRPDQ¶VH[SHULHQFHRI her underwear. In Jantzen et al.  ¶V ZRUN OLQJHULH LV VHHQ DV D WHFKQRORJ\ RI WKH VHOI EHFDXVH RI WKH LQWHQVH VHQVDWLRQV LW SURGXFHV IRU WKH ERG\ DIIHFWLQJ ZRPHQ¶V RYHUDOO behaviour as well as identity. However if these intense sensations are merely reaffirming the feeling of being female according to the social ideals of femininity, then is there space for or any likelihood of resistance? Indeed, Grimshaw (1993) argues that it is difficult to distinguish which practices are those of freedom and which are mere internalisation of norms that undermine autonomy. This is according to Grimshaw where Foucault can turn against himself, since as she argues there might not be any difference between a male and a female

41

body-builder, when the latter is seemingly resisting imperatives around the elegant and delicate female body.

Bearing this in mind then, are we merely talking about the reflexivity exercised by the individuals when they use technologies of the self? Is any practice that is removed from the level of practical consciousness to the level of reflexivity a technology of the self? How is that process experienced? These are indeed some theoretical problems arising within the later ZRUNRI)RXFDXOW7KXV,GUDZRQ3LHUUH%RXUGLHX¶VFRQFHSWVRIKDELWXVILHOGVDnd capital as a possible framework that could allow for such an analysis and also give us an insight into the relation between these micro-level practices of the self and the macro level of the social FRQWH[W7KHQH[WVHFWLRQJLYHVDQDFFRXQWRI%RXUGLHX¶s sociology of embodiment and how LWFDQEHXWLOLVHGDVDWRROIRUDQDO\VLQJZRPHQ¶VFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDUDQGWKHIDFWRUV that affect it.

2.5  Embodiment  and  habitus:  Bourdieu  and  the  logic  of  practice   3LHUUH %RXUGLHX¶V VRFLRORJ\ KDV EHHQ FRPPHQGHG IRU bridging objective and subjective approaches to understanding the world. His way of engaging both with structuralist conceptions of the body and social phenomenology was to develop the concept of habitus. 7KH KDELWXV LV D VRFLDOO\ FRQVWLWXWHG V\VWHP RI ³GXUDEOH WUDQVSRVDEOH GLVSRVLWLRQV´ (Bourdieu, 1994: 95) ZKLFK SURGXFHV WKH µPHFKDQLVPV¶ ZLWK ZKLFK SHRSOH RSHUDWH LQ WKHLU social worlds. In other words, habitus is our acquired and learned ways of being and of doing, through socialisation and practice in a specific milieu. The habitus is the material conditions in which a person grows up, starting from early childhood, incarnated and embodied within WKH LQGLYLGXDO DQG ZKLFK LV VKDSHG SULPDULO\ E\ KLVKHU FODVV SRVLWLRQV :H FDQ µVHH¶ WKH habitus when we make taken-for-granted choices regarding our food, dress, hobbies, 42

activities etc. The habitus is not merely our sense of style: it is also embodied and inscribed in our body as our shape, posture, way of sitting or walking, facial expressions, tone of voice and other bodily manifestations.

7R IXOO\ FRPSUHKHQG %RXUGLHX¶V QRWLRQ RI KDELWXV ZH QHHG WR XQGHUVWDQG KLV DWWHPSW WR create a theoretical model of social practice. He tries to explain what people do in their daily lives, without taking anything for granted. While Foucault asserts that social practices cannot be experienced or understood outside discourse, similarly for Bourdieu social practice is ORFDWHGLQDQGFDQQRWEHXQGHUVWRRGRXWVLGHWLPHDQGVSDFH3UDFWLFHDOVRKDVµORJLF¶

The practical mastery of the logic or the imminent necessity of a game ± a mastery acquired by experience of the game, and one which works outside conscious control and discourse (in the way that, for instance, techniques of the body do). (Bourdieu, 1990a: 61)

%RXUGLHX¶VFRQVLGHUDWLRQRIVRFLDOOLIHDVDJDPHSUHVXSSRVHVWKHµUXOHVRIWKHJDPH¶DVWKH rules of social life and, secondly, a competence to play the game; that is, social competence. To illustrate, Lovell (2000: 13) refers to the example of women who cross-dressed and lived as men in the military in Northern Europe from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries, when they were not permitted to serve. Her example shows us that the way these women acquired the necessary dispositions required by the habitus of the military indicated a highly GHYHORSHG µIHHO IRU WKH JDPH¶ LQDVPXFK DV WKH\ DVVXPHG WKH DSSURSULDWH ERGLO\ µKH[LV¶ %RGLO\µKH[LV¶IRU%RXUGLHXLV

political mythology realized, em-bodied, turned into a permanent disposition, a durable way of standing, speaking, walking, and thereby of feeling and thinking. (Bourdieu, 1990b: 6970, emphasis in original)

43

Moreover, such practice - however competent and habitus-specific - for Bourdieu lacks conscious deliberation: that is, people take their social world for granted, having thus the LOOXVLRQWKDWHYHU\WKLQJLQWKHVRFLDOZRUOGLVµWUXH¶DQGµQHFHVVDU\¶%RXUGLHXUHIHUVWRWKLVDV µGR[D¶

The coincidence of the objective structures and the internalized structures which provides the illusion of immediate understanding, characteristic of practical experience of the familiar universe, and which at the same time excludes from that experience any inquiry as to its own conditions of possibility. (Bourdieu, 1990b: 20)

7KLV QRWLRQ RI µGR[D¶ FRQFXUV ZLWK )RXFDXOW¶V DQDO\VLV RI GLVFRXUVHV DQG KRZ WKH\ (re)produce social practices which become understooGDVµQDWXUDO¶HJWKHDFWRIFRQIHVVLRQ DVH[HPSOLILHGLQVHHNLQJDOLIHFRDFKRUSXWWLQJRQPDNHXSWRµHPERG\¶IHPLQLQLW\RUHYHQ undergoing plastic surgery. Bourdieu suggests that, even though people are characterised by doxa in the negotiation of their everyday lives, these practices are both conscious and unconscious. People might be strategically thinking, moving and acting although they are not conscious that they are always influenced by the values and expectations of their habitus . Bourdieu (1990b) argues that there is a pre-reflexive level of practical mastery that is FRQVWLWXWLYH RI ³UHDVRQDEOH´ EXW QRW ³UDWLRQDO EHKDYLRXU´ D   7KH H[DPSOH RI a tennis player is illustrative of these pre-reflexive motions, as the player does not consciously WKLQN DERXW KLV RU KHU VWURNHV GXULQJ D JDPH 3UDFWLFDO VHQVH LQ FRQYHUWHG ³LQWR PRWRU VFKHPHV DQG ERG\ DXWRPDWLVPV´ RI WKH WHQQLV SOD\HU DQG µFDXVHV¶ D SUDFWLFH ZKLFK LV ³VHQVLEOH´%RXUGLHXE RUµUHDVRQDEOH¶LQWKLVFRQWH[W Thus, according to Bourdieu embodied habitus results on many occasions in pre-reflexive motions that are not consciously SHUIRUPHG IRU H[DPSOH WKH ERG\¶V SRVWXUH RU DQ DFFHQW LQ VSHDNLQJ  2Q WKLV PDWWHU however, Bourdieu has been criticised in terms of WKHLPSRVVLELOLW\DOPRVWIRUµWKHIHHOIRU 44

WKH JDPH¶ DQG WKH FKDUDFWHULVWLFV RI DQ\ RQH KDELWXV WR EH LPLWDWHG ,I ERGLO\ KH[LV ZKLFK DSSHDUVµQDWXUDO¶LVLPSRVVLEOHWROHDUQZLWKRXWH[SHULHQFHRUVRFLDOLVLQJLQWKDWKDELWXVWKHQ how come for example the cross-dressed women in the military could have such a strong µIHHO IRU WKH JDPH¶ DQG EH VR FRQYLQFLQJ LQ WKHLU PDVFXOLQH DQG µVROGLHUO\¶ ERGLO\ KH[LV" (Lovell, 2000: 14).

McNay agrees that, indeed, Bourdieu has been criticised for determinism and stasis in the QRWLRQRIKDELWXV³DQLQH[RUDEOHSK\VLFDOFRQWUROQRWGLVVLPLODUWRWKH)RXFDXOGLDQQRWLRQRI GLVFLSOLQH´(2000: 38)+RZHYHUDVVKHVWUHVVHVWKHVHFULWLTXHVKDYHIDLOHGWRVHH%RXUGLHX¶V insistenFHRQKDELWXVDVDJHQHUDWLYHVWUXFWXUH,QGHHGWKHKDELWXVZRUNVLQWZRZD\V³>LW@LV both the generative principle of objectively classifiable judgements and the system of FODVVLILFDWLRQ >@ RI WKHVH SUDFWLFHV´ (Bourdieu, 1984: 170). The habitus is a system of FODVVLILFDWLRQVDVHWRIWDVWHVDQGDµZRUOGYLHZ¶WKDWVKDSHVSHUFHSWLRQV7KXVWKHHYHU\GD\ practice of people in their social worlds functions below the level of consciousness. As Crossley notes on this matter,

>D@Q DJHQW¶V KDELWXV LV DQ DFWLYH UHVLGXH RU VHGLPHQW RI WKHLU SDVW H[SHULHQFHV ZKLFK functions within their present, shaping their perception, thought and action and thereby shaping social practice in a regular way. (2001: 93)

So Bourdieu (2005) argues that the habitus is a long lasting system rather than a permanent one and individuals can be inventive and improvise in their practices due to this generative VFKHPD ZLWKLQ OLPLWV +H VWUHVVHV WKDW ZKHQ DQ LQGLYLGXDO¶V GLVSRVLWLRQV LH PRGH RI behaviour, encounter conditions which are different to those which have constructed them, i.e. moving to a different context or what Bourdieu calls field, there is a dialectical FRQIURQWDWLRQ³EHWZHHQKDELWXVDVVWUXFWXUHGVWUXFWXUHDQGREMHFWLYHVWUXFWXUHV´ , 45

could not think of a more illustrative example here than that of Andy Sachs in The Devil

Wears Prada, the film adaptation oI/DXUHQ:HLVEHUJHU¶V QRYHO$QG\DMRXUQDOLVP graduate who gets a job as a junior assistant in the demanding (and very different from her own) world of fashion magazines, has a hard time adjusting to the ways of behaviour, dress and even walking of the other women in her new job. Her style, appearance and her taste are ODXJKHGDW$WILUVW$QG\UHIXVHVWREHµDVVLPLODWHG¶EXWHYHQWXDOO\VKHDFFHSWVKHUQHZILHOG and its associated habitus and even celebrates it. She slowly acquires new dispositions (e.g. running in high heels) as demanded but also generated by this new field. When this happens, she becomes unacceptable in her old field since her best friend and even her boyfriend cannot DFFHSWRUHYHQXQGHUVWDQGKHUµQHZ¶LGHQWLW\

Thus the generative power of the habitus lies in the relation between the habitus and the social situation, the field. Indeed, there is a dialogical relation here: the objective structures of a field condition the habitus and then the habitus is constitutive of the field as it gives it PHDQLQJV DQG YDOXHV 2U DV 0F1D\    GHVFULEHV LW WKHUH LV D ³UHODWLRQ RI FRQGLWLRQLQJ´ RQ WKH RQH KDQG DQG D ³UHODWLRQ RI FRJQLWLYH FRQVWUXFWLRQ´ RQ WKH RWKHU 6KH explains that

[t]his dialogical relation can be understood in temporal terms where the incorporation into the body of objective tendencies of the world is lived as seemingly natural physical and emotional dispositions. (2000: 38)

7KHµQDWXUDOQHVV¶RIGLVSRVLWLRQ- the traits and characteristics acquired wiWKLQRQH¶VKDELWXVLVFHQWUDOWR%RXUGLHX¶VWKHRU\RIWKHVRFLDOFRQVWUXFWLRQRIJHQGHU,Q Masculine Domination (2001) he locates the social construction of gender in the invocation of biology to explain hiVWRULFDOO\SURGXFHGVRFLDOGLIIHUHQFHDVµQDWXUDO¶,QWKHFDVHRIWKHµFDWHJRULHV¶RIZRPHQ 46

RU PHQ KLHUDUFKLFDO UHODWLRQV DUH HPEHGGHG XSRQ WKH ERGLO\ µKH[LV¶ DQG WKHQ EHFRPH naturalised: the acquisition of a gender identity is not conscious, rather it is a learnt process of DFTXLUHGGLVSRVLWLRQVDVVXPHGWREHµQDWXUDO¶7KHKLVWRULFDOO\DQGVRFLDOO\SURGXFHGSRZHU relations between women and men present the gender dualism as doxic and natural. It is, however, a historical relation between women and men that is structured within the habitus and appears as legitimate: the construction of gender relies on the historical inscriptions of GLVSRVLWLRQVWKDWPDNHXVµJHQGHULQWHOOLJLEOH¶

Even though Bourdieu has not engaged directly with feminist thought, he is nevertheless FULWLFDORIWKLVVWDELOLVDWLRQRIJHQGHUUHODWLRQV%RXUGLHX +HWDONVRIWKHµSDUDGR[RI GR[D¶ EHFDXVH HYHQ WKRXJK GR[LF SUDFWLFHV ZKLFK DUH SHUIRUPHG HYHU\ GD\ PD\ KDYH WKH effect of producing change, in the case of gender relations, there is a paradoxical doxic VWDELOLW\ WKDW SURGXFHV WKH HIIHFW RI µQDWXUDO¶ GXDOLVPV %RXUGLHX   +H VXJJHVWV WKDW gender identity is somatised, inscribed on the body and expressed as various traits and dispositions which have become ahistorically connected with gender. For example the prevailing western idea that women are more nurturing and sensitive than men is often thought to be a natural trait and not a socially constructed set of behaviours. For Bourdieu, people (social agents) submit to sociDO µRUWKRGR[\¶ EHFDXVH RI ZKDW KH WHUPV µV\PEROLF YLROHQFH¶

A gentle violence, imperceptible and invisible even to its victims, exerted for the most part through the purely symbolic channels of communication and cognition (more precisely, misrecognition), recognition or even feeling. This extraordinary social relation thus offers an opportunity to grasp the logic of the domination exerted in the name of a symbolic principle known and recognised by the dominant and the dominated ± a language (or a

47

pronunciation), a lifestyle (or a way of thinking, speaking and acting) ±

and, more

generally, a distinctive property, whether emblem or stigma. (2001: 1-2)

The effects of this paradoxical doxa are the naturalisation and somatisation of social order and hierarchical relations which render masculine domination ahistorical and dehistoricised, in the form of everyday practices that draw upon the notion of the physical and psychological superiority of men over women.

Bourdieu often draws upon examples from the field of sports, since these can illustrate how ERGLHVDFWDVPHGLDWLQJHQWLWLHVEHWZHHQVRFLDODQGVSDWLDO³SURFHVVHVRISRZHUUHSURGXFWLRQ DQG FKDQJH´ (Brown, 2006: 163). The characteristic of aggressiveness often portrayed by male athletes is an example of the dehistoricisation of masculine domination. Such a GLVSRVLWLRQLVWKRXJKWWREHµQDWXUDO¶DQGDUHVXOWRIHYROXWLRQLQVWHDGRIDVRFLDOO\FRQVWUXFWHG disposition that reaffirms the very same field that has generated it. Bourdieu thinks that vision or observation results in identifying gender differences and dualisms in and on the body, VLPLODUO\WR)RXFDXOW¶VQRWLRQRIWKHVXUYHLOOHGERG\DQGKRZVRFLDOVXUYHLOODQFHUHFRJQLVHV expects and requires individuals to be normalised according to the prevailing discourses. For example observing a person wearing a skirt is usually taken to mean that person is a female and, if not, they are thought to be odd or abnormal. Indeed, as Brown succinctly puts it, ³VRFLDODJHQts assume the differentiated image of men and women to be natural, thus setting XS D µFLUFXODU FDXVDOLW\¶ RI REVHUYDWLRQ VRPDWLVDWLRQ DQG QDWXUDOL]DWLRQ´    +H UHIHUVWRWKHH[DPSOHRI+H\ZRRGDQG'ZDUNLQ¶VVWXG\RIFKLOGUHQ:KHQORRNLQJDWZRmen bodybuilders, girls were disgusted by the images and said that they would never want to be like these women and boys often turned away from looking at them. This lead Brown to VXJJHVW WKDW DORQJ ZLWK WKH IHHOLQJV DQG HPRWLRQV WKDW D µWUDQVJUHVVLYH JHQGHU YLVLRQ¶ FDQ

48

create, there is also a physical reaction. It seems that boys have a far more intense reaction to an image of a woman that is different from what they understand as normative.

Moi (1991) likewise stresses the importance of understanding how socially produced power relations between the sexes can act on the body and become doxic, since

our habitus is at once produced and expressed through our movements, gestures, facial expressions, manners, ways of walking, and ways of looking at the world. The socially produced body is thus necessarily also a political body, or rather an embodied politics. Thus even such basic activities as teaching children how to move, dress, and eat are thoroughly political, in that they impose on them an unspoken understanding of legitimate ways to UH SUHVHQWWKHLUERG\WRWKHPVHOYHVDQGRWKHUV7KHERG\>«@EHFRPHVDNLQGRIFRQVWDQW UHPLQGHU>«@RIVRFLRVH[XDOSRZHUUHODWLRQVS

Indeed Bourdieu (2001) argues that social identity starts with sex identity and the experience of the parental body at home, i.e. the conventional/doxic sexual division of labour in the KRXVH (DUO\ FKLOGKRRG H[SHULHQFHV ZLOO VKDSH WKH FKLOG¶V ORJLF RI SUDFWLFH LQ WHUPV RI WKH wider structural context and some features learnt during this time like posture, language, meanings and values or taste will be objectified to form the habitus. While, as argued in the previous section, the habitus is not static, it is nevertheless present in all our everyday practices, even the most mundane ones. It influences our taste and lifestyles, which is SDUWLFXODUO\LPSRUWDQWWRWKLVWKHVLV,QWKHIROORZLQJVHFWLRQWKHQ,GLVFXVV%RXUGLHX¶VQRWLRQV of capital, social fields and taste as an aesthetic judgment.

49

2.6  Having  a  sense  of  distinction:  Bourdieu,  capital  and  social  fields   'HVSLWH %RXUGLHX¶V ODWHU ZRUNV RQ JHQGHU KH LV EHWWHU NQRZQ DQG PRVWO\ XVHG E\ RWKHU authors for his theory of social class and distinction. His famous work Distinction (1984) develops a framework to explain the factors that influence social distinction and taste of individuals. According to Bourdieu, and as we have seen, the habitus is a system that is DFTXLUHG E\ D OLWHUDO LQWHJUDWLRQ RI VWUXFWXUHV DQG SUDFWLFHV ,W FRQVLVWV RI µVWUXctured VWUXFWXULQJVWUXFWXUHV¶6RDQDJHQWLVLQYROYHGLQVWUXFWXUHGSUDFWLFHVHJDQDUWORYHUZKR was born in an art-loving family - structured structures - then uses these dispositions to appreciate art - structuring structures (Bourdieu, 1984; 1990a). Different habituses thus produce different lifestyles ZKLFK ³EHFRPH VLJQ V\VWHPV WKDW DUH VRFLDOO\ TXDOLILHG DV µGLVWLQJXLVKHG¶ µYXOJDU¶ HWF ´    7DVWH LV WKH ³JHQHUDWLYH IRUPXOD´ RI OLIHVW\OHV (ibid.) - that is, the way that people relate to objects and practices - and ultimately marks the GLVSRVLWLRQV WKDW GHILQH SHRSOH¶V VHQVH RI GLVWLQFWLRQ RU GLIIHUHQFH $V %RXUGLHX¶V IDPRXV TXRWH JRHV ³7DVWH FODVVLILHV DQG LW FODVVLILHV WKH FODVVLILHU´    7DVWH LV ILUVW RI DOO distaste, disgust related to the taste of others. It is the predisposition to appropriate classified and classifying objects or practices (Bourdieu, 1984: 173), which it transforms into GLVWLQFWLYHVLJQVDQGIHDWXUHVH[SUHVVLYHRIWKHDJHQW¶VKDELWXVDQGFODVVFRQGLWLRQ. Taste is moreover a disposition that marks social boundaries as it demonstrates cultural classifications.

%RXUGLHX¶VPDSRIFXOWXUDOWDVWHLQ Distinction argues that tastes and preferences correspond to levels of education and habitus-specific social class. He asserts that the petit bourgeoisie is the class that has the most difficulty in distinguishing a sense of taste because they want to differentiate themselves from the working class. However, they lack the education for/of µOHJLWLPDWHWDVWH¶DQGRn the other hand they lack the dispositions that have, as an effect, the 50

µQDWXUDOQHVV¶RIµJRRG¶WDVWHDQGµVRSKLVWLFDWHG¶DHVWKHWLFVOLNHWKHRQHVWKDWWKHXSSHUFODVV KDVµOHDUQW¶VLQFHELUWK)RU%RXUGLHXIXUWKHUPRUHLQGLYLGXDOV¶VWUXJJOHVIRULPSURYHment in their social position are characterised by the manipulation of their cultural representations of the field they are situated in. These struggles have partly to do with their effort to establish the superiority of their taste and their lifestyle over others.

So the other crucial dimension of social practice in the work of Bourdieu is the principle of µVRFLDO ILHOGV¶ (YHQ WKRXJK , KDYH SUHYLRXVO\ UHIHUUHG WR KLV QRWLRQ RI WKH ILHOG LW LV important to clearly define it. In an interview with Wacquant, Bourdieu gives a more explicit definition of what this notion means:

I define a field as a network, or a configuration, of objective relations between positions objectively defined, in their existence and in the determinations they impose upon their occupants, agents or institutions, by their present and potential situation ( situs) in the structure of the distribution of species of power (or capital) whose possession commands access to the specific profits that are at stake in the field, as well as by their objective relation to other positions (domination, subordination, homology, etc.). (Bourdieu cited in Wacquant, 1989: 39)

The concept of social fields has been widely used and is especially useful in studies of cultural production and consumption because it helps to analyse a particular social practice DQG WKH UHODWLRQV EHWZHHQ DOO WKH SDUWLFLSDQWV ³FRQVXPHUV DQG SURGXFHUV LQGLYLGXDOV DQG LQVWLWXWLRQV VXEMHFWLYLWLHV DQG VWUXFWXUHV´ 0DJXLUH   VHH DOVR (QWZLVWOH DQG Rocamora, 2006). Even though Bourdieu often uses the notions of field, social field or cultural field synonymously and with no explanation, he nevertheless defines the field as a social arena within which social struggle takes place. His notion of fields has been widely

51

used to understand specific social arenas, for example the field of fitness (Maguire, 2008). Maguire explains that a cultural field is a network of producers, consumers, texts and sites that produces particular meanings for the individuals in that field. A new cultural field can only emerge when there is a space for new cultural goods, created by social change and new FXOWXUDOFRQGLWLRQV,WDOVRUHTXLUHVµSOD\HUV¶ERWKFRQVXPHUVDQGSURGXFHUVZKRZLOOLGHQWLI\ that the goods of the field, as well as the field itself (including its rules), are both legitimate and important. This, however, is a matter of having the appropriate dispositions embedded in HDFKLQGLYLGXDO¶VKDELWXVWKHSDUWLFLSDWLQJVRFLDODFWRUVZLOOQeed to have the preferences and taste required for the field to make sense. As Maguire points out,

embedded in particular socio-cultural conditions, fields involve the interconnections between a core group of consumers, a defined set of nodes for participation and commentary upon participation (particular sites, products, and texts), and field-specific forms of capital that enable the struggles between actors ± both producers and consumers. (2008: 7)

Another illustrative example of a cultural field is that of fashion which, like all fields, can be mapped according to the relations between its players who are responsible for designing, producing, marketing and retailing clothes as well as consuming them. According to Entwistle and Rocamora (2006) the field of fashion can be seen as a set of relations between these institutions and agents just as Bourdieu looks at the French field of high fashion in the VLQµ/H&RXWXULHUHWVD*ULIIH¶%RXUGLHXDQG'HOVDXWFLWHGLQ(QWZLVWOHDQG5RFDPRUD 2006), and more specifically at the relations between designers and couture houses. Entwistle and Rocamora (2006) offer the example of London Fashion Week, an important event which can be defined as an institution within the field of fashion. It makes the field visible and also contributes to its reproduction. What they find important is how the visible boundaries of the field are so evident in the case of London Fashion Week since only those key players in the 52

field, mainly celebrities, important designers, journalists and buyers, are allowed to enter. Thus, similar to the field of fitness, key players in the field render it legitimate and important. 7KHKDELWXVDQG%RXUGLHX¶VQRWLRQRIWDVWHDQGFDSLWDODUHDWSOD\KHUHVLQFHRQO\WKHDJHQWV with the specific dispositions and with the appropriate capital can enter the event. This perhaps appears rather different from the field of fitness which seems as if it is open for everyone, but then again the field of fitness does not entail that players would just engage in exercising. The field comprises of various sites, products and texts, like producers and consumers of exercise equipment, sports clothes and accessories, nutrition supplements and VR RQWKDWUHTXLUHVRPH OHYHOV RIµOHJLWLPDWHNQRZOHGJH¶WR EHµXWLOLVHG¶ DSSURSULDtely , i.e. cultural capital that not all people possess.

The accumulation of capital by agents of any one field is indeed central to the concept of social fields. Each field has four different forms of capital: economic (the monetary capital that one has), cultural (legitimate knowledge of a particular field, e.g. knowledge of the history of fashion), social (important relations with key players in the field) and symbolic capital (the prestige that individuals have in their fields) (Bourdieu, 1986; Jenkins, 1992; Crossley, 2001; Entwistle and Rocamora, 2006). For cultural capital in particular, Bourdieu has emphasised that it is helpful in understanding embodied behaviours and experiences of agents in the field. Cultural capital includes dispositions or competences that can be µH[FKDQJHG¶ IRU RWKHU IRUPV RI FDSLWDO DFFRUGLQJ WR VRFLDO VHWWLQJV HJ OLWHUDF\ SRVWXUH DFFHQW DQG RWKHU DELOLWLHV WKDW VXIILFH LQ D SDUWLFXODU FRQWH[W LQ RUGHU WR µLPSUHVV¶ RWKHUV (Bourdieu, 1986). Moreover as Crossley (2001: 106) notes, cultural capital

comes in three basic forms; an objectified form such as the paintings or books one might own; an institutionalised form, by which [Bourdieu] means qualifications and other official

53

documents of cultural standing; and an embodied form, by which he means the manifold embodied competencies which carry a cultural value.

Embodied capital is particularly important as it indicates that a person has various dispositions, including her bodily hexis, which articulate or demonstrate a legitimate NQRZOHGJHRIWKHILHOGVLPLODUWR%RXUGLHX¶VQRWLRQRIWKHKDELWXV+RZHYHUWKHWHUPFDSLWDO assumes that this knowledge can be exchanged for a form of compensation that suits that SHUVRQ¶VJRDOV)RUH[DPSOHIDVKLRQµJXUXV¶DUHXVXDOO\LQGLYLGXDOVwho have those required dispositions that enable them to distinguish fashionable styles and who have a specific bodily hexis (their personal style of dress and overall appearance) which is a visible marker of their social standing. They can exchange this knowledge for monetary compensation when they style other people as their job.

Shilling (2003) has further developed the concept of embodied cultural capital to take account of other aspects of the body that could function as capital in a field. He expands the notion in order to include other acquired traits of the body, such as fitness for example, that could be transformed into sources of capital, either social such as the development of social networks, economic such as money, goods or services, or cultural such as education. He SURSRVHVWKDWWKHERG\ZKLFKKDVZKDWKHFDOOVµSK\VLFDOFDSLWDO¶LV

a possessor of power, status and distinctive symbolic forms which is integral to the accumulation of various resources. The production of physical capital refers to the translation of bodily participation in work, leisure and other fields into different forms of capital. The production of physical capital refers to the development of bodies in ways which are recognized as possessing value in social fields, while the conversion of physical

54

capital refers to the translation of bodily participation in work, leisure and other fields into different forms of capital. (2003: 111)

Physical capital can be distinctive body traits that are objectified according to the field an individual is part of and function as capital. An example of this is professional models who are able to maintain or mould their bodies into the slim shape required by the Western aesthetics of the fashion industry. Models need to have certain body traits, usually height, extreme slenderness, elegant features and long legs, in order to be able to work in the field of fashion and exchange this physical capital into other forms of capital, such as economic capital (the money they earn as models), social capital (the relations and connections with other key players in the field of fashion such as important designers and especially visible ZKHQDPRGHOEHFRPHVDGHVLJQHU¶VµPXVH¶ DQGV\PEROLFFDSLWDOWKHSUHVWLJH or fame they acquire, for example supermodels who achieve celebrity status).

The theoretical framework that Bourdieu develops with the notions of the field and capital is, according to Entwistle (2000b: 37), also very useful for the study of dress. She notes that dress is an embodied practice which is always defined as a system of choices according to the ³OLYHG H[SHULHQFH RI WKH ZRPDQ KHU FODVV UDFH DJH RFFXSDWLRQ DQG VR RQ´ E   Entwistle suggests that

[d]ress in everyday life is a practical negotiation between the fashion system as a structured system, the social conditions of everyday life such as class, gender and the like as well as WKHµUXOHV¶RUQRUPVJRYHUQLQJSDUWLFXODUVRFLDOVLWXDWLRQV>«@>+DELWXV@HQDEOHVXVWRWDON about dress as a personal attempt to orientate ourselves to particular circumstances and thus recognizes the structuring influences of the social world on the one hand, and the agency of individuals who make choices as to what to wear on the other. (2000b: 37)

55

UnderweaU DV SDUW RI GUHVV , DVVHUW LV DOVR SDUW RI WKLV ZHE RI µVWUXFWXUHG VWUXFWXULQJ VWUXFWXUHV¶ DV LW LV DQ HOHPHQW RI WKH QHJRWLDWLRQ EHWZHHQ IDVKLRQ JHQGHU DQG FODVV DQG WKH QRUPV UHJDUGLQJ ZKDW D ZRPDQ LVVKRXOG EH OLNH )ROORZLQJ (QWZLVWOH¶V DUJXPHQW Dbove, when women make particular choices regarding their underwear it seems that they recognise on the one hand the specific structures in the social context they are located in, i.e. the choice of a supportive sports bra in the case of women rugby players, but on the other hand they make individual choices about what to wear, i.e. the choice of a famous and expensive brand of sports bra in the same example.

Entwistle (2000b) also turns her attention to how habitus can be utilised in understanding how dress styles are gendered and how gender is reproduced through dress. She uses the example of workplace dress and specifically the suit as a workplace uniform which is designated by the habitus of the masculine western workplace. The suit is said to be hiding WKHµVH[HG¶IHDWXUHVRIWKHERG\ ± even though cultural imperatives around femininity have influenced dress in the workplace to make it more suitable to the female body, such as slim line jackets and tailored waist lines. Entwistle concludes then that

undeUVWDQGLQJ ZRPHQ¶V GUHVV IRU WKH SURIHVVLRQDO ZRUNSODFH KRZ WKH\ FRPH WR ZHDU WKH clothes they do, requires situating their body within a very particular social space and acknowledging the workings of a particular habitus. (2000b: 38, emphasis in original)

,Q D VLPLODU IDVKLRQ ZH FDQ XVH %RXUGLHX¶V IUDPHZRUN RI KDELWXV FDSLWDO DQG ILHOGV WR XQGHUVWDQG WKH FRQVXPSWLRQ DQG XVH RI ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU %RXUGLHX¶V WKHRU\ FDQ KHOS account for the embodied experience of actually choosing what underwear to wear. This framework can be used in order to give attention to the lived female body and its experiences.

56

We can further see underwear as an important part of the cultural field of fashion and I propose that underwear, as part of dress, can be seen as part of a ZRPDQ¶VHPERGLHGFXOWXUDO capital according to the requirements of the field she is situated in: it can be converted into RWKHUIRUPVRIFDSLWDO8QGHUZHDUFDQEHFRQVLGHUHGDVDSDUWRIZRPHQ¶VHPERGLHGFXOWXUDO capital in various ways. Since it is usuall\KLGGHQIURP YLHZLWFDQVXSSRUW ZRPHQ¶VGUHVV and bodies in everyday life and, in specific situations where dress is converted into other forms of capital, underwear works towards achieving that. An illustration of the above situation would be the conversion of dress from physical capital to social capital in the field of Hollywood cinema and at particular events like the Oscars. The outerwear of women at this event is imperative in showing their social position, their cultural, social, symbolic and economic capital. The particularly extravagant dresses that women participants wear must be supported with the necessary underwear (when it is needed of course), in order for the dress WR µSHUIRUP¶ LQ WKLV KLJKO\ DQG VWULFWO\ VXUYHLOOHG ILHOG 8QIRUWXQDWH VLWXDtions where a bra VWUDSPLJKWVOLSRYHUDZRPDQ¶VVKRXOGHURULIµQRUPDO¶SDQWLHVDUHVHHQXQGHUKHUH[SHQVLYH Valentino dress, could cost the woman dearly in reputational terms and future earning power. -DQHW -DFNVRQ¶V µZDUGUREH PDOIXQFWLRQ¶ LQ ¶V 6Xper Bowl 38 in USA is an illustrative example of how underwear can work as embodied cultural capital. While Janet Jackson sang with Justin Timberlake during the halftime of the show, he accidentally tore part of her outfit, revealing that she was wearing nipple protectors and no bra. The unfortunate event created a massive furore by the media, indicative also of the imperatives around how a woman needs to be presented.

µ3XVK-XS¶EUDVDUHDQRWKHUH[DPSOHRIKRZXQGHUZHDUFDQZRUNDVHPERGLHGFXOWXUDOFDSLWDl for women. The famous advertisements for Playtex Wonderbra in 1994 featuring Eva Herzigova wearing a push-up bra shows how the bust can be shaped and then objectified to

57

fit social imperatives around sexiness. The breasts are indeed objectified as the adYHUWLVHPHQW¶V VORJDQ VKRZV µ+HOOR %R\V¶. The Wonderbra push-up bra has been further developed by other underwear specialists and is now available in the market as an ultra bra or PLUDFOH EUD ,W IXQFWLRQV DV D µQDWXUDO¶ HQKDQFHPHQW RI EUHDVWV DQG FUHDWHV the illusion of a ELJJHUDQGPRUHµOLIWHG¶EXVW:LWKWKHLOOXVLRQRIDGLIIHUHQWEXVWVL]HRUVKDSHZRPHQFDQ use their appearance to achieve other forms of capital, for example a small breasted television news presenter would appear more womanly if she looks like she has a bigger bust, especially since usually news presenters are shown from the waist up.

The example of the Wonderbra also illustrates how underwear can be seen as an important SDUWRIWKHFXOWXUDOILHOGRIIDVKLRQ7KHYDULHW\LQZRPHQ¶Vunderwear, such as the push-up bra, minimiser bra, sports bra and others, shows that there is space for development of new cultural products because dynamic social and cultural settings allow for such developments. Underwear specialists are, relatedly, involved in creating products that target specific segments of the market such as pregnant women or women doing sports; different types of XQGHUZHDUWKDWDUHWDUJHWHGWRVXSSRUWZRPHQ¶VERGLHVLQWKHLUGLIIHUHQWOLIHVWDJHVRUGXULQJ specific activities. As the concept of cultural field suggests, it is a network of sites (shops and internet retailers), texts (adverts) and agents (producers and consumers) amongst whom there PXVWEHDJHQHUDODSSUHFLDWLRQRIWKHµUXOHVRIWKHILHOGJDPH¶DQGRIWKHSURGXFWVLWSroduces. (DFKZRPDQ¶VKDELWXVLVOLNHZLVHLPSRUWDQWDVLWFRPSULVHVWKHGLVSRVLWLRQVWKDWKDYHDVDQ effect their taste in underwear. The use of push-up bras for example shows a dialogical relation between the field of fashion and habitus. Its production is juxtaposed with the habitus-specific practices that women engage with in their attempt to fit into social imperatives around femininity, i.e. accentuating their bosom. As Entwistle (2000b) suggests

58

this entails also a sense of agency as women are active agents in the transformation of their bodies into sources of capital within specific fields.

7RUHLWHUDWHIROORZLQJP\GLVFXVVLRQLQWKHSUHYLRXVVHFWLRQLWVHHPVWKDWDZRPDQ¶VKDELWXV (her various dispositions) and thus her taste (the way that these dispositions mark her perceptions of objects or practices) affect the choices she makes in underwear. Underwear is after all a product and its consumption will depend upon the taste of each woman as manifested by her habitus. Thus we must see both its material as well as its symbolic value to ZRPHQ¶VERGLHVDQGLGHQWLW\7KHGLVSRVLWLRQVHPEHGGHGLQWKHKDELWXVDIIHFWDOOSUDFWLFHVRI consumption. Lury (1996) provides an example of taste and preferences which can be helpful in understanding divisions of taste - and thus in consumption of products - in contemporary societies and amongst consumers:

A person who carries out manual labour, and whose access to basics of sustenance and comfort is not guaranteed, has a respect and a desire for the sensual, physical and immediate. An individual who has been brought up in the abstractions of education and mental labour and who is certain of obtaining daily necessities cultivates a distance from these needs, and affects a taste based in respect and desire for the abstract, distanced and formal. These objective conditions are interiorized through habitus as desire in taste (Lury, 1996: 86).

:H FRXOG MX[WDSRVH WKLV H[DPSOH ZLWK WKDW RI GUHVV 'HVLJQHUV¶ FORWKHV SUHVHQW WUHQGV DQG changes in the fashion system, which are then often followed by the mass production of similar designs in the wider market. A person who is able to recognise these trends and changes before they are mass consumed would often be someone who was brought up in the material conditions that allowed for such dispositions to take place. For example she would

59

wear expensive brands, or would be interested in fashion and style magazines. It is that ability to distinguish fashion trends and have the competence to make any form of dress seem fashionable (almost literally make fashion out of anything) that differentiates this person from someone who might be wearing expensive brands but does not possess these specific dispositions shaped within their habitus. This is what symbolic capital also entails, levels of legitimised cultural capital. In a later section I will revisit this issue to suggest that attempts to DGYDQFH FODVV PRELOLW\ IDFH WKLV H[DFW REVWDFOH RI µOHJLWLPDWH¶ NQRZOHGJH WKDW PLGGOH-class people for example possess.

Of course here we can argue that, in this sense, we cannot escape our class conditions which DUH HPEHGGHG LQ WKH KDELWXV +RZHYHU DV /XU\ VXJJHVWV ³DOWKRXJK WKH KDELWXV SURYLGHV D framework of action, it is not static, and can be shaped by the outcome of the interaction of WKH VWUDWHJLHV DGRSWHG E\ GLIIHUHQW VRFLDO JURXSV´    0RUHRYHU DQG DV VXJJHVWHG previously, in the case of dress, other factors play a crucial role in determining choices of GUHVV LQ HYHU\GD\ OLIH VXFK DV WKH µUXOHV¶ RI VRFLDO VLWXDWLRQV vis-à-vis fashion norms; a negotiation within structured systems. The field of fashion is a system that adapts to as well as producing social imperatives, e.g. the introduction of mass produced bras after the development of cheaper materials as mentioned above, or the introduction of strings or thongs that resulted from the need for invisible underwear to better support outerwear, specifically as it became tighter and more revealing. Thus the consumption of underwear can also be seen as a negotiation within a structured system. However because it is mostly hidden, not visible in everyday life practices, it is even more interesting to pay more attention to this negotiation between the structuring system and agency in terms of the choices of underwear that each woman makes.

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ʹǤ͹ǮŠƒ–‹–ˆ‡‡Ž•Ž‹‡ˆ‘”ƒ‰‹”Žǯ   While in the previous sections I have discussed how the works of Foucault and Bourdieu could be utilised in this thesis, I have not expanded on how these works have been utilised by feminists in their attempt to make sense of what it feels like being a woman. Indeed, even though neither Foucault or Bourdieu offer a specific thesis on the lived gendered body, their ZRUNV KDYH VHUYHG DV WRROV IRU RWKHU FRPPHQWDWRUV WR XQGHUVWDQG RQ WKH RQH KDQG ³WKH centrality of the [female] body as a site for workings of diVFRXUVHDQGSRZHU´(Pringle, 2005: 261) DQGRQWKHRWKHUKDQGWRXQGHUVWDQGKRZ³LWLVSRVVLEOHWROLQNWKHKXPGUXPGHWDLOVRI HYHU\GD\OLIHWRDPRUHJHQHUDOVRFLDODQDO\VLVRISRZHU´0RL ,KDYe already discussed in previous sections in this chapter how the works of Foucault and Bourdieu have been utilised by feminists such as Bordo, who has used Foucault to analyse anorexia nervosa or Entwistle, who uses Foucault to explain how specific types of dress such as power dressing entail a sense of self-monitoring but also work as a technology of the self. Also I referred to 0DJXLUHDQGKRZVKHXVHV%RXUGLHX¶VQRWLRQRIFXOWXUDOILHOGWRH[SORUHWKHILHOGRIILWQHVV and the struggles and negotiations of the various forms of capital that take place within this social arena. In this section I will be drawing some of these commentators, amongst others, WRJHWKHUDQGH[WHQGLQJWKLVDQDO\VLVWRHPSKDVLVHSUHFLVHO\KRZ)RXFDXOW¶VDQG%RXUGLHX¶V works can serve as a useful framework for this thesis, given the primary role of gender in my research questions.

Bartky (1988) uses the early Foucault to examine the disciplinary practices that produce a recognisably feminine body, in both appearance and movements. She argues that prevailing discourses produce a female body which is thin and youthful, constantly preoccupied with its shape and general configuration. Similarly Bordo (1988; 2004) argues that modern western imperatives around femininity have resulted in pathological epidemics amongst young 61

women and adolescent girls, such as bulimia and anorexia nervosa. Particularly anorexia nervosa has become for women in the late twentieth and twenty first century what hysteria was for women in the nineteenth century (Bartky, 1988: 65) or what Bordo (1988) calls the crystalisation of a widespread cultural obsession. Indeed Bordo (1990a; 1993; 2004) utilises )RXFDXOW WR DFFRXQW IRU WKH FRQVFLRXV LQYROYHPHQW RI ZRPHQ LQ WKH ³ERGLO\ W\UDQQLHV RI IDVKLRQ´    6KH DUJXHV WKDW )RXFDXOW¶V FRQFHSWLRQ RI PRGHUQ SRZHU D ³QRQ authoritarian, non-conspiratorial and non-RUFKHVWUDWHGSRZHU´ DPLFUR-power, is ZKDW FDQ EHVW H[SODLQ WKH SURGXFWLRQ DQG QRUPDOLVDWLRQ RI ERGLHV WR ³VHUYH SUHYDLOLQJ relations of dominancH DQG VXERUGLQDWLRQ´  ibid.). Bordo finds that the most important appropriation of Foucault by feminists is that of how the prevailing forms of subjectivity are not imposed on individuals through external coercion but through self-surveillance and selfnormalisation. This is crucial in order to explain how disciplinary practices like dieting, exercising, hurting the body with fashionable artefacts like high heels or uncomfortable XQGHUZHDUDUHQRWXVHGE\ZRPHQEHFDXVHWKH\DUHLPSRVHGE\DVSHFLILFµGLVFLSOLQDULDQ¶ ,QGHHG %DUWN\    DVNV ³:KR LV WKH WRS VHUJHDQW LQ WKH GLVFLSOLQDU\ UHJLPH RI IHPLQLQLW\"´7KHDQVZHULVQRRQHDQGHYHU\RQH7KHGLVFXUVLYHFRQVWUXFWLRQVRIIHPLQLQLW\ now permeate all aspects of our lives especially now that with the available information and communication technologies such as the Internet or WAP mobile phone images of various versions of femininity are ever-present and ever-circulating. Shifts in the imperatives around femininity, e.g. from the curvaceous Marilyn Monroe to the adolescent body-type of Kate Moss, are (re)produced and proliferated as norms, for example through these images. But as Barkty (1988: 75) says

[t]he absence of a formal institutional structure and of authorities invested with the power to carry out institutional directives creates the impression that the production of femininity is HLWKHUHQWLUHO\YROXQWDU\RUQDWXUDO>«2@QWKHRQHKDQGGLVFLSOLQHLVVRPHWKLQJLPSRVHG

62

RQ VXEMHFWV RI DQ µHVVHQWLDOO\ QRQ-HJDOLWDULDQ DQG DV\PPHWULFDO¶ V\VWHP RI DXWKRULW\ >«@ %XWGLVFLSOLQHFDQEHVRXJKWYROXQWDULO\DVZHOO«

In that sense, women are not necessarily held at gunpoint to engage in routine practices of beauty (Bartky, 1988). Some women for example would argue that they put on their sexiest underwear when they are home alone because they want to feel sexy even in their most private moments and when no one else is looking. The logical conclusion of this argument is that, the process of self-surveillance has been internalised to such a degree because we act as willing participants in various practices. These on the one hand are disciplinary practices EHFDXVHWKH\GHOLPLWZKRZHµDUH¶DQGFDQµEH¶EXWRQWKHRWKHUWKH\KDYHWKHSRWHQWLDOWREH transformative for our identity projects, because they comprise a certain degree of reflexivity (Armstrong, 1993; Howson, 2005). Power in this case is indeed not imposed from above: it is a relationship between actors free to act and also to resist (Grosz, 1994).

The issues of agency and resistance have been further developed by Foucauldian feminists, by examining the ways in which female identities are constructed through the internalisation RIWKHVHGLVFLSOLQDU\SUDFWLFHV7KHOLWHUDWXUHRQZRPHQ¶VVSRUWVKDVPDGHSDUWLFXODUXse of )RXFDXOW¶V ZRUN &KDVH   IRU H[DPSOH GUDZV RQ )RXFDXOW¶V DFFRXQW RI GLVFLSOLQDU\ SUDFWLFHV LQ PRGHUQ VRFLHW\ WR H[DPLQH KRZ WKHVH SURGXFH WKH µGRFLOH ERGLHV¶ RI ZRPHQ playing rugby. However she also draws on various authors (see Chapman, 1997; Markula, 2003; 2004) who have used the late Foucault to show how women in sports exercise a degree of freedom when resisting normalising practices of femininity. For example, Chase (2006) suggests that women who play rugby realise that this specific sport will shape them quite differently than the ideal and normative feminine body. She argues that the women in her study

63

actively work to construct athletic and powerful bodies that challenge ideals of normative IHPLQLQH ERGLHV >«@ 7KH\ VHH WKHLU ERGLHV DV UHVLstant and transgressive, and as a result, construct their bodies as undisciplined and demonstrate an acute awareness of the ways in which their bodies resist ideas of normative femininity. (2006: 245)

Similarly, in their analysis of female bodybuilding, Mansfield and McGinn (1993) argue that women bodybuilders are constantly aware of their resistance to feminine ideals in a field that is overly ironic and contradictory with regard to issues around the relationship between muscularity and femininity. Mansfield and McGinn suggest that female bodybuilders are conscious of these contradictions, as there is an important difference between bodybuilding and any other exercise. Women who enter a gym with the purpose of weight training are not just choosing between dLIIHUHQW H[HUFLVH URXWLQHV LQVWHDG WKH\ DUH FKRRVLQJ ³EHWZHHQ D SHUFHLYHG PDVFXOLQH RU IHPLQLQH SURFHVV RI DOWHULQJ WKH ERG\ LPDJH´    Notwithstanding this, bodybuilding is a particular type of exercise which demands a highly disciplined routine of the body, which includes rigorous physical training and a healthy diet. Bordo (1988; 2004) argues that body building is about feeling the accomplishment of mastering the body and the self. This feeling of accomplishment derives from two sources, first being the comfort of knowing that you can overcome any obstacle in order to accomplish your goals and the other being the thrill of feeling in total control of how your body is shaped. That resembles, according to Bordo (1988), the dramatic self-discipline and control that anorexic people demonstrate. Thus, on the one hand exercising, dieting or playing sports VHHPWREHUHJLPHVWKDWSURGXFHWKHERG\DVµGRFLOH¶2QWKHRWKHUKDQGZRPHQLQYROYHGLQ these practices also use them as empowering practices that enable them to manage their bodies and to construct their identities while opposing perceived female characteristics of powerlessness and vulnerability.

64

,QGHHG WKH ODWH )RXFDXOW KDV EHHQ SDUWLFXODUO\ LQIOXHQWLDO IRU IHPLQLVW DQDO\VLV RI ZRPHQ¶V resistance and acts of freedom. As Thorpe (2008) notes, even though Foucault is not clear as to whether technologies of the self can necessarily lead to the transformation of power relations, some feminists have used his framework to demonstrate how technologies of the VHOIFDQKDYHDµOLEHUDWLRQDO¶LQWHQW6KHXVHVWKHH[DPSOHRIIHPDOHVQRZERDUGHUVDQGKRZ they critically interact with discursive constructions of femininity and specifically female VQRZERDUGHUV ZLWKLQ PHGLD WH[WV WR ³HQJDJH LQ DFWLYH VHOI-fashioning to produce sites of FRQWHVWDWLRQRYHUWKHPHDQLQJVDQGFRQWRXUVRIGLVFXUVLYHFRQVWUXFWLRQVRIIHPLQLQLW\´ 218). Indeed, Loyd (cited in Markula and Pringle, 2006: 152, emphasis in original) stresses that any practice of femininity has

the potential to operate transgressively if it is embedded in the double act of critical selfVW\OL]DWLRQ>«@,WLVQRWWKHDFWLYLW\RIVHOI-fashioning in itself that is crucial. It is the ways in which that self-fashioning, when allied to critique , can produce sites of contestation over the meanings and contours of identity, and over the ways in which certain practices are mobilised.

This reflexive, self-critical process resembles what Jantzen et al . (2006: 179) describe as a ³ILHOGRIFRQWUDGLFWLRQV´$VWKH\H[SODLQ

[l]ingerie is gratifying and a cause of despair: underwear beautifies the body and exposes its µZHDN VSRWV¶ D QHZ EUD PD\ LQWHQVLI\ ERGLO\ VHQVDWLRQV EXW LW FDQ Dlso be a straitjacket. Thus, consumption of lingerie constantly puts identity at stake by affirming, and at the same WLPHFKDOOHQJLQJWKHPHQWDODQGSK\VLFDOLQWHJULW\RIWKHFRQVXPHU:KDWFKDUDFWHUL]HVµD ZRPDQWRWKHEDFNERQH¶LVWKDWVKHHQWHUVWKLVIield of contradictions in order to control it and thereby preserve her self-image, but often she does this well aware of the fact that this image may end up controlling her. (2006: 179)

65

Thus, looking at underwear as a technology of the self implies that it is a concrete embodied SUDFWLFHWKDWSURGXFHVDQGJXLGHVZRPHQLQWRWKHµULJKW¶XVHRIWKHLUERGLHVDQGWRZDUGVWKHLU interpretations of being appropriately feminine. The contradictions here are evident again, since being feminine is following specific disciplinary practices as already discussed, i.e. ZHDULQJWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDU+RZHYHULQWKHFDVHRIXQGHUZHDUDQGEHFDXVHLWLVXVXDOO\ hidden, it is often used for sensing the body in a different way or which might defy a ZRPDQ¶VH[LVWLQJVHOI-image (Jantzen et al  )RUH[DPSOHZHDULQJµVH[\¶XQGHUZHDUDW home can create feelings and sensations for the body and the overall self that can have implications for identity or, as Jantzen et al . (2006: 198- SXWLW³WUDQVIRUPLQJDQRUGLQDU\ weekday inWR DQ H[WUDRUGLQDU\ VHQVDWLRQ´ 7KLV WUDQVIRUPDWLRQ LV FHQWUDO WR WKHVH DXWKRUV¶ VWXG\EHFDXVHLWVKRZVKRZDZRPDQFDQWUDQVIRUPKHUVHOILQWRµDZRPDQWRWKHEDFNERQH¶ It demonstrates exactly how normative identities are embodied and then transformed through the willing, perhaps even empowering, participation of actors and with the use of various technologies, such as underwear.

6LPLODUO\WR)RXFDXOW3LHUUH%RXUGLHX¶VVRFLDOWKHRU\KDVDOVREHHQFULWLTXHGIRULWVGLVDYRZDO of feminist theories of the reproduction of culture and power. I have suggested that Foucault can be connected to Bourdieu, moreover, as indicated in many cases in my discussion in the SUHYLRXV VHFWLRQV $FFRUGLQJ WR $GNLQV   UHFHQW XVH RI %RXUGLHX¶V VRFLDO WKHRU\ E\ feminists is not necessarily concerned with a sociologically defined gender. Instead she argues there is a much more dispersed relationship between the social and the concept of JHQGHU6RPHRIWKHFRQFHUQVHPHUJLQJLQIHPLQLVWWKHRU\WKDWXVHV%RXUGLHX¶VVRFLDOWKHRU\ are

the theorization of social action as always embodied (of the social as incorporated into the body), of power as subtly inculcated through the body, of social action as generative, and in

66

>%RXGLHX¶V@ HPSKDVLV RQ WKH SROLWLFV RI FXOWXUDO DXWKRUL]DWLRQ Uecognition and social SRVLWLRQWDNLQJ>«@ (Adkins, 2004: 5)

Relatedly, Moi points out that Bourdieu can develop a microtheory of power. His theoretical model of social practice takes into account more than simply what people do in their daily lives but without neglecting social life. This is important because it allows for an analysis of routine and mundane everyday practices of life or, as Moi (1991: 1019, emphasis original) HPSKDWLFDOO\SXWVLW³%RXUGLHXPDNHVVRFLRORJLFDOWKHRU\RXWRI everything´7hus practices VXFK DV FDWHJRULVLQJ \RXU XQGHUZHDU DV µZRUN¶ XQGHUZHDU RU µJRLQJ RXW¶ XQGHUZHDU RU GLVOLNLQJ VSHFLILF FRORXUV RU IDEULFV RI XQGHUZHDU FDQ EH DQDO\VHG XVLQJ %RXUGLHX¶V framework of habitus, capital and the field.

In a similar tone Skeggs (2004: 21, emphasis in original) DUJXHVWKDW%RXUGLHX¶VVRFLDOWKHRU\ RIIHUV ³explanatory power ´ PLVVLQJ IURP IHPLQLVW VRFLRORJ\ )LUVWO\ 6NHJJV DUJXHV KH manages to link objective structures to subjective experience. Also, he analyses social space and how individuals become mobile within the various fields by carrying different volumes of capitals. Lastly, he brings reflexivity as a methodological insight which is crucial in feminist theory and critique.

,QGHHG%RXUGLHX¶VPHWDSKRULFDOQRWLRQVRIFDSLWDODQGWKRVHRIKDELWXVDQGILHOGVKDYHEHHQ widely used in feminist social theory (Moi, 1991; Lawler, 1999; 2000; McRobbie, 2002; 2009; Fowler, 2003; Skeggs, 1997, 2004). Some of WKHVHZRUNVHPSKDVLVHKRZ%RXUGLHX¶V social theory can be extremely useful in explaining social mobility in terms of class. For H[DPSOH/RZHU¶V VWXG\RIPRWKHU-daughter relationships was extended to examining class formations through the lens of BouUGLHX¶V QRWLRQV RI V\PEROLF FDSLWDO DQG KDELWXV /DZOHU¶VSDUWLFLSDQWVZHUHZRUNLQJ-class born women who moved into the middle class via 67

the acquisition of economic capital (marriage) or cultural capital (intelligence gained by education). These women express taste judgements different to their mothers in the process of defining themselves as middle class, alluding to how their cultural capital has become OHJLWLPLVHGLQWKLVFODVVPRELOLW\,QIDFW/DZOHUSRLQWVRXWWKDWWKHVHZRPHQ¶VFXOWXUDOFDSLWDO (inteOOLJHQFH DQG WDVWH  ZDV DV WKRURXJKO\ LQVFULEHG DV LI LW ZHUH LQQDWH EHLQJ ³OHVV DERXW what they owned than about who they were´ (1999: 9, emphasis in original). This allows Lawler to sHHVRPHRIKHUSDUWLFLSDQWV¶QDUUDWLYHVRIWKLVFODVVPRELOLW\DVDQDFWXDOLVDWLRQRI WKHLU µUHDO¶ VHOYHV ZKLFK VKH WKHQ DUJXHV IDLO GXH WR VRPH H[SUHVVLRQV RI µODFN¶ RI OHJLWLPLVHG NQRZOHGJH RU µIHHO IRU WKH JDPH¶ RI WKH PLGGOH FODVV 7KLV UHVXOWV DV Lawler argues, in shame:

[W]hen cultural capital cannot be converted into symbolic capital, when a specific habitus is QRW IXOO\ µLQKDELWHG¶ LW LV QRW ZKDW \RX RZQ EXW who you are that can be exposed and uncovered. (1999: 18, emphasis in original)

The feeling of shame about not successfully or comprehensively acquiring middle class habitus is also examined by Angela McRobbie (2004; 2009). Her analysis of British makeover shows demonstrates how shame and guilt characterise working-class women who seek help from the experts in order to acquire this habitus. She also illustrates how social divisions between women are (re)produced via the cultural and media fields and that these GLYLVLRQV DUH LQ WKHPVHOYHV KLJKO\ IHPLQLVHG DUJXLQJ WKDW ZRPHQ¶V ERGLHV DQG DSSHarance articulates class divisions. The makeover shows that McRobbie analyses turn around the idea of working-class or lower middle-FODVV ZRPHQ GHPRQVWUDWLQJ D µSRRU¶ VHQVH RI WDVWH DQG being in need of the help of cultural intermediaries, i.e. fashion gurus. She argues that the notions of habitus, fields and capital are important in this case because they illustrate precisely the social realignment between class and gender taking place within these shows 68

and in contemporary Britain as a whole. These makeover shows attempt to transform the participants into middle-class women by instructing them how to dress, behave and how to take care of their overall presentation. This is an attempt at the transformation of habitus and it is seemingly achieved by momentary feeling of thrill and glamour once the transformation has finished. As McRobbie points out

[t]he habitus is to be brought into line so as to conform with, as Bourdieu would say, the µQHHGVDQGQRUPV¶RIWKHHPHUJHQWFRQVXPHU-dominated cultural field, and by these means women are both individualized and respectabilized. (2004: 104)

While this thesis does not emphasise class, nevertheless class dispositions are deeply incarnated into habitus, influencing thus the set of judgements women might make when it comes to the underwear they choose. While class mobility is the central theme in the examples above, other issues such as the workings of habitus as world-view shaping the perceptions of women and of taste as an aesthetic judgement are also important in this FRQWH[W6RZKHQLWFRPHVWREX\LQJWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDUWDVWHLVDQLPSRUWDQWDVSHFWLQWKLV process and it also links with how women might relate to their body.

A further illustrative work of how habitus and capital can illuminate the relationship between women and their bodies is that of Dumas et al . (2005). In an attempt to draw the connections between age and bodily appearance, Dumas et al . (2005) use the concepts of habitus and economic and cultural capitals to understand how older women relate to and feel about their ageing bodies. Their research was premised on how the body and its evident natural features show the deepest dispositions of habitus: its shape, dimension and other visible forms of the body reveal the relationship a woman has with her body, in terms of how she treats it and takes care of it. The use of various techniques and practices such as ornamentation of the 69

body, diets, make up, moisturisers, cosmetic surgery etceter are only some of the ways in which this taking care of the body was described. Perhaps unsurprisingly much of Dumas et DO¶V data suggested that there is a linear relationship between economic capital and the use of these techniques: the less economic capital their participants had, the less the use of these practices and techniques for the body was. However, they also found that women who possessed higher cultural capital spoke of inner-beauty and gave emphasis to the use of practices such as physical exercise, diets and other, for the better presentation of their body, thus using their bodies to attain a sense of distinction. Some of their participants for example sought for information about clothes and cosmetics in order to distinguish quality. Thus, the authors stress:

>:@RPHQ¶V GHVLUH IRU VRFLDO GLVWLQFWLRQ >ZDV@ PRVW DSSDUHQW LQ VLWXDWLRQV RI intra -class social dynamics. Many of the affluent participants expressed judgments ± their likes and dislikes ± about affluent class factions that followed a particular logic of distinction, which might explain their heightened interest in features of bodily appearance other than strictly physical beauty; they were seen and used as markers of differentials in later life. (2005: 898, emphasis in original)

What is evident from this research is that social class is particularly important in how women perceive issues like the presentation of their bodies. For these women ageing was important in that they could distance themselves from fashion norms, i.e. getting away with wearing perhaps not too fashionable but yet comfortable clothes; still the levels of economic and cultural capital differentiated working-class women and middle-class women in terms of their relationship with their body. For Bourdieu, the inherent dispositions that social class provides are important and evident when it comes to how the body is presented. However, echoing Bourdieu the authors also argue that

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the age-related conceptions presented [in this study] are compelling examples of how older women both internalise a structure of age-norms and define and legitimise an altered conception of bodily appearance in old age. (2005: 900)

7KLV VHFWLRQ¶VREMHFWLYH ZDVWR GUDZRQVRPH )RXFDXOGLDQDQG%RXUGLHXVLDQIHPLQLVPDQG relatHGZRUNVWRLOOXVWUDWHKRZWKHLUWKHRULHVFDQEHFRPHWRROVIRUDQDO\VLQJZRPHQ¶VVRFLDO lives and practices. While Foucauldian feminism explains how women indulge in selfdisciplinary and self-monitoring practices satisfying social imperatives and norms of femininity, other feminists have drawn on Bourdieu to explain issues like the social mobility of women. Such analyses are important to this thesis because they show the importance of )RXFDXOW¶V DQG %RXUGLHX¶V ZRUN LQ H[SORULQJ KRZ LGHQWLW\ FRQVWUXFWLRQ FDn take place WKURXJK D PDQ\ WLPHV PXQGDQH RU URXWLQH SURFHVV RI FKRRVLQJ DQG ZHDULQJ WKH µULJKW¶ underwear.

2.8  Summary   This chapter has explored issues around identity formation and subjectivity. One of the concerns of this thesis is how the experiences that women report regarding underwear can be seen as part of their identity construction. Thus, it is important to set a theoretical framework WKDW ZLOO DOORZ XV WR XQGHUVWDQG KRZ WKLV µIDVKLRQLQJ¶ WDNHV SODFH , KDYH GUDZQ XSRQ WZR conceptual tools that form this framework, notwithstanding my admission that other concepts and theories could have been used in my attempt to understand identity construction. However, I see identity as an ongoing process of becoming, a project that feeds on the different social milieux in which women are situated and the way women reflect upon the effects these social milieux have on them. I find that the two conceptual tools I have drawn

71

upon in the above discussion are appropriate for analysing the relationship between their experiences of underwear and their identity projects.

,KDYHILUVWO\GLVFXVVHGWKHµUHJXODWHGERG\¶XVLQJ)RXFDXOW¶VZRUNRQKRZUHJLPHVRISRZHU and knowledge act upon the body. Foucault draws attention to the constructed and, thus, alterable elements of identity. While his earliest work emphasises the docile body that disciplinary regimes inexorably work upon, opening his work to criticisms of determinism, his later work shifts towards a more reflexive engagement with how individuals come to act upon their selves through various practices, the technologies of the self. Identity is not LPSRVHGRQSHRSOHGXHWRSRZHUIURPµDERYH¶,QVWHDGLQGLYLGXDOVDFWLYHO\HVWDEOLVKLGHQWLW\ WKURXJK µVHOI-VW\OLVDWLRQ¶ D UHIOH[LYH IRUP RI IDVKLRQLQJ LGHQWLW\ +RZHYHU )RXFDXOW¶V concept of technologies of the self could not alone explain the socio-cultural and psychological factors that affect women when choosing what underwear to wear.

,KDYHWKXVLQFRUSRUDWHG%RXUGLHX¶VZRUNRQKDELWXVDQGSUDFWLFHWRFRPSOHPHQW)RXFDXOW¶V work in this conceptual framework, as far as further conceptualising taste as aesthetic judgment and its relationship to identity projects goes. In a similar fashion to Foucault, Bourdieu also locates power relations as acting upon the body and the dispositions of individuals but it is his notion of habitus that is more important for this thesis as it provides an understanding of how the social is incorporated into the corporeal. This system of dispositions described by the habitus is what makes bodLHVµFRQIRUP¶WRWKHJLYHQµGHPDQGV¶ of a field. I propose that we see underwear as an important part of the cultural field of fashion and underwear as embodied cultural capital, in a attempt to explain how underwear is mobilised by women in order to achieYHRWKHUIRUPVRIµFDSLWDO¶7KHQRWLRQRIKDELWXVFDQEH used in understanding how particular dispositions come to the surface when women consume

72

underwear. Buying underwear, as with most consumption practices, is after all a matter of µWDVWH¶ DQG WDVWH Ls the way that people relate to objects and everyday practices, which ultimately shows which dispositions are surfacing and their sense of distinction.

Finally I have used Foucauldian feminists like Bartky and Bordo to emphasise the importance of looking at the actual experience of being a woman and what it feels like. The title of this FKDSWHUDVZHOODVWKHWKHVLVWLWOHSXUSRVHIXOO\SOD\VZLWKWKHSKUDVHµIDVKLRQLQJLGHQWLW\¶WR show both the idea that underwear is part of the fashion system, a socially and discursively constructed system of meanings, as well as to show that identity is a project that needs to be worked on. Thus women mobilise various technologies in order to construct different aspects of female identity. It is important to see how the works of Foucault as well as Bourdieu have been utilised by feminists to show how power and the social influence our understanding of how identity is constructed. Disciplinary practices such as dieting, exercising or playing sports have been analysed from a Foucauldian perspective in order to show how they produce a recognisably feminine body. However it was argued that the most important appropriation of Foucault by feminism is that of how the prevailing forms of subjectivity are somatised through self-surveillance and self-normalisation. Even though some of these practices are disciplinary practices, women also show a sense of reflexivity and resistance that has an important effect on their identities. Women playing arguably masculine sports like rugby or women bodybuilders are examples of this resistance to normative identities. The last section also argued that women use self-VW\OLVDWLRQ DV D ZD\ RI GHYHORSLQJ D VHQVH RI µZKR , DP¶ Underwear can indeed be mobilised to serve as a technology of the self because of the feelings and sensations it can induce in the body while being ostensibly hidden from view. However underwear needs also to be seen in terms of the symbolic meanings it produces for ZRPHQ DQG µWDVWH¶ DUJXDEO\ LV DQ LPSRUWDQW IDFWRU RI GHWHUPLQLQJ ZRPHQ¶V VHQVH RI

73

distinction. The notions of habitus and capital can indeed serve as a micro-theory of how µWDVWH¶DIIHFWVZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDUFRQVXPSWLRQKDELWV(YHQWKRXJKWKHODVWSDUWRIWKHILQDO section discussed feminist and related works regarding class mobility or class appropriated practices, they nevertheless illustrate how dispositions embodied and incarnated deep into a ZRPDQ¶VKDELWXVFDQLQIOXHQFHDQGVKDSHKHUSHUFHSWLRQVDQGVHWRIMXGJHPHQWV+DELWXVDV well as the volumes of capital possessed by women can influence even the relationship with their bodies as demonstrated by Dumas et al . (2005). Some of these issue are evident in this thesis too and will be further examined in later chapters.

While this chapter aimed to set a conceptual framework that sees identity as a process and how underwear can be part of its fashioning, the next chapter will deal with extant empirical evidence around the actual consumption of underwear. After all underwear is a commodity. If as I propose, we should consider it as part of the cultural field of fashion, we need to examine DOO WKH HOHPHQWV RI WKLV QHWZRUN QDPHO\ WKH VLWHV WKH WH[WV WKH µUXOHV RI WKH JDPH¶ DQG aspects of production and consumption within this field.

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Chapter  3  Consuming  underwear   3.1  Introduction   The previous chapter provided an account of the theoretical and conceptual tools that I am using to understand how female identity is constructed through choosing, buying and wearing underwear. I drew from two theoretical frameworks to help me interpret the factors that influence women when buying underwear and the experiences they UHSRUW UHJDUGLQJ WKHLU XQGHUZHDU 0LFKHO )RXFDXOW¶V GRFLOH ERG\ DV ZHOO DV WKH WHFKQRORJLHV RI WKH VHOI DQG 3LHUUH %RXUGLHX¶V WKHRU\ RI WDVWH habitus, fields and capital. This chapter aims at locating underwear as a commodity within the fashion system and as a consumption practice that invokes meanings for the consumer and has symbolic connotations for the wearer. Thus it is important first to look at some of the discussion around consumption and the consuming subject, and how consumer culture has emerged as one of the ways through which identities are negotiated and (re)constructed. Gendered consumption and its importance is also one the key themes of this chapter, and particularly how women and consumption practices have been inextricably linked.

This chapter argues that consumption is a social and cultural process and not just the economic process of acquiring goods (or services) against their monetary value. I consider consumption in the same terms as Zukin and Maguire. That is,

as an institutional field, i.e., a set of interconnected economic and cultural institutions centered on the production of commodities for individual demand. (2004: 175, emphasis in original)

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Consumption in this broad sociological sense is seen on the one hand as mass consumption produced by structural and economic changes in western society especially and on the other as a consumer culture that is produced by cultural changes in society where individuals use commodities to define their way of life (lifestyle) and to negotiate their identities. These issues will be discussed shortly.

Consumption is also part of cultural reproduction. Everyday consumption practices reveal how social agents use their cultural resources, e.g. language and material objects, to shape their social world and form relations (Slater, 1997). For Slater consumption is all cultural. He argues that even the simple act of eating results in cultural reproduction not only because the food you prepare is usually part of an ethnic cuisine but also because eating is also part of social rituals like how you eat the food, where and with whom. As Slater (1997: 132) puts it

>L@Q RUGHU WR µKDYH D QHHG¶ DQG act on it we must be able to interpret sensations, experiences and situations and we must be able to make sense of (as well as transform) various objects, actions, resources in relation to these needs.

People consume material objects, images and experiences to give meaning to their lives, WRµIDVKLRQ¶WKHLUVHOYHVWKHPVHOYHV DQGWRFRQVWUXFWLGHQWLWLHV&RPPRGLWLHVWKXVQHHG to be understood beyond their economic meaning or value, since consumption has now transcended the mere purchase and use of material goods, becoming a social practice that informs and reproduces social order, conformity and identity.

Relatedly Featherstone (1991) states that one way of looking at consumption is by exploring its experiential dimension and the pleasure and emotions that it offers to

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consumers. This chapter will emphasise this particular perspective on consumer culture since the thesis tries to draw connections between identity and the act of buying and wearing underwear, focusing on its emotional aspects, even in its moUHµPXQGDQH¶IRUP such as buying underwear for work or for the gym. This framework allows me to understand the consumption of underwear not only as the exchange of money for goods, but as a process that has symbolic meaning for the individual woman; for example how HDFKZRPDQGHFLGHVZKDWLVWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDUIRUKHURUKRZHDFKZRPDQGHFLGHV that one underwear shop is more appropriate for her than other shops (e.g. Marks & 6SHQFHU¶VYV$QQ6XPPHUV 

With the following sections I have no intention of concentrating on the study of consumption from a historical perspective, nor to review the vast literature that deals with the various perspectives on consumption, as this is not relevant to this thesis. My aim is rather to concentrate on everyday consumption practices and their importance in how consumer culture is (re)constructed, how it is part of our negotiation of our identities, but also how it is informed by gender. As Bristor and Fischer (1993: 519) DUJXH³>E@HFDXVHJHQGHULVDSHUYDVLYHILOWHUWKUough which individuals experience their VRFLDOZRUOGFRQVXPSWLRQDFWLYLWLHVDUHIXQGDPHQWDOO\JHQGHUHG´ In fact, women and consumption have been inextricably linked both discursively and in the academic commentary and it is worth exploring this aspect of consumption, particularly in a consumer culture where the commercialisation of bodies, appearances and identities is far more extensive than ever before. As already seen in the previous chapter, looking at mass culture and the media in particular, the constant reflection on and understanding of an ever-demanding project of the self is promoted for women especially. This translates

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into a continuous self-monitoring of appearance and emotions that necessitates various commodities to be mobilised in the process.

Therefore, in the first section of this chapter I refer to some of the key theories of consumption, focusing on the emergence of consumer culture and its connection with identity. I then explore the literature which looks at gender in the context of consumption. This research has taken up consumption as an object of study in its own right, producing empirical as well as theoretical work that explores everyday practices of consumption and how these are influenced or informed by gender. Later I return to the importance of meanings and the symbolic value of consumption. In particular I look at fashion and its relevance to consumption. Underwear, after all, is part of the fashion system and thus reference to how fashion is used as a signifier of identities in consumption is important. Finally, I concentrate on the limited but important literature on underwear - some of which has already been discussed in Chapter 2 - and further discuss its relevance to this thesis.

3.2  Theories  of  consumption:  consumer  culture  and  identity   The emergence of academic journals such as the Journal of Consumer Culture and

Consumption, Markets and Culture in the last two decades is evidence of the growing engagement of scholarly research with social and cultural approaches to consumption (Casey and Martens, 2007b: 1). Some of the most prominent theoretical contributions to the study of consumption in this period are perhaps those of Campbell (1987), Featherstone (1991), Slater (1997) and Miller (1987; 1998). Campbell is influenced by romanticism in his analysis of consumption and believes that modern consumerist hedonism is not about the satisfaction of a need but about the pursuit of the pleasure of 78

consuming. This pursuit of the experience of pleasure is what fuels consumption. On the other hand, Featherstone (1991) examines consumption and the rise of consumer culture in postmodernity. In particular, he stresses that there are three main perspectives on consumer culture. Firstly, he sees consumer culture as a product of capitalist mass SURGXFWLRQ ZKLFK VHHNV WR VHGXFH WKH SRSXODWLRQ LQWR DQ LQGLYLGXDOLVWLF µIUHHGRP¶ RI choice. Secondly, he views the different use of products by consumers as a result of their desire for distinction, also suggested by Bourdieu (1984) and discussed in Chapter 2. Lastly, he suggests that products offer emotional pleasure to consumers, giving more emphasis to the symbolic value of commodities and the meanings that they produce or invoke. The latter can be argued to form part of how consumers exert their sense of GLVWLQFWLRQ EXW LW FDQ EH DUJXDEO\ EH FRQQHFWHG WR )RXFDXOW¶V WHFKQRORJLHV RI WKH VHOI and to the reflexive self in terms of the meanings commodities invoke to individuals.

Slater (1997) is more concerned with the everyday struggles of life that structure what we have come to call consumer culture, thus putting more emphasis on how consumption offers different ways of life through which the construction of identities and relations takes place. Finally, Miller (1987, 1998) focuses on the everyday practices of consumers, which is of particular importance for this thesis, because it marks the LPSRUWDQFH RI ORRNLQJ DW WKH PLFUR DVSHFWV RI FRQVXPSWLRQ DQG KRZ FRQVXPHUV¶ identities and lifestyles are constructed or influenced by them. Similarly, Douglas and Isherwood (1979), Bourdieu (1984) - as we saw in Chapter 2 - and Appadurai (1986) have focused on patterns of consumption and the meaning and significance that these KDYH LQ SHRSOH¶V HYHU\GD\ OLYHV LQVWHDG RI ORRNLQJ DW FRQVXPSWLRQ DV D UHVXOW RI production, which was previously the focus of consumption scholars. Another perspective regarding the relationship between consumption and production is given by 79

Zukin and Maguire (2004: 180) who look at production and consumption as interconnected and suggest that consumption is socially constructed partly through industry-fostered changes in cultural models and strategic practices of PDUNHWLQJ ³VXSSO\´  DQG SDUWO\ WKURXJK FKDQJLQJ GHPRJUDSKLFV VKLIWLQJ PHDQV RI self-expression, and new social practices (³GHPDQG´  $ PRUH VSHFXODWLYH YLHZ however, relates this demand for goods to changes in the consuming subject.

&RQVXPHU FXOWXUH HPHUJHV DV WKH ³FXOWXUH RI FRQVXPSWLRQ´ 6ODWHU    DQG DV D way of differentiating the west from the rest of the world as modern and free. Slater (1997) suggests that consumer culture is characterised by a pluralisation of choices UHDG\ WR EH FRQVXPHG 6LPLODUO\ %DXGULOODUG    VSHDNV RI D ³JHQHUDOLVHG K\VWHULD´ D FRPSOH[ ZRUOG RI REMHFWV DQG QHHGV WKDW ³EHFRPH D YDst paradigm for DQRWKHU ODQJXDJH WR ZRUN WKURXJK IRU VRPHWKLQJ RWKHU WR VSHDN´ 7KLV SOXUDOLW\ RI lifestyles and the commercialisation of these lifestyles and experiences through marketing and advertising, have created a myriad of ways of being and living, an ³LGHQWLW\-FULVLVRQDPDVVVFDOH´6ODWHU 6ODWHUMXVWLILHVKLVDUJXPHQWDERXW identity crisis linked with consumer culture on three bases. Firstly, he suggests that identity is better understood through consumption, as individuals can choose from a plurality of experiences and objects to form, as well as to maintain an identity. Second, LGHQWLW\LVLWVHOIDµFRPPRGLW\¶VLQFHZHUHJXODUO\KDYHWRµVHOO¶LGHQWLWLHVLQWKHYDULRXV fields in which we are situated in order to maintain social relations. Thirdly, the material and symbolic resources with which we sustain our identities are often consumer goods. Thus, consumer culture offers to the consuming subject commodities and saleable experiences as an answer to the search for identities. The reference to the consuming subject in the cultural field of consumption has to do with the quest for

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identity by individuals through self-reflection and a process of individualisation (Slater, 1997; Bauman, 2000). Studies which focus closely on consumption practices have linked our choices of goods with our taste, thus our habitus (Bourdieu, 1984), as already being discussed in Chapter 2. Exercising judgement over particular goods displays our lifestyle choices and expressions of identity (Paterson, 2006), as it will be argued later on in this chapter.

Consumer culture then, from this perspective has made the problem of identity a µWHFKQLFDO¶LVVXHWKDWFDQDSSDUHQWO\EHVROYHGWKURXJKYDULRXVFRPPRGLWLHV%DXPDQ 2001). Thus the production and management of the self can now be achieved by different sets of commodities, for example cosmetics for women which attend to GLIIHUHQW SDUWV RI ZRPHQ¶V ERGLHV DQG DUH FRQVLGHUHG µHVVHQWLDO¶ IRU D µUHVSRQVLEOH¶ individual who takes care of her body and her self. The resulting dilemmas of FRQVXPHUVRYHUWKHLUFKRLFHVRUZKHWKHUWKH\DUHµGRLQJLWULJKW¶DUHVROYHGXVLQJWZR GLVWLQFWIHDWXUHVRIRXU PRGHUQOLIH µH[SHUWV¶ DQGOLIHVW\OH6ODWHU $VQRWHGLQ the previous chapter, identity can now be managed by the expert guide of psychologists, life-coaches, self-help books and self-HVWHHP PDQXDOV 6LPLODUO\ µH[SHUWV¶ DV mentioned above, provide the necessary skills, in the form of commodities, for the production of the self and management of identities. As Giddens (1991) argues this can also be solved by the adoption of lifestyles; an assertion of specific taste in goods, SUDFWLFHVDQGJHQHUDOO\DZD\RIOLIHZKLFKLVPDQLIHVWHGE\DQLQGLYLGXDO¶VKDELWXVDQG cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1984). Lifestyle provides a unity in the practices of individuals and their preferences in commodities, reducing thus their choices, dilemmas DQGDQ[LHW\LQWRD³PRUHRUOHVVRUGHUHGSDWWHUQ´*LGGHQV 

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Equally and relatedly, this body of theory suggests that people employ different lifestyles in an attempt to feel different and be noticeable. People seek to differentiate themselves from each other by acquiring exaggerated and eccentric styles of dress and behaviour for example, in order to assert individuality in what are often their highly impersonal and anonymous urban lives (see Simmel, 1997: 69-80). There is strong emphasis in contemporary consumer culture on how individuals can be improved and excel compared to others and, as Giddens (1991) puts it, there is a continuous demand for self-reflection. People are constantly reminded, by the media mostly, that they need to pay attention to their overall project of the self, as previously discussed in Chapter 2. This involves self-monitoring and ongoing scrutiny of appearance and behaviour; all these towards gaining a coherent sense of the self and continual improvements in the project of identity.

Consumption then is central to this project of the self. The choices we make as FRQVXPHUVZLOOXOWLPDWHO\VLJQLI\RXUµSURJUHVV¶:KDWZHZHDUZKDWZHHDWZKHUHZH VKRSZKLFKFDUZHGULYHDOOµGHILQH¶HOHPHQWVRIRXUVHOYHV$V6ODWHU SXWV it,

[a]s a result, all aspects of our existence are monitored and scrutinized as objects of instrumental calculation in the creation of the self. And consumer industries stand UHDG\ ZLWK WKLQJV RQH FDQ EX\ >«@ DGYHUWLVLQJ DQG WKH PHGLD URXWLQHO\ RIIHU aspirational narratives of the self - images of lifestyles, goods, advice - with which WKHYLHZHUFDQLGHQWLI\>«@>7@KH\RIIHUXS the very idea of the self as a narrative form, something to be constructed through individual choice and effort.

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Arguing that the choices we make as consumers become elements of our identity construction brings us closer to the need to examine how different consumption practices, like buying underwear, can be part of this construction. Indeed consumption practices are arguably highly gendered or assert gender connotations. Drawing from the discussion above, it is predominantly women who are more scrutinised in terms of their self-regulation and self-monitoring, as argued by Foucauldian feminists like Bordo and Bartky (see Chapter 2) and consumerism has played a major role in that. On the other hand, since many of the products we buy are for domestic use, then it is more likely that any study of consumption will involve women consumers, since women are arguably more related to domesticity. Thus it is important to draw attention to how consumption is informed by gender and what the dynamics of gendered consumption are in relation to identity construction.

͵Ǥ͵‘‡ǯ•‡˜‡”›†ƒ›…‘•—’–‹‘’”ƒ…–‹…‡•   Historically gender has not in fact been an important theme in studies of consumption (Silva, 2007). Only recently has there been a preoccupation with gender in the relevant analyses, when attention from scholarly research was placed on everyday elements and practices of consumption. Moreover, even though a number of feminist scholars have used consumption as an important concept in their work (see for example de Grazia and Furlough, 1996; McRobbie, 1999; 2000; Bowlby, 2000), only limited studies have actually taken up the intersections between gender and consumption as a research topic in itself. But as Silva (2007: 141) notes,

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[i]f consumer culture impacts on domestic practices, gender practices within the domestic setting should be regarded as most significant for the transformation of consumer culture.

Indeed, consumption is part of our everyday lives: it is mundane and routine in many cases and also highly domesticated. But, as suggested, it is only recently that research has been done that concentrates specifically on everyday aspects of consumption by women, and this is crucial in learning how consumer culture is informed by gender.

Even though this systematic UHVHDUFK LQWR HOHPHQWV RI ZRPHQ¶V FRQVXPSWLRQ LV D relatively recent phenomenon, the preoccupation, particularly in mass culture, with the connections of women and consumption is not. From the mid-nineteenth century, in the west at least, women, and mostly middle-class women, have been closely discursively connected with shopping and commodities as they have taken their consumption practices from the domestic sphere to the public one. As Andrew and Talbot (2000b: 3, HPSKDVLVLQRULJLQDO H[SODLQ³WKHHPHUJHnce of the new domestic ideology of middleFODVVQHVV«ZDVSLYRWHGXSRQDQRWLRQRIZRPHQLQWKHKRPHEXWDVWLPHSURJUHVVHG on the necessity for women to go outside the home to purchase for WKH KRPH´ 7KH appearance of department stores in the west in the early twentieth century, together with WKH HPHUJHQFH RI ZRPHQ¶V PDJD]LQHV HWLTXHWWH ERRNV PDUULDJH DQG RWKHU PDQXDOV SURYLGHG D FRUQHUVWRQH IRU WKH FRQVWUXFWLRQ RI ZRPHQ DV ³VKRSSHUV par excellence ´ (Casey and Martens, 2007b: 2) as it was mostly women who did the shopping, as part of WKHLU WDVN DV µKRPHPDNHUV¶ VHH *LOHV  DQG 1DYD   'HSDUWPHQW VWRUHV LQ SDUWLFXODUSURYLGHG DµVDIHSODFH¶IRUWKHPWR PRYHRXW IURP GRPHVWLFLW\ DQd become public consumers:

84

As institutions the department stores made a major contribution to the twentiethcentury consolidation of women as consumers and to consumption and consumer expertise as activities that were as gendered as production. (Nava, 1996: 66)

7KHVH VWRUHV SURYLGHG D µVDIH¶ HQYLURQPHQW IRU ZRPHQ¶V VRFLDOLVLQJ DQG RIIHUHG limitless possibilities for new commodities ± mostly clothing and furnishing ± that could help with their domestic needs as well as their self-fashioning (Felski, 1995; Nava, 1996; Bowlby, 2000). Following Nava, Giles (2007) argues that, in department stores, women acquired the ability to assert their taste and read signs:

[s]hopping was not simply about realising dreams or an enjoyable leisure activity for the affluent. It involved work: the work of decoding and encoding new and complex signifiers that enabled women to acquire the cultural capital required to function as effective housewives. (p. 19)

However, women as consumers were also demonised as irrational and frivolous. The irrationality of inchoate desires were also attributed to female consumers some time in the mid-nineteenth century, where

the idea of the modern becomes aligned with a pessimistic vision of an unpredictable yet curiously passive femininity seduced by the glittering phantasmagoria of an emerging consumer culture. (Felski, 1995: 62)

However, despite the demonization of women as consumers, mass culture and consumption nonetheless arguably offered them more possibilities to enter the public realm than ever before and to seek equality, primarily for middle-class women. The rise of big chain stores at the turn of the nineteenth century and the fast growth of retailing

85

also offered women new employment opportunities, and class distinctions between them were gradually diminished. For example, Nava (2000) notes that working-class women the new - µIDFWRU\ JLUOV¶ - were particularly attracted to fashion with the DSSHDUDQFHRIVWRUHVOLNH0DUNVDQG6SHQFHU¶VDQGJRRG-quality but cheap, ready-made fashion gradually reduced to diminish class distinctions in terms of outward appearance.

Suburban domesticity was another important element of consumption in the early twentieth century. An expansion of house-building in the western suburbs created this domesticity with new houses and cheap mortgages on offer, as well as new events and exhibitions that promoted the modern lifestyles and appropriate tastes for people living the suburban life. Working-class families had an opportunity to move to the suburbs and middle-class and lower-class women found themselves having similar domestic needs for their suburban houses (Nava, 2000; Giles, 2007). Suburban domesticity or µVXEXUEDQPRGHUQLW\¶ZDV³SDUWRIWKHSURFHVVRIEHFRPLQJPLGGOH-FODVV´1DYD 55), and consumption had a major role to play since a far larger proportion of women than ever before were now shopping for their families and themselves as an everyday activity.

As already suggested, some feminist literature exists that explores and analyses ZRPHQ¶V GRPHVtic contemporary consumption practices such as shopping, food and household management (see for example Charles, 1988; Jackson and Moores, 1995). However, Casey and Martens (2007a) argue that few feminist attempts have been made to use conceptual frameworks coming from the perspective of consumption studies to DQDO\VHWKHLPSRUWDQFHRIFRQVXPSWLRQWRZRPHQ¶VOLYHV7KH\VWUHVVWKHLPSRUWDQFHRI looking more closely into the link between everyday consumption practices and gender.

86

Their edited text work especially focuses on routine operations of consumption and how they are informed by gender. For example Giles (2007), in this collection, argues that it is important to eliminate the distinction between public and domestic spaces (the public being work and the city where production takes place and the domestic as the space to which consumption is mostly linked) in order to fully understand the importance and the meanings of everyday life experiences of women and how these are linked with consumption. Routine or GHWDLOHG DVSHFWV RI ZRPHQ¶V HYHU\GD\ OLIH IRU H[DPSOH WKH RUJDQLVLQJ RI FKLOGUHQ¶V ELUWKGD\ SDUWLHV FDQ GHPRQVWUDWH KRZ FRQVXPSWLRQ FDQ UH SURGXFHZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLWLHVHJPRWKHUKRRG&ODUNH &ODUNHDUJXHVWKDWWKH RUJDQLVDWLRQRIFKLOGUHQ¶VELUWKGD\SDUWLHVDQGLQYROYHPHQWLQWKHµELUWKGD\FXOWXUH¶FDQ EH VHHQ QRW RQO\ DV DQ H[WHQVLRQ RI ZRPHQ¶V GRPHVWLF FRQVXPSWLRQ EXW DOVR DV DQ insight into how motherhood and consumption have been interlinked, simultaneously, JLYLQJ PRWKHUV D ZD\ RI ³VXEYHUW>ing] the tyranny of idealised roles as carers and ILQG>LQJ@ DOWHUQDWLYH UHQGLWLRQV RI EHLQJ D µPRWKHU¶´    7KXV WKH DWWHQWLRQ JLYHQ WR WKHVH DVSHFWV RI ZRPHQ¶V GDLO\ OLYHV FDQ JLYH DQ LQVLJKW LQWR KRZ ZRPHQ produce and reproduce identities through consumption.

Relatedly, an earlier edited collection by Andrews and Talbot (2000a) also FRQFHSWXDOLVHVHYHU\GD\FRQVXPSWLRQSUDFWLFHVDQGWKHLUHIIHFWVRQZRPHQ¶VOLYHV7KH HGLWRUV VWUHVV WKDW FRQVXPSWLRQ LV DQ LQHYLWDEOH H[SHULHQFH LQ ZRPHQ¶V OLYHV Dnd it is LPSRUWDQW WR H[SORUHDQGXQGHUVWDQGKRZ ³FKDQJHV ± such as the introduction of selfservice food shopping or the commercialization of female sanitary products ± affect our OLYHV´D 

87

In a similar vein this thesis is also premised on a mundane or routine but nevertheless discursively important consumption practice, that of choosing and wearing underwear, which can also be seen as a source for feminine identity construction. I particularly look DW KRZ GLIIHUHQW DVSHFWV RI ZRPHQ¶V LGHQWLW\ Qecessitate various mobilisations, i.e. specific types of underwear, in order to support their body and appearance, and in a more general sense their identity projects. I now further explore the meaning/s of consumption, in terms of how commodities can transmit meanings and become markers of different kinds of identity project.

3.4  The  meaning/s  of  consumption   In the previous section I stressed the importance of the conceptualisation of everyday, routine practices of consumption and our understanding of how these are informed by gender or how gender identity might be constructed. The interest that research now demonstrates in such mundane elements of consumption is due to the fact that commodities have symbolic meanings, beyond their utilitarian qualities, as discussion so far has suggested (McCracken, 1988). Goods transfer meanings and can be markers of gender, class and so on. Douglas and Isherwood (1979), in particular, echo this in their book The World of Goods DQGVWUHVVWKDWJRRGVDUH³QHHGHGWRPDNHYLsible and VWDEOHWKHFDWHJRULHVRIFXOWXUH´S &RPPRGLWLHVVXFKDVFORWKLQJIRUH[DPSOHDFW as symbols of social relationships and classifications. These meanings have been assigned by the social and are central to its reproduction. The complex system of meanings that goods evoke allows people to understand and interpret their meanings when they buy them for themselves or when they see them used by other people, within their social fields. Consumers become intelligible, adopting a sense of style or taste according to the cultural and symbolic capital they inherit (Bourdieu, 1984), as 88

discussed in the previous chapter, and also through their interpretation of the meanings of commodities and the impact that it has on their identities.

Particularly important in understanding how commodities invoke particular meanings to consumers has been the study of semiotics, which treats elements of culture metaphorically as text, through the signs that it transmits. RolaQG%DUWKHV¶ Mythologies (1972) is a prominent work in the study of semiotics where with his brief stories he examines the wider meanings that everyday objects can invoke. Barthes distinguishes the meanings that everyday objects invoke into connotations and denotations, where the latter is the literal messages transferred and the former the symbolic and cultural meanings transmitted. Advertising has often been analysed via semiotics where meanings both literal and metaphorical/symbolic are dissected (e.g. Williamson, 1978). The (re)construction of a particular type of femininity through advertising is one example of how the connotations and denotations of advertising derived from but also affected affected cultural processes and understandings. Underwear advertising for example often portrays young and slender women who invoke a sense of sensuality. These images connote western cultural imperatives around the youthful, slender body of D µEHDXWLIXO¶ ZRPDQ ZKR µGHVHUYHV¶ WR ZHDU WKH W\SH RI XQGHUZHDU DGYHUWLVHG 7KXV cultural expectations are (re)created as to what women should wear when it comes to certain body types (Tischner and Malson, 2008).

By acknowledging the denotations and connotations of elements of culture, i.e. objects or events, it seems that consumption provides an array of possibilities for the ongoing project of identity. Commodities not only are what they represent (their actual meaning), but their symbolic meaning offers a multiplicity of potential identity projects.

89

Commodities can externalise the various aspirations of adopting or appropriating, for example, a version of womanhood or femininity that suits the context or the field a woman is situated in. For example, the tailored suits worn by professional women can assert the sense of power and authority needed for a woman to establish herself as a professional (Entwistle, 2000b). In his ethnographic study of shopping in North London, Miller (2001) also tries to illustrate this by using an example of one of his participants shopping for shoes. This participant had gone back to university to study IRUDSRVWJUDGXDWHGHJUHHDVDPDWXUHVWXGHQWDQGVKHIHOWWKDWQHZVKRHVµDSSURSULDWH¶ for her new identity as a student were necessary. While this participant felt that she was PRUH µKHUVHOI¶ ZKHQ ZHDULQJ KLJK KHHOV KHU QHZ LGHQWLW\ DV D VWXGHQW DQG WKH QHZ ³DFDGHPLF HWKRV´ S  VKH KDG HQWHUHG RIIHUHG KHU D QHZ SURMHFW WKDW µUHTXLUHG¶ dressing down and wearing more comfortable, everyday shoes. However, her difficulty LQILQGLQJWKHVHµDSSURSULDWH¶VKRHVZDVDUHVXOWRIWKHFRQWUDGLFWLRQVVKHIHOWZKHQVKH was confronted with her more usual shoe style. As Miller suggests,

[t]he shoe here is not just a commodity that intervenes in the relationship between person and discourse, but it reveals itself equally as discourse, that is, as the commercial semiotic of difference that feeds into the imagination of different possibilities for the self that were raised by the very idea of shopping for shoes. (2001: 44)

The consumption of clothing, then, as we have seen in Chapter 2 is a prominent example of how consumers assert their intelligibility. Clothing is part of the fashion system, a claim which is said to be underdeveloped in sociological studies (Crane and Bovone, 2006). Fashion has been generally defined as a system of change (Wilson, 1985; Entwistle, 2000a); more specifically Wilson stresses that

90

[f]ashion is dress in which the key feature is rapid and continual changing of styles. Fashion, in a sense is change, and in modern western societies no clothes are outside of fashion; fashion sets the terms of all sartorial behaviour. (Wilson, 1985: 3, emphasis in original)

Entwistle (2000b) stresses that fashion as a system is a hybrid one and is found in societies where class mobility and forces of productions and consumption are possible and that it thus develops under specific socio-historical conditions. Fashion can be defined as an ever broader phenomenon, WKDW LV ³WKH FUHDWLRQ DQG DWWULEXWLRQ RI V\PEROLF YDOXHV WR PDWHULDO FXOWXUH´ (Crane and Bovone, 2006: 320) per se. Indeed, material culture, for example clothing, as Crane and Bovone ( ibid.) argue, can be used DVD³PHGLXPIRUFXOWXUDOFKDQJHWKURXJKLWVFDSDFLW\WRHPERG\V\PEROLFYDOXHVDQG to change or reinforce those values in consumers when they acquire and use material REMHFWV´

Overall, though, clothing as a system of meaning and values is often seen as conveying precisely historical meanings or values, which indicate how the clothing can be or should be employed. For example, the Victorian corset which has been linked with the modification of the female body into a certain presentation of femininity as discussed in Chapter 2, is seen now as an erotic garment, as underwear, as a fetish item, or even as SDUWRIRXWHUZHDUIRUDVSHFLDORFFDVLRQRUSDUW\6WHHOH¶V(1985) alternative supposition that the corset connoted a socially assertive woman shows how clothes can also invoke meanings crucial for how individuals assert their social status, gender or sexuality. Clothing can likewise be used to denote subcultures and distinct identities of youth groups perhaps in particular, such as gothic or emo fashion. Clothing is part of the fashion system, as a system of dress which includes any type of adornment of the body, 91

it is a complex system of meanings, because we can never ignore who interprets/decodes these meanings (Wilson, 1985; Davis, 1992; Grove-White, 2001). For example, a fashion guru is more likely to describe an everyday dark outfit as dull and inexpressive, while the wearer might feel comfortable and as if they are not standing out.

,QGHHGLQGLYLGXDOV¶Xnderstanding of the fashion system and their relationship with the clothes they wear is crucial, since as this affects or constructs their lifestyle and identities (Entwistle, 2000b). After all, clothes perpetuate socially constructed meanings that classif\SHRSOHDVWDOOSHWLWHGLVWLQFWLRQVLQXVXDOO\ZRPHQ¶VFORWKLQJ IHPLQLQH masculine, sexy, dull and so on. As Grove-White (2001: 194) argues, when it comes to buying clothes, people are also influHQFHGE\VHYHUDOIDFWRUV³ZKLFKLQFOXGHVRFLDOFODVV RULJLQWKHLPSDFWRIIHPLQLVPERG\VL]HDJHDQGPDWHUQDOLQIOXHQFH´)RUWKHODWWHULW could be assumed that, especially for underwear, the maternal influence might be strong because it is usually thH PRWKHU ZKR LV LQYROYHG LQ D JLUO¶V ILUVW H[SHULHQFH ZLWK KHU underwear. Indeed, as Chapter 5 will show, my participants talk quite a lot about the influence of their mothers in terms of the underwear they wear.

Clothes also invoke an aesthetic value to the wearer and that is why colours, for example, and the feelings and emotions they induce in the wearers are an important element of the consumption of clothing. As Grove-White (2001) stresses, colours can establish a new trend in the complex fashion system, but can also denote or affect an LQGLYLGXDO¶V PRRG &RORXU LV WKH PRVW YLVLEOH VLJQ RI WKH PHDQLQJV RI FORWKLQJ DQG LV crucial in determining change within the complex fashion system. In the case of underwear, this is even more interesting, since even though it is ostensibly hidden from

92

view, the colours of underwear can still be important to the wearer in terms of the PHDQLQJV WKHVH FRORXUV PLJKW WUDQVPLW &RORXUV FDQ LQIOXHQFH RU VLJQDO D ZRPDQ¶V mood and emotions about her body (as argued above) but also, her identity or her understanding of the prevailing moral order - the connotations of black underwear, for example, arguably related to overt sexuality or sensuality (Fields, 2007). In the following section I draw upon the limited literature on underwear as material culture and focus on its relevance to this thesis.

3.5  Underwear  as  commodity  and  its  implications   As I have already argued, there is only limited research on the consumption of XQGHUZHDU 6WRUU¶V    HWKQRJUDSKLF VWXG\ RI $QQ 6XPPHUV¶ SDUWLHV DQG -DQW]HQ¶V et al.¶V VHPLQDOUHVHDUFKRQKRZVSHFLDODQGGHOLFDWHXQGHUZHDULH OLQJHULHFRQQHFWVZLWKZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\DUHWKHPRVWSURPLQHQWHPSLULFDOVWXGLHVWKDW look at this intimate aspect of material culture. Even though other aspects of dress have been given a lot of attention in the studies of consumption, and the consumption of other everyday objects have also been the focus of scholarly research, at least recently, underwear as a means of identity construction has been largely ignored. As already mentioned in Chapter 1, the literature on underwear is mostly concerned with a KLVWRULFDO SHUVSHFWLYH RQ XQGHUZHDU¶V PHDQLQJV DQG VRFLDO FODVVLILFDWLRQV DQG LWV connection to the female body in particular. I contend that underwear equally deserves to be explored as an element of material culture and a marker of identity. It is also SDUWLFXODUO\LPSRUWDQWEHFDXVHLIRQHµEUDFNHWV¶LWVXWLOLWDULDQIXQFWLRQWKDWLVWRSURWHFW RXUERGLHV¶LQWLPDWHSDUWVWKHV\PEROLFPHDQLQJVDQGvalues it produces for the wearer are of great importance. Moreover, despite the fact that underwear is ostensibly hidden from view, a large number of women consumers spend a great amount of money on 93

buying underwear and invest substantial effort in determLQLQJWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDUIRU any given occasion (Jantzen et al ., 2006).

,Q KHU DUWLFOH µ&ODVV\ /LQJHULH¶ (2002) as well as her book Latex & Lingerie (2003), Storr tries to relate the consumption of underwear to social class. Her research is based on DQ HWKQRJUDSK\ RI $QQ 6XPPHUV¶ SDUWLHV LQ /RQGRQ DQG (VVH[ 6WRUU¶V DLP LV WR LGHQWLI\DQGUHODWHKHUSDUWLFLSDQWV¶ERWKSDUW\JRHUVDQGSDUW\RUJDQLVHUV VRFLDOFODVV to their buying behaviour as far as underwear is concerned. Storr argues that

Underwear >«@SOD\VRQWKHDPELJXLWLHVEHWZHHQFRQFHDOPHQWDQGGLVSOD\EHWZHHQ seductiveness and respectability; between eroticism and romance; between the IHPLQLQHDQGWKHVH[XDODQGEHWZHHQWKHOX[XULRXVDQGWKHµFKHDS¶«7KHUHKDYH EHHQIHZLIDQ\VWXGLHV>«@ of the ways in which women negotiate these ambiguities in their everyday practices of buying and selling underwear. (Storr, 2002: 20; 2003: 186)

Storr traces other ambiguities in underwear and presents them as binary pairs, such as public/private,

sleaze/respectability

and

luxury/utility

(2003:

191).

For

the

private/public binary she notes how her participants talked at the parties about underwear that could be worn as tops. This brings to attention the implications of visible underwear and whether or not, if worn as outerwear, it is more easily accepted. This reminds us of social surveillance and monitoring as discussed in the previous FKDSWHUDQGKRZVRFLHW\µUHJXODWHV¶VW\OHVRIDSSHDUDQFHLQWHUPVWKHH[SHFWDWLRQVDQG imperatives evident in specific times, and also how fashion is linked to these social imperatives. For example corsets are now worn as party tops, and even though they still

94

bear the markers of a certain kind of femininity due to the moulding of the body, it would not have been acceptable two centuries ago for women to be seen as such.

Nevertheless, Storr particularly emphasises the luxury/utility binary because one of the ILQGLQJVRIKHUUHVHDUFKZDVWKDWVRFLDOFODVVGRHVVHHPWRFRQQHFWWRKHUSDUWLFLSDQWV¶ FRQVXPSWLRQ RI $QQ 6XPPHUV¶ products, although she notes it would be an error to ³DVVXPHWKDWWKHUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQVRFLDO FODVVDQGIDVKLRQLVVLPSO\ DERXWEX\LQJ ZKDWRQHFDQDIIRUG´ 6KHPHQWLRQVWKDWVRPHRIKHUSDUWLFLSDQWVZKRZHUH all working-class women, thougKW WKDW WKH\ ZHUH JLYLQJ WKHPVHOYHV D µWUHDW¶ ZKHQ EX\LQJ $QQ 6XPPHUV¶ XQGHUZHDU 0RUHRYHU LQ 6WRUU¶V UHVHDUFK ZH ILQG KHU participants asserting that it is the kind of luxury that they would not normally buy, while in a similar situation in Jantzen et al ¶V UHVHDUFKDµWUHDW¶LVLQWHUSUHWHGDV something for self-fashioning and increasing self-esteem. As the women in Jantzen et

al¶VUHVHDUFKZHUHPLGGOH-class women, this indicates how class distinctions influence the interpretations the meanings that commodities might invoke and it also reminds us of Dumas et al. (2005), discussed in Chapter 2, and how class as part of habitus affects ZRPHQ¶VUHODWLRQVKLSZLWK WKHLUERGLHV ,QWKH H[DPSOHRI6WRUU¶V DQG-DQW]HQ et al ¶V studies the different definitiRQV RI µWUHDW¶ UHJDUGLQJ OX[XULRXV RU VSHFLDO XQGHUZHDU show exactly how middle-class women might give different meanings to underwear in terms of how it makes them feel than those given by working-class women. For the working-FODVV ZRPHQ LQ 6WRUU¶V VWXGy, this type of underwear is expensive and underwear is more about necessity than making yourself feel good.

Jantzen et al. (2006) specifically explore how underwear can induce emotions and sensations in women, which in turn have effects on their experience of their own

95

feminine identity. Their work is especially important here in terms of how they DSSURSULDWH)RXFDXOW¶VWHFKQologies of the self, in a similar fashion to how the concept is used in this thesis and discussed in Chapter 2, to analyse how the sensations induced in women by their lingerie can affect the way they feel about themselves and increase their self-esteem. Jantzen et al . draw attention to the dynamics that come into play UHJDUGLQJ ZRPHQ¶V GHFLVLRQV DERXW WKH µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU ZKLFK VKRZV H[DFWO\ KRZ WKH\ WU\ WR EHFRPH DV QRWHG DERYH µLQWHOOLJLEOH¶ LQ WKHLU VHOI-regulation and consumption.

However, while Jantzen et al . (2006) assume a connection between lingerie and sexuality or sex, Amy-Chinn, in a published dialogue between her, Jantzen and Østergaard (Amy-Chinn et al . 2006), particularly criticises the other authors for this quick assumption. She claims that Jantzen et al . in their 2006 article have developed and taken for granted this argument too rapidly and that the link between underwear and sexuality is likewise presupposed by advertising and media culture more generally. She also claims, as women consumers make distinctions between respectable or nice XQGHUZHDU DQG µKDUORW¶ XQGHUZHDU  -185), it would be interesting to know where the boundaries of this link lie.

,QGHHG(QWZLVWOHE VXJJHVWVWKDW³>Z@KHQRQHFRQVLGHUVLWVSUR[LPLty to its ERG\ LW LV QRW VXUSULVLQJ WKDW XQGHUZHDU LV WKH IRFXV RI LQWHQVH HURWLF LQWHUHVW´ 7KLV eroticisation of the naked and simultaneously dressed female body in underwear is of course an extension of the cultural inscription of a female body as sexual. Moreover, feminists have always expressed their concern about the way the female body has been portrayed in underwear advertising from the twentieth century onwards. Amy-Chinn

96

   IRU H[DPSOH UHIHUV WR WKH FUXFLDO UROH ZKLFK WKH 8.¶V $GYHUWLVing Standards Authority (ASA), and their 1990 study Herself Reappraised: The Treatment

of Women in Advertising, played in how underwear advertising has prolonged the showcasing of the female body as a sexual object (ibid.). She particularly refers to the $6$¶VFODLPLQWKLVVWXG\WKDW

[t]here is no escaping that nature made women sex objects to men just as she made PHQVH[REMHFWVWRZRPHQ>«@,WLVWKHFDVHWKRXJKWKDWIRUPDQ\SHRSOHEURXJKWXS in our culture and erotic heritage, that young women are nicer to look at than men,

especially when they are naked >«@ 6R LW LV natural and inevitable that permissiveness spreads to advertisements. (ASA cited in Amy-Chinn, 2006: 157, emphasis in original)

The naturalisation of the naked female body as sexual has been inscribed into these cultural affirmations and the image of a naked body, even if partly dressed in underwear, is usually eroticised. Media culture, and especially advertising, has proliferated this aIILUPDWLRQ LQ WH[WV VXFK DV WKH µ+HOOR %R\V¶ DGYHUWLVHPHQW IRU WKH 3OD\WH[:RQGHUEUDLQ%UDDGYHUWLVHPHQWV LQHYLWDEO\GUDZDWWHQWLRQWRZRPHQ¶V breasts and this has always been an issue: how do you advertise a bra without sexualising it when it is literally attached to a visible naked body (Schultz, 2004)? Amy-Chinn criticises this, arguing that,

[..] the public circulation of images of women in states of undress is always liable to offend the sensibilities of some sections of the population. And the link between

déshabillement and sexual activity makes it easy to claim that any such UHSUHVHQWDWLRQVLQKHUHQWO\SRVLWLRQZRPHQDVVH[REMHFWV>«@HPSKDVLVLQ original)

97

Relatedly, looking at the sports bra, for example, which is designed for women who are active and fit and is particularly promoted as such, Schultz (2004) nevertheless stresses that it is still associated with sexual connotations and is eroticised when it is on display. According to her,

[b]rassieres of all sorts are sexualized, but the sports bra presents an interesting case because it is simultaneously lingerie, sports equipment, and a fashion statement. In addition, sports bras have traditionally cRPSUHVVHGZRPHQ¶VEUHDVWVIRUFRPIRUWDQG protection in physical activity. (2004: 199)

She refers to a specific sports event that was discussed in the US media for quite some WLPH,Q%UDQGL&KDVWDLQDVRFFHUSOD\HUIRUWKH86QDWLRQDOZRPHQ¶VWHDP took her jersey off when she scored in a penalty shootout that gave her team victory against the Chinese national team. The image of Chastain in her black sports bra was scrutinised by cultural commentators as an act of stripping off. It was also mocked by male soccer players who, on similar occasions, imitated Chastain by taking off their MHUVH\VWRGLVSOD\DVSRUWVEUDWKXVXQGHUPLQLQJWKHLPSRUWDQFHRIWKHLUIHOORZDWKOHWH¶V WULXPSKDQW PRPHQW DQG ³UHGXFLQJ LW WR DQ LQFLGHQW RI IULYROLW\´ (2004: 192). This is what Schultz finds intriguing, stressing that as soon as the sports bra became visible, it was eroticised:

In the case of [the male athletes] the media give the sports bras primacy after the removal of their jerseys. In the case of Brandi Chastain, however, it is somewhat more difficult to discern whether her 1999 World Cup celebration is better understood as the act of taking off her shirt or about the exposure of the bra. (2004: 193)

98

According to Schultz (2004: 195)WKHVSRUWVEUDLVDOVR³LPSOLFDWHGLQWKHFUHDWLRQDQG PDLQWHQDQFH RI GRPLQDQW FXOWXUDO LGHDOV RI ZRPHQ¶V EUHDVWV´ %UDV PRXOG DQG VKDSH ZRPHQ¶VEUHDVWVDFFRUGLQJWRWKHLUW\SHDQGthe effect the woman wants to create. It is WKHVDPHIRUVSRUWVEUDVWKH\DOVRPRXOGWKHEUHDVWVLQWRDµVTXHH]HG¶SRVLWLRQXVXDOO\ so that they are protected from physical activity. However, Schultz (2004: 196), argues that,

[t]he sports bra, like any other bra, is concerned with promoting a sexuality that most appeals to the masculine gaze. As an object of consumption, the sports bra plays on and reinforces hegemonic notions of femininity.

She analyVHV VSRUWV EUD DGYHUWLVHPHQWV WR ILQG WKDW WKHUH LV QR µQDWXUDO¶ VKDSH RI WKH breasts or of the body in that respect, especially as sports bras now do more than just support the upper body during physical activity. Now they also accentuate breasts rather than flattening them as they used to do. The cultural imperatives around the athletic female body are now seemingly demanding well-defined and definitely not flat breasts. This body is here further normalised according to the social and cultural imperatives of IHPLQLQLW\ ³GLVJXLVLQJ WKH GLVFLSOLQH QHFHVVDU\ WR DFKLHYH WKDW ERG\´ (Schultz, 2004: 196).

From this brief review and the discussion in Chapter 1, it is evident that the literature on underwear either looks at the historical aspects of its development, or takes up the assumption that there is a close link between underwear and eroticism. Within consumption studies, the prominent works of Storr and Jantzen et al . do put forward the idea that the consumption of underwear is connected to issues of identity construction but from a limited perspective. However different elements of the experience of 99

choosing and wearing underwear are at play here including ambiguities about how GLIIHUHQWVWDJHVRIDZRPDQ¶V life or different activities that a woman performs involve different experiences with regard to her body and her underwear. A woman athlete, a mother, a pregnant woman, an older woman or a working woman may, we could assume, report different experiences of their underwear, which will ultimately affect her FKRLFHVDQGKHUSHUVSHFWLYHVRQZKDWWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDULV

3.6  Summary   This chapter has situated underwear as a consumption practice within the system of fashion. With reference to some of the most important perspectives of consumption and consumer culture, my aim was to show how consumption practices, indeed in this case choosing and buying underwear, become one of the ways in which identities are negotiated and (re)constructed. I first made reference to the emergence of consumer culture and its connections with identity, drawing attention to how consumer culture has been connected with the production and management of identities. I then focused on everyday consumption practices and their importance in how women mobilise everyday commodities as sources of their female identity project. Finally I looked as the meanings that commodities might induce to consumers and then the limited literature on underwear as a consumption practice and its connections to identity.

There are some interesting ambiguities when it comes to underwear, which can be located in any research that seeks to understand the experiences of women in this regard. Some have been identified in the studies by Storr (2003) and Jantzen et al. (2006). In contributing as yet to this limited commentary, this thesis will also examine some of these ambiguities and how women might negotiate these in their everyday lives 100

and identity projects. If identity is an ongoing project, any aspect or indeed commodity that asserts meaning in the lives of women influences their identity projects. The meaning and signification that underwear as part of dress might influence these identity projects in various ways, for example how underwear might feel on the body when at work, or how the sensations it produces for the body work as a technology of the self. My later discussion in Chapter 5 will seek to understand the experiences that my women participants report regarding their underwear. The next chapter however presents the methodological design that this research adopted.

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Chapter  4    Methodology   4.1  Introduction   The purpose of this chapter is to present and justify the methodological strategy of this research. In the first section 4.2 I discuss the importance of my research questions as a social inquiry and how these research questions mirror my own assumptions about what social inquiry is and how it can be done. I then move to the second section in which I link my discussion from the section 4.2 to my ontological and epistemological assumptions about reality and the social world. I also refer to the methodological strategy that follows these assumptions, giving an account of what the social reality is WKDW,WU\WRµFDSWXUH¶ZLWKWKLVSDUWLFXlar research project.

The third section documents my selection of methods and sampling. I first justify the use of focus groups and one-to-one interviews in my research, and then I go on to explain the strategic purpose of my sampling. The next section represents my reflections on the actual empirics and my role as a researcher in the field. An account of the data analysis process follows, where I refer to my understanding of what data analysis means as well as to my use of computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software (NVivo 8). Finally, this chapter ends with an account of the ethics of this research and some implications or inevitabilities of the methodology chosen.

4.2  Research  questions   Before I discuss issues of ontology and epistemology, I find it useful to reiterate my research questions, in order to show how they indeed connect to the set of assumptions I

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make about social reality. The questions indicate the suitability of qualitative research, which, as Alvesson and Deetz (2000: 1) stress, is usually or typically

oriented to the inductive study of socially constructed reality, focusing on meanings, ideas and practices, taking the native¶V SRLQW RI YLHZ VHULRXVO\ ZLWKRXW TXHVWLRQLQJ either the wider context of it or the process forming it.

The thesis asks: i.

What are the socio-FXOWXUDO IDFWRUV WKDW LQIOXHQFH ZRPHQ¶V FRQVXPSWLRQ RI underwear?

ii. What is the role of underwear as part of dress in the construction of female identity? iii. What kind of feelings and experiences do women report regarding the consumption of underwear? (e.g. how important is underwear to them?; do they wear different underwear for different occasions,?; for whom do they buy underwear?) iv. :KDWLVWKHUROHRIµWDVWH¶ZKHQLWFRPHVWRWKHXQGHUZHDUZRPHQFKRRVH"

$ FDUHIXO UHDGLQJ RI WKH TXHVWLRQV UHYHDOV P\ LQWHQWLRQV RI JUDVSLQJ UHVSRQGHQWV¶ H[SHULHQFHVLQWHUSUHWDWLRQVDQGIHHOLQJVZKLFKVXJJHVWVDFRPPLWPHQWWRWKHµQDWLYH¶V SRLQWRIYLHZ¶(YHQWKRXJKDOOP\TXHVWLRQVEHJLQ ZLWK µ:KDW«¶ ,FRQWHQGWKDWWKH DQVZHUWRWKLVµZKDW¶LV VXEMHFWLYHVLQFH,GRQRWVHHDGHILQLWHREMHFWLYHRUVFLHQWLILF DQVZHUµRXWWKHUH¶,EHJLQZLWKWKHDVVXPSWLRQWKDWZRPHQKDYHGLIIHUHQWH[SHULences, particularly with this private and intimate part of their clothing. My aim as a researcher is to capture some of these experiences and offer a contribution to knowledge about how these experiences as well as the choices that women make every day regarding their underwear relate to their identity projects. Female identity is an ongoing project which is constantly constructed, reconstructed and co-constructed, and underwear, as

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we have seen in previous chapters (see Chapter 1 in particular), has played an important role in how the female body and femininity are represented in history.

Moreover underwear has never been so diverse in design, material and functionality or more sellable as a commodity than nowadays in the west, and with the increasing empKDVLVJLYHQWR LWVDELOLW\WR LQGXFHSV\FKRORJLFDO HIIHFWV LQ ZRPHQ¶VOLYHVHIIHFWV which can influence their identities, it is important that these connections are explored. Of course not all women are able to realise and articulate these connections and not all women give much attention to their underwear: this is indicated at the start of this thesis. Some of the respondents in this research indeed said as much. But nevertheless they make choices as consumers as to what type of underwear they wear and when. These choices for me reflect how these women make sense of who they are, how they want to be represented in their world and what it is like being female. Their understanding of these links will form the answers to my research questions.

Thus this thHVLVSUHVHQWVDTXDOLWDWLYHLQTXLU\LQWRWKLVSDUWRIZRPHQ¶VZRUOGVDQGDV such there are specific theoretical and methodological concerns that underpin it. As Denzin and Lincoln (2005: 21) stress

[s]ubjects, or individuals, are seldom able to give full explanations of their actions or intentions; all they can offer are accounts or stories, about what they did and why.

As a researcher I intend to explore these accounts but what I eventually offer is my own interpretation of them. For me, just as there is no definite, objective or scientific answer to my research questions, there is no correct or one best method to employ which would DOORZ IRU D µWUXH¶ DQG XQELDVHG WUDQVPLVVLRQ RI P\ SDUWLFLSDQWV¶ IHHOLQgs and the

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meanings of their actions. After all, I am looking for answers to particular questions which are guided by what I consider to be an important social phenomenon. Any UHVHDUFKHULVOHGE\D³DEDVLFVHWRIEHOLHIVWKDWJXLGHVDFWLRQ´(Guba, 1990: 17) which direct her in terms of what social phenomena she thinks should be studied, as well as how she will interpret any set of data. My beliefs and values influence not only my choice of research questions, but the way I will set about answering them, in terms of how I will collect, analyse and interpret my data. This set of beliefs belongs to what Denzin and Lincoln (2005: 22) call the interpretive paradigm which in their words ³PDNHVSDUWLFXODUGHPDQGVRQWKHUHVHDUFKHULQFOXGLQJWKHTXHVWLRQVKHRUVKHDVNVDQG WKH LQWHUSUHWDWLRQ WKH UHVHDUFKHU EULQJV WR WKHP´ 7KLV GHILQLWLRQ DOOXGHV WR LVVXHV RI ontology, epistemology and methodology which will be discussed in the following sections.

4.3  Making  sense  of  the  world:  the  essence  of  this  social  inquiry   As noted in the previous section, this thesis adopts a qualitative mode of inquiry to which a certain set of beliefs pertain. By this I do not mean to argue that undertaking qualitative inquiry presupposes a specific and definite set of theoretical and methodological concerns. In fact Schwandt (2003: 293) stresses that qualitative inquiry

is more comprehensible as a site or arena for social scientific criticism than any SDUWLFXODUNLQGRIVRFLDOWKHRU\PHWKRGRORJ\RUSKLORVRSK\7KDWVLWHLVDµKRPH¶IRU a wide variety of scholars who often are seriously at odds with one another but who share a general rejection of the blend of scientism, foundationalist epistemology, instrumental reasoning, and the philosophical anthropology of disengagement that has PDUNHGµPDLQVWUHDP¶VRFLDOVFLHQFH

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Nonetheless I share the aforementioned rejections and thus my ontological and epistemological commitments rest within qualitative inquiry. Indeed, any sort of social UHVHDUFK UHTXLUHV WKH UHVHDUFKHU WR EH FOHDU DERXW WKH ³HVVHQFH´ RI KHU LQTXLU\ E\ SURGXFLQJ DQ ³LQWHOOHFWXDO SX]]OH´ (Mason, 2002: 13) that articulates firstly her understanding of social reality and the possibility, status and limitations of knowledge DERXW WKDW UHDOLW\ +HU UHVHDUFK ZLOO LQHYLWDEO\ GHULYH ³RXW RI D EDFNJURXQG VHW RI RQWRORJLFDOHSLVWHPRORJLFDODQGD[LRORJLFDODVVXPSWLRQV´(Alvesson and Deetz, 2000: 23). Guba and Lincoln (1998: 108) similarly refer to the ontological, epistemological and methodological questions that drive the researcher aV³IXQGDPHQWDOTXHVWLRQVZKLFK are interconnected in such a way that the answer given to any one question constrains KRZWKHRWKHUVPD\EHDQVZHUHG´%HDULQJWKLVLQPLQGWKHQ,QRZJRRQWRHYDOXDWH my specific ontological and epistemological commitments

2QWRORJ\DVNVZKHWKHU³WKHµUHDOLW\¶WREHLQYHVWLJDWHGLVH[WHUQDOWRWKHLQGLYLGXDO>«@ RUWKHSURGXFWRILQGLYLGXDOFRQVFLRXVQHVVZKHWKHUµUHDOLW\¶LVRIDQµREMHFWLYH¶QDWXUH RU WKH SURGXFW RI LQGLYLGXDO FRJQLWLRQ´ (Burrell and Morgan, 1979: 1). This research seeks to understand the experiences and feelings of individuals according to how they make sense of the social phenomenon under study. As such this thesis is underpinned by the belief that multiple social realities are constantly constructed and co-constructed: the complex material world is understood through our own practices of making meaning. Shankar et al . (2001: 438) refer to Marsden and LittlHU¶V DUJXPHQW WKDW ³DQ underlying assumption of an interpretive ontology is that human beings are proactively HQJDJHG LQ JLYLQJ PHDQLQJ WR WKHLU ZRUOG´ , VKDUH WKLV DVVXPSWLRQ DQG , DUJXH WKDW seeking the experience of women with regard to the underwear they choose to buy and

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wear is to seek the meaning they give to their actions in this regard, which constitute an important aspect of their reality.

(SLVWHPRORJ\ IROORZV RQWRORJLFDO SRVLWLRQV DQG DVNV ³KRZ PLJKW RQH EHJLQ WR XQGHUVWDQGWKHZRUOGDQGFRPPXQLFDWHWKLVDVNQRZOHGJHWRIHOORZKXPDQEHLQJV>"@´ (Burrell and Morgan, 1979: 1). My epistemological position reflects the broad constructivist paradigm which asserts that knowledge about reality or social phenomena cannot be discovered: instead it is constructed by the research subjects, by the researcher and by the interaction between the two. As I have already argued, there is no VRFLDOZRUOGWKDWH[LVWVµRXWWKHUH¶DQGDERXWZKLFKZHFDQOHDUQWKHWUXWK,WLVUDWKHUD SURFHVVRILQWHUDFWLRQVZLWKRWKHUVDQGZLWKPDWHULDOµUHDOLW\¶REMHFWVERGLHVDQGVRRQ to which individuals give meaning with the use of language, routines and actions. As Guba and Lincoln (2005: 203) echo

FRQVWUXFWLYLVWV>«@WDNHWKHLUSULPDU\ILHOGRILQWHUHVWWREHSUHFLVHO\WKDWVXEMHFWLYH and intersubjective social knowledge and the active construction and cocreation of such knowledge by human agents that is produced by human consciousness.

I do not argue that there is no social reality, but that there is no definitive knowledge about this/ese reality/ies available to be grasped by WKH µH[SHUW¶ UHVHDUFKHU ,QVWHDG , DJUHHZLWK6WDQOH\DQG:LVH¶V(1993: 9) VWDQFHWKDWVRFLDOUHDOLW\³UHFRJQL]HVWKDWVRFLDO life is in good part composed of discussions, debates and controversies concerning SUHFLVHO\ZKDWWKLVREMHFWLYHUHDOLW\FRQVLVWVRI´$VVXFKNQRZOHGJHDERXWWKHµQDWXUH¶ of the world is subjective and is always relative to the socio-cultural and historical context of the social phenomenon we are inquiring into.

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Methodological assumptions then follow ontological and epistemological ones and VSHDN RI ³WKH ZD\ LQ ZKLFK RQH DWWHPSWV WR LQYHVWLJDWH DQG REWDLQ NQRZOHGJH RI WKH VRFLDOZRUOG´(Burrell and Morgan, 1979: 2). My position is that a researcher, at least in part, can understand and interpret a social phenomenon by allowing the participants to interpret their own actions, their symbols of communication and meaning and how they make sense of these symbols within their actions and the actions of others. My aim is to comprehend social reality by understanding something about how others interpret their actions and experiences. I seek to understand how women choose their underwear by listening to their experiences and how they interpret these experiences in relation to how their identity is constituted in various contexts (Goffman, 1990). Goffman refers to the multiple roles that humans are called upon to play in order to construct their identities, which echoes my assertion in Chapter 2 and that identity is multi-faceted and RQJRLQJ,QD)RXFDXOGLDQVHQVHLQGLYLGXDOV¶LGHQWLWLHVDUHWKHSURGXFWVRIDUHODWLRQRI power and their own self-fashioning.

Thus the different encounters of our daily life call upon us to perform different aspects of our selves. Gillen (2001: 91) agrees that versions of a self can be presented according to situations. As part of the ongoing project of female identity, different situations such as stages of life, contexts and activities can emphasise different parts of female identity. These include colleague, mother, friend or lover (also see Elliot, 2001). Therefore it is LPSRUWDQWWRXQGHUVWDQGZRPHQ¶VH[SHULHQFHVLQWKHPXOWLSOHUROHVWKH\SOD\LQYDULRXV contexts each day, performing diverse sides of identity that I will call identity opseis.

This term originates from the Greek ȩȥȘ which means an aspect or side of ± and represents exactly these various contexts in or stages of everyday life where women

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arguably play out or are required to focus on specific parts of their identity. My intention with this notion of identity opseis LV WR GHOLEHUDWHO\ µKDLO¶ WKHVH YDULRXV identities in my data gathering (Alvesson and Deetz, 2000) and then understand how XQGHUZHDU¶V UROH DQG VLJQLILFDQFH PLJKW YDU\ EHWZHHQ WKHVH opseis. As established in Chapters 2 and 3 women use clothes to present different parts of their identity (Goffman, 1990; Gillen, 2001 Tseëlon, 2001) and, through this process, clothes help WKHP WR UH FRQVWUXFW WKHLU IHPDOH LGHQWLW\ 7KXV XQGHUZHDU DV SDUW RI ZRPHQ¶V clothing is another aspect of their experience of their ongoing female project; one which, since it is ostensibly hidden from view, makes it even more interesting than outerwear, as established from the outset of this thesis.

&RPLQJ EDFN WR 0DVRQ¶V (2002: 30) intellectual puzzle, it is crucial that my ³PHWKRGRORJLFDOVWUDWHJ\´ZKLFKLVWKHORJLFE\ZKLFK,ZLOOEHDQVZHULQJP\UHVHDUFK questions, does indeed connect to my research questions and underpins the research methods that I have chosen. Taking into coQVLGHUDWLRQ0DVRQ¶VH[DPSOHVRILQWHOOHFWXDO puzzles, and after outlining the ontological and epistemological concerns of this research, I would argue that my own puzzle is an interpretive one which is similar to 0DVRQ¶V µPHFKDQLFDO SX]]OH¶ ,W WULHV WR XQderstand how x and y work but also to interpret these workings within their social context. Interpretivism as a qualitative DSSURDFK DLPV WR H[SORUH SHRSOH¶V XQGHUVWDQGLQJV DQG VHQVH RI WKH VRFLDO UHDOLW\ WKDW they (re)produce with their activities. As Blaikie (2000: 115) stresses,

[t]his everyday reality consists of the meaning and interpretations given by the social DFWRUV WR WKHLU DFWLRQV RWKHU SHRSOH¶V DFWLRQV VRFLDO VLWXDWLRQV DQG QDWXUDO DQG KXPDQO\FUHDWHGREMHFWV>«@,QRUGHUWRQHJRWLDWHWKHLr way around their world and

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make sense of it, social actors have to interpret their activities together and it is these meanings, embedded in language, that constitute their social reality.

Thus the reality I am interested in here is one that is constituted by the social actors of this research, i.e. my participants, and the one in which they make sense of their actions and the actions of people around them. I acknowledge the fact that these social actions IRUPSDUWRIDSHUVRQ¶VLQGLYLGXDOLGHQWLW\DQGWKe social and cultural understandings of WKHFRQWH[WORFDWHGLQ7KXVDZRPDQ¶VH[SHULHQFHRIFKRRVLQJDQGZHDULQJWKHµULJKW¶ underwear implies a level of agency. However I also have to acknowledge that most of the participants in this research come from and all live in the UK, which means that they in all likelihood adhere to particular social and cultural understandings around being female. As the conceptual framework of Chapter 2 suggests, even though these women live in socially constructed realities, nevertheless these realities can sometimes be so restrictive and so embedded in prevailing understandings of the social, that they WUDQVODWH LQWR QRUPDWLYH VHHPLQJO\ µQDWXUDO¶ RU LQGHHG µREMHFWLYH¶ UHDOLW\ 7KLV coincides with what Stanley and Wise (1993) argue in the quote previously cited.

The following section goes into the more practical elements of this research, such as the justification of the methods used, the sampling strategy and other aspects of the collection of my data.

 

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4.4.  Research  design:  methods  and  sampling   $V*XEDDQG/LQFROQ DUJXHQRPHWKRG³LVWKHUR\DOURDGWRXOWLPDWHNQRZOHGJH´ If there is methodologically strategic thinking behind the research, then some methods are indeed more appropriate than others for that specific project. The selection of my methods VKRXOGEHEDVHGRQWKHRQWRORJLFDODVVXPSWLRQWKDWSHRSOH¶VH[SHULHQFHVXQGHUVWDQGLQJVDQG interpretations construct social reality, as asserted in the previous section and on the HSLVWHPRORJLFDODVVXPSWLRQVWKDW³DPHDQLQJIXOZD\WRJHQHUDWHGDWD´0DVRQ LV to interact with people in order to obtain some purchase on and interpret these experiences understandings and interpretations. Indeed I agree with Mason when she stresses that data are generated and not collected, which again conforms with the epistemological assumptions that XQGHUSLQ WKLV UHVHDUFK WKDW LV NQRZOHGJH LV FRQVWUXFWHG DQG LV QRW µRXW WKHUH¶ IRU WKH UHVHDUFKHU WR µFDSWXUH 0\ UROH DV D UHVHDUFKHU LV WR FKRRVH D SDUWLFXODU VHW RI PHWKRGV WR construct or generate this knowledge, so I can then translate it into the answers to my research questions.

The data here are the discussions in which my participants engage, in my presence as the researcher, with regard to the experiences they have with underwear. Any appropriate method for the generation of these data should allow this to take place, facilitating a verbal transmission of these experiences. Of course it is never possible to assume that all women would be willing to talk about their underwear or that it would be easy for them to talk about this a group of people. The social effects/dynamics of the group is always a disadvantage and I will further elaborate on this below, as it is a disadvantage for any topic that might seem relatively sensitive to participants. Nevertheless, since arguably women might be more willing or more used to discussing issues like fashion, dress and underwear with other women, I considered the most appropriate methods to invoke conversations about underwear 111

to be focus groups and one-to-one interviewing. The following sub-sections define the particular methods as ways of generating data, as well as further justifying the appropriateness of these methods.

4.4.1 F ocus Groups One of the first focus group studies in social science was that of Merton and Kendal (cited in Morgan, 1988) during World War II. At the same time focus groups were used in marketing research by Lazarsfeld. For Kamberelis and Dimitriadis (2005) the first recognised use of focus groups as a method for social research was in fact by Lazarsfeld and Merton together in  LQ D SURMHFW WR HYDOXDWH WKH HIIHFW RI WKH PHGLD RQ SHRSOH¶V DWWLWXGHV WRZDUGV WKH involvement of America in the war. However the use of focus groups during this time was secondary: they were always a PHWKRG WR VXSSOHPHQW WKH PRUH µOHJLWLPDWH¶ TXDQWLWDWLYH methods. After its disappearance and subsequent re-emergence in the 1970s, the focus group as a method of social research was no longer considered as an adjunct to quantitative methods. In contrast wLWK /D]DUVIHOG DQG 0HUWRQ¶V ZRUN VRFLDO UHVHDUFKHUV ZHUH QRZ ³IRFXVLQJ RQ JURXS G\QDPLFV WKHPVHOYHV EHOLHYLQJ WKDW WKH PHDQLQJV FRQVWUXFWHG ZLWKLQ JURXSV>«@ZHUHODUJHO\VRFLDOO\FRQVWUXFWHG´.DPEHUHOLVDQG'LPLWULDGLV 

Since then focus groups have become an accepted method for social researchers who want to grasp group dynamics as well as individual experiences. As Seale (2004: 194) argues,

>I@RFXVJURXSV>«@DUHQRWVLPSO\DPHDQVRILQWHUYLHZLQJVHYHUDOSHRSOHDWWKHVDPHWLPH rather, they are concerned to explore the formation and negotiation of accounts within a group context, how people define, discuss and contest issues through social interaction.

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This social interaction between the participants is described by Morgan, cited in Wilkinson  DVWKH³µKDOOPDUN¶RIIRFXVJURXSUHVHDUFK´$QXQGHUO\LQJDVVXPSWLRQRIIRFXV groups as a research method is that reality is co-constructed through interaction between SHRSOHLQWKHJURXSMXVWDVLWLVLQµQRUPDO¶VRFLDOOLIHDQGWKDW meanings are negotiated and DVVLJQHG WR SUDFWLFHV DQG H[SHULHQFHV ZLWKLQ WKLV JURXS FRQWH[W :LONLQVRQ   ³>7@KH synergy and dynamism generated within homogeneous collectives often reveal unarticulated QRUPV DQG QRUPDWLYH DVVXPSWLRQV´ .DPEHUHOLV DQG Dimitriadis, 2005: 903) which can become rich data in themselves for the researcher. In the previous section I have referred to WKHVHQRUPDWLYHDVVXPSWLRQVDVWKHµREMHFWLYHUHDOLW\¶WKDWSDUWLFLSDQWVPD\VHHWKHPVHOYHVDV existing within.

I find this particularly useful to explain why the interaction between participants achieved in focus groups is a key issue for this research. Underwear as part of dress is also part of the cultural field of fashion, as suggested in Chapters 2 and 3. Thus, fashion by definition is a ³SDUWLFXODU VHW RI DUUDQJHPHQWV IRU WKH SURGXFWLRQ DQG GLVWULEXWLRQ RI FORWKLQJ´ (QWZLVWOH 2001: 45). It is a set of systematic changes in styles of dress, made by the social for the social; a system that is constituted and disseminated through social interaction and discourse, including fashion shows, the media, shop windows and going out with your friends, who are DOO µSOD\HUV LQ WKH JDPH¶ RI WKLV ILHOG LQ %RXUGLHXVLDQ WHUPV 6RFLDO LQWHUDFWLRQ LV ZKDW constitutes and reflects fashion styles and gives meaning to different parts of dress, underwear being one. If fashion is constituted by social interaction, then underwear as part of it, even though it is mostly hidden, can also be understood in terms of social interaction and thus my focus gURXSVEHFRPHSDUWRIWKLV³µUHDO¶VRFLDOSURFHVV´6HDOH :KDWLV more interesting than exploring the meanings that women assign to a hidden part of their dress while talking to other women?

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The sampling process will be discussed in a following sub-section. However, I find it useful KHUHWRQRWHWKDW,KDYHFKRVHQWRXVHµSUH-H[LVWLQJ¶JURXSVWKDWLVFOXVWHUVRIZRPHQZKR already knew each other, either by working or playing sport together, or belonging to a group ZLWKDµSXUSRVH¶IRUH[DPSle my group of first time mothers. The advantage of having preexisting groups is that these women already knew each other, and without undermining the dynamics that might develop in a group discussion, it was arguably easier for them to feel comfortable and talk about their underwear with friends or colleagues. Also, I agree with .LW]LQJHU   HPSKDVLV LQ RULJLQDO  ZKHQ VKH VWUHVVHV WKDW ³>E@\ XVLQJ SUH-existing groups [the researcher is] sometimes able to tap into fragments of interactions which [approximate] to 'naturally occurring' data", or what Seale (2004: 197) FDOOVWKH³µUHDO¶VRFLDO SURFHVV´.LW]LQJHUKHUHGRHVQRWVXJJHVWWKDWWKHUHLVDQ\WKLQJµQDWXUDO¶DERXWIRFXVJURXSV rather, she acknowledges that focus groups are a staged or artificial occurrence and similarly Seale suggests that through the interaction emerge social accounts and not individual RSLQLRQV +RZHYHU JRLQJ EDFN WR .LW]LQJHU¶V DUJXPHQW VKH QRWHV WKDW ZKHQ SHRSOH LQ WKH group know each other, perhaps the topics under discussion might have already been GLVFXVVHGZLWKLQWKHJURXSZKLFKPDNHVWKHJURXSDVLWHRI³FROOHFWLYHUHPHPEHULQJ´ 105). In the case of my focus groups, many participants reported talking about underwear before within the group. Thus it was easier for these women to relate to or remember past FRQYHUVDWLRQVDERXWXQGHUZHDUDQGWKXVLWDOVRVHHPHGPRUHµQDWXUDO¶WRWKHPWRWDONDERXW such a topic again. I return to this point in section 4.4.3 where I discuss the context of the groups and the connections between the women within the groups.

So it is the interaction between the participants in focus groups that should be of great importance to the researcher. As Seale puts it,

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focus groups capture the inherently interactive and communicative nature of social action and social meanings, in ways that are inaccessible to research methods that take the individual as their basic unit of analysis. (Seale, 2004: 198)

The interactive nature of focus groups can, as suggested, lead to richer and more meaningful GDWD0RUJDQ:LONLQVRQ:LONLQVRQ ,WDOORZVIRUD³V\QHUJLVWLFHIIHFW´ (Stewart et al     EHFDXVH SDUWLFLSDQWV UHVSRQG WR DQG EXLOG RQ RWKHU SDUWLFLSDQWV¶ views and ideas. The GLVFXVVLRQFDQVRPHWLPHVµVWUD\¶WR LVVXHVWKDWWKH UHVHDUFKHUKDVQRW thought about and which can provide very useful data. This is also true for less structured interviews too, but it might be more likely to happen in focus groups, especially in larger groups. It also has another dimension: the shift of power from the researcher to the participants. It is often mentioned that one of the ethical issues of one-on-one interviews is the level of power that the researcher can have over the participant, in terms of controlling the proceedings or regulating the path for what the participant talks about to reflect their own objectives (Morgan, 1988; Wilkinson, 1998; Wilkinson, 2004). The issue of power within the research process has been a key ethical concern for feminist researchers in particular (Stanley and Wise, 1993; Skeggs, 1995; Taylor, 1996; Jowett and O'Toole, 2006). In focus groups, while this ethical concern does not disappear, since the researcher still facilitates discussion and of course controls the analysis of data, it is nevertheless reduced to a huge extent. The balance of power shifts and participants arguably have more control over the interaction between them than the researcher does.

This was evident in the case of this research too, when at points participants in some larger groups were interested in elaborating on a particular conversation with a few other participants and in reflecting on past experiences without me being able to clearly listen to the conversation they were having. Griffin (1986) for example notes that, during her research, the 115

young women participants would often start discussing issues amongst them without waiting for her next question. She notes that these discussions were not always on the list of themes RUWRSLFVVKHZDQWHGWRKHDUDERXWEXWWKHULFKQHVVRIGDWDµIRUFHG¶KHUWRDPHQGKHUOLVW

An additional advantage of focus groups identified by Seale (2004) which is at the same time a possible limitation is that

in certain contexts, group discussions may encourage people to speak with greater openness than they would in one-on-one interaction with a researcher; in others the group contexts can be inhibiting. (2004: 197)

The last may be especially true when sensitive issues are the subject of the research. Some people would either not participate at all or could find it difficult to open up to a group and thus they would tend to follow the trajectory of the group without giving their own perspectives on the issues involveG 'LVFXVVLRQ DERXW D ZRPDQ¶V XQGHUZHDU FRXOG EH considered a sensitive subject because it connects with private issues; intimate parts of the body, personal moments with partners, social conditions like not being able to buy the latest trend in underwear styles due to low income, cultural or religious convictions about dress LQFOXGLQJ XQGHUZHDU RU EHOLHIV DERXW RQH¶V ERG\ VL]H DQG VKDSH , WULHG WR DYRLG WKLV limitation of focus groups, with the additional use of one-to-one interviews in my research design.

4.4.2 One-to-one semi-structured interviews Focus groups have often been used in combination with one-on-one interviews and the data treated as commensurate, but often with no discussion about the relationship of the two methods, or any justification about the use of both methods (Wilkinson, 1998). Moreover, 116

and following from the discussion above, Seale (2004) suggests that interviews are helpful when it comes to sensitive or contentious issues that individuals might feel uncomfortable about revealing in a group. Indeed, if arguably sensitive issues are to be discussed, a group context might be inhibiting. Notwithstanding this, the individual interviews I conducted were mostly because of practical issues rather than my participants feeling inhibited taking part in a group.

The use of one-to-one interviewing also reflects my ontological and epistemological DVVXPSWLRQVDQGWKHRYHUDOOPHWKRGRORJLFDOVWUDWHJ\RIP\UHVHDUFK,WSURYLGHV³FRQWH[WXDO VLWXDWLRQDODQGLQWHUDFWLRQDO´NQRZOHGJH0DVRQ DERXWWKHSDUWLFXODUSKHQRPHQRQ under researcK DQG GRHV QRW VXSSRVH DQ REMHFWLYH UHDOLW\ WKDW ZLOO EH µH[FDYDWHG¶ E\ WKH TXHVWLRQV DVNHG 0LOOHU DQG *OXVVQHU    KDYH LW WKDW ³D VWUHQJWK LQ TXDOLWDWLYH interviewing is the opportunity it provides to collect and rigorously examine narrative accRXQWV RI VRFLDO ZRUOGV´ (YHQ WKRXJK P\ DLP LV WR H[SORUH KRZ WKH SDUWLFLSDQWV JLYH meaning to their experiences, I elected not to use the unstructured type of interviewing which could lead to entirely different discussions and as the interviewer I may have lost control completely. Moreover, as Alvesson and Deetz (2000: 72) argue there is much criticism of the QDwYH YLHZ ZKLFK KDV WKH UHVHDUFKHU FDSWXULQJ ³JHQXLQH H[SHULHQFHV´ ZLWK XQVWUXFWXUHG interviewing. 7KH\FRQWLQXHE\HPSKDVLVLQJWKDW³WKHLQWHQGHGHIIHFWRIWKHLQWHUYLHZLVRIWHQ to give a good impression or just to make a situation work. (A good conversation calls for HIIRUWVWREHPDGH ´ ibid.) That is, people might often exaggerate or act differently because the situation they are in seemingly demands this, or simply because they want to give a good impression to the interviewer. That might be true for the interviewer as well, who may put in a lot of effort to make sure that a conversation takes place; indeed one that will give her data. 6RLQWHUYLHZVFDQQRWEHDVVXPHGWRDSSUR[LPDWHWRDµWUDQVSDUHQW¶LQIRUPDWLRQH[FKDQJH

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Moreover Mason (2002) stresses that it is difficult to gather data in a wholly unstructured manner anyway because all researchers have pre-existing assumptions that are expressed in their research questions and affect their decisions about data collection. I find myself in agreement with these authors. This also reflects what Gummesson (2000: 67) calls SUHXQGHUVWDQGLQJ WKDW LV WKH FRPELQDWLRQV RI WKH UHVHDUFKHU¶V RZQ H[SHULHQFHV DV ZHOO DV RWKHU SHRSOH¶V H[SHULHQFHV ZKLFK ³FRQVWLWXWHV D VWRUH RI NQRZOHGJH´ UHSUHVHQWLQJ KRZ VKH makes sense of the research that she is about to engage in. Thus it was more appropriate for me to use semi-structured interviews which allow for more direction and focus on the questions that need to be covered but have the flexibility to allow the participants to draw upon other experiences as well, in order for me to have a better understanding of how they give meaning to their experiences with underwear. A schedule of questions was used, similar to the one used in the focus groups, but it likewise did not dictate the interviews completely. I ZDQWHG WKH LQWHUYLHZV WR EH µDFWLYH¶ ZKHUH WKHUH ZRXOG EH DQ LQWHUDFWLRQ EHWZHHQ PH WKH interviewer, and the respondent - a social interaction (Silverman, 2001) - so the participant was not distracted by fixed questions that she had to answer in a certain way.

To reiterate, the data from qualitative interviews, whether that is one-to-one or group interviews, should be regarded as constructed/generated and not just excavated (Mason, 2002). Bearing this in mind, I needed to be reflexive in how I interpret the data. Indeed, Alvesson and Sköldberg (2005: 5) stress that

HPSLULFDO GDWD DUH WKH UHVXOWV RI LQWHUSUHWDWLRQ >«@ &RQVLGHUDWLRQ RI WKH IXQGDPHQWDO importance of interpretation means that an assumption of a simple mirroring thesis of the UHODWLRQVKLS EHWZHHQ µUHDOLW\¶ RU µHPSLULFDO IDFWV¶ DQG UHVHDUFK UHVXOWV WH[W  KDV WR EH rejected.

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As such the context into which I have placed my participants either in the focus groups or the interviews should be taken into consideration in the interpretation of the data. I return to this issue again in a later section of this chapter when I reflect on the process of conducting the focus groups and interviews. In the following section I justify the decisions around the sampling approach used for my research as well as how this sample pays heed to some of my theoretical assumptions regarding issues of identity.

4.4.3 Sampling Sampling as a term comprises the principles of identifying and accessing sources of data. It often seems to be more associated with the logics of measurement and probability which are often elements of positivistic, quantitative research. Still most forms of empirical research require sampling in the pragmatic sense that particular participants are chosen from a population and it is important that the researcher establishes an intellectual relationship between her participants (sample) and the wider population. Sampling is thus important for qualitative research, even though here it is usually not an approach that allows for generalisation of findings, but rather exploring parWLFLSDQWV¶SHUVSHFWLYH RQDIRFXVHGWRSLF Where focus groups in particular are concerned, Seale (2004) stresses that sampling is critical not

IRU WKH SXUSRVH RI JHQHUDOL]LQJ IURP LQGLYLGXDO UHVSRQVHV WR H[WHUQDO SRSXODWLRQV >«@ because focus group research does not provide access in any systematic way to individual responses, but rather to interactive discussions. (p. 199, emphasis in the original)

Identifying and selecting participants from a wider population with a clear rationale is called by Mason (2002) strategic sampling, simply because of the strategic purpose behind the selection of the participants. Quoting Mason, 119

WKHUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQ>WKHUHVHDUFKHU¶V@VDPSOHDQGWKHZLGHUSRSXODWLRQLVQRW ad hoc, accidental, purely opportunistic or indeed representational. (p.124, emphasis in the original)

This strategy of sampling is also known as purposive sampling, where the researcher selects the most productive sample in order to answer her research questions, are which is usually underpinned by a framework of the variables that might inform the data that she is looking for. For this research, sampling decisions were rather difficult because it is not research done in a particular environment where the populations and thus the sample can be identified or selected easily. I am using very broad parameters: most if not all women wear underwear. So which women should I choose? And moreover why do I choose women and not men? While it might be interesting to research how men choose their underwear and if they have particular experiences concerning their underwear that they would like to share, still it is a very sensitive subject and, as a woman, it would be rather uncomfortable to do such research. Moreover, it is could be argued that, while men do discuss consumption issues, these might be quite different than what could be regarded as an intimate part of their dress. Further, as already discussed at the outset of this thesis, but also in Chapter 3, women are generally considered to be more concerned about and scrutinised regarding issues around their bodies, i.e. body size, appearance, dress, including underwear (Bartky, 1988; Bordo, 1990b and 2004; Felski, 1995) and thus it is perhaps more interesting to see how this intimate part of their dress is an element of their identity projects.

Coming back to the methodological strategy, since I am assuming a socially constructed reality which involves a multiplicity of social roles, my sampling strategy fits with what I have previously called identity opseis. 0\LQWHQWLRQZDVWRFDSWXUHZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\ opseis in their everyday life. I then use these opseis as the common characteristics of the women I select, which is extremely important when planning focus groups. Collecting data from 120

participants with a common role in a specific context means that it would be best if they NQHZ RQH DQRWKHU WR SURYLGH D ³FRPIRUW ]RQH´ 6WHZDUW et al.    ,QGHHG ³>W@KH usefulness and validity of focus group data are affected by the extent to which participants IHHOFRPIRUWDEOHDERXWRSHQO\FRPPXQLFDWLQJWKHLULGHDVYLHZVRURSLQLRQV´DV6WHZDUG et

al (ibid.) stress. This is why using pre-existing groups can be a good strategy, especially when it comes to a sensitive topic like underwear. I have thus identified pre-existing groups of women exemplifying a specified identity opsy9, but not as representative of these opseis

per se. This was not just important for establishing a comfort zone within the focus groups, but for the interviews as well. All participants were invited to choose either to take part in a focus group or a one-to-one interview with me. As suggested however, in some circumstances, the choice of whether to do a focus group on an interview was my own, because of practical reasons like getting access to a group, making the necessary arrangements which can be very difficult, and so on.

The argument about homogeneity within the focus groups can be reversed into a critique, especially because these women know each other and because of the nature of the topic discussed. I was aware that this homogeneity could silence voices that might want to express themselves differently or, because of the need for compatibility within each group, other views from people with different characteristics could also be lost. Such a sampling strategy with the rationale of selecting participants with an aim of getting directive insights (Seale, 2004) could likewise be criticised as an attempt to see the homogeneous sample extending to the wider social group as if they had similar characteristics. I do not make such an argument in this thesis. In fact, my participants might belong to other groups in terms of identity opsy VLPXOWDQHRXVO\ DQG WKDW LV WKH LPSRUWDQFH RI WKH FRQFHSW LWVHOI WKDW LV WKH µKDLOLQJ¶ RI D

9

Opsy is the singular of opseis as pronounced in the Greek language.

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particular side RI WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V LGHQWLW\ 6HOHFWLQJ SDUWLFLSDQWV IRU TXDOLWDWLYH UHVHDUFK might always bear the question of how they relate to population but as Sanger (1996: 20) DVVHUWV VRFLDO VFLHQFH UHVHDUFKHUV VKRXOG EHDU LQ PLQG WKDW ³>U@DWKHU WKDQ REVHUYLQJ SHRSOH DQGREMHFWVDVVDPSOHVRIODUJHUJURXSVLQVRPHSUHVXSSRVHGFODVVLILFDWRU\V\VWHP>«Whey VKRXOG@H[DPLQHWKHPLQWKHLUFRPSOH[VLQJXODULW\´

The identity opseis that I have selected and are the following: - Professional women who work as University English tutors. - Professional women working as University administrators. - First time mothers (who had recently given birth). - Gym clients. - Gym instructors. - $ZRPHQ¶VUXJE\WHDP - A Widows And Divorcees (WADs) group comprised of women over 60.

Selecting these groups also required a great deal of luck as well careful consideration of practical issues, like finding ways to access the groups of women I wanted to interview. In many cases I used the snowballing technique (Burgess, 1984; Miles and Huberman, 1994; Kuzel, 1999), which is selecting people who know other people who can participate in the research. I have not used snowballing in the way Kuzel (1999: 41) notes, to saturate my sample - finding as many participants as possible - but sampling as a way of getting access to these women. Thus snowballing came to complement the purposive sampling, as far as choosing my participants was concerned.

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The University professionals were chosen partly as the easiest groups to access. However the additional rationale behind this choice was that both groups exemplify the identity of the working woman, in an intellectual environment. The University is not any given working SODFH ,Q VXFK D VHWWLQJ ZH FDQ VXJJHVW WKDW XQLYHUVLW\ VWDII¶V LGHQWLW\ LV GLVFXUVLYHO\ constituted around the mind, without although assuming a natural or essential distinction between mind and body. It can nonetheless be argued that these women rely more on their mental ability during their work and less on their physical aptitude. But their dressed body is still on display and it needs to be dressed such that it fits into the University as a workplace. The tutors¶ GUHVVHG ERGLHV HVSHFLDOO\ DUH PRUH VFUXWLQLVHG DQG PRQLWRUHG E\ WKH VWXGHQWaudience in front of whom they stand all day. Thus these women have to consider the ethics and politics behind their dress for the workplace, including their underwear.

My way of accessing this group was via a snowballing process that started off as one of the tutors, who I was familiar with and invited first to take part in the research, asked some colleagues in her department and then an administrator who she happened to know. That administrator then informed some colleagues of hers about my research, who she thought might be likewise interested and willing to take part.

7KHPRWKHU¶VJURXSZDVFKRVHQDVPRWKHUKRRGLVDQLGHQWLW\WKDWSHUKDSVVSHDNVPRUHWRWKH female body than DQ\RWKHUUROHDZRPDQLVFDOOHGWRSOD\:RPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\DVPRWKHUVLV constituted around the reproductive parts of their body and all the feelings and experiences that this entails. Key elements of femininity are at work here, like sensitivity, nurturing, care DQG VR RQ )XUWKHUPRUH XQGHUZHDU DUJXDEO\ FKDQJHV DV D UHVXOW RI µEHFRPLQJ D PRWKHU¶ Gathering a group of first time mothers was not intended in the first place but it has suited the project well since these women were unfamiliar with this experience and were, I presume,

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able to express more vividly their experience of the changing body than women who have experienced motherhood more than once. Also, being very new mothers, they could readily recall the experience of the changing body both during and after pregnancy. These women met at National Childcare Trust seminars and kept in contact during pregnancy and DIWHUZDUGV 7KH\ QRZ PHHW UHJXODUO\ LQ HDFK RWKHU¶V KRXVHV WR WDON DERXW WKHLU H[SHULHQFHV with their new babies. As one of my supervisors knew one of these women, she gave me DFFHVV WR WKH JURXSLQ LWVµQDWXUDO¶FRQWH[W LQYLWLQJPHWR KHUKRXVHDW RQHRIWKHLUUHJXODU JDWKHULQJV , DP QRW VXJJHVWLQJ KHUH WKDW WKLV JDYH PH PRUH µQDWXUDO¶ GDWD DV , KDYH previously discussed, but the familiarity between these women and the fact that I was on their µJURXQG¶,believe gave me richer data. As the focus group took place at a usual gathering it GLGQRWIHHOµIDNH¶RUµVWDJHG¶WRWKHPHVSHFLDOO\VLQFHDOOKDGWKHLUEDELHVZLWKWKHPDQGKDG arrived even before I got there.

The two groups from the gym were selected because the opseis of these women speaks to the body as a practice, making explicit cultural scripts around what the female body should look like. However, for gym instructors their body is mainly a labouring device which they use to assist others (clients) with their body work, while for the clients their body work is a part of the feminine identity project. Women clients can report their efforts to construct and sculpt their bodies and how underwear changes during or supports this process. A gym is also a site where the body is monitored not only in the exercise rooms but also in the changing rooms where it and intimate parts of our clothing like underwear are on display. Gym instructors on the other hand are able to express experiences regarding their working bodies and how underwear supports them during this process, but also their experiences with their clients and their bodies.

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Accessing the gym comprised the usual problems of accessing an institution: the research process can be disruptive and intrusive to that institution (Wolff, 2004; Flick, 2009). I composed an access letter in order to negotiate my access (Wolff, 2004) which was addressed to the manager of a local Health Club (see appendix 1). Being a member of the club myself would make it - I had hoped - easier to gain access. The access letter asked for permission to approach clients and instructors and to invite them to take part in the research, as well as permission to place µLQYLWDWLRQVWRSDUWLFLSDWHWRUHVHDUFK¶LQWKHFKDQJLQJURRPVLQRUGHUWR attract participants. Of course it also reassured the manager about confidentiality issues involving the club. The manager assured me she would inform the instructors about me apprRDFKLQJ WKHP DV ZHOO $W WKDW SRLQW , ZDV VOLJKWO\ FRQFHUQHG WKDW WKH PDQDJHU¶V involvement would have been construed as pressure for the instructors to accept the invitation. However this was not the case as in fact I later found out that the manager did not inform the instructors at all about my presence there. Moreover, mostly for practical reasons, like time scheduling, I was not able to form a focus group, thus I had to arrange one-to-one interviews, since I had to approach only those gym instructors working at the times I had access to the gym. Similarly with the gym clients, the invitations I placed in the changing URRPV ZHUH µORVW¶ SUREDEO\ WKURZQ DZD\ E\ WKH FOHDQHUV WKXV , KDG WR DSSURDFK VRPH members while I was there to exercise.

7KHZRPHQ¶VUugby team focus group was also put together via a snowballing process since I knew the captain of the team personally. It was organised as a focus group consisting of seven participants who were interested and able to come on the specific day and at the time that the focus group was arranged. Talking to these women, who all happened to be students, was interesting in that they saw rugby as the bodily practice of playing a somewhat masculine DQG µEUXWDO¶ VSRUW 7KHVH ZRPHQ VXJJHVWHG LW UHTXLUHV D VSHFLILF ERdy type and particular

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support for the body that is under severe pressure during the games and also training. The masculine characteristics that this sport entails dictate in a way how these girls behave and move during that time, so how they support their body is crucial to how they actually play. Thus underwear becomes a way of controlling and supporting their bodies in an active and masculine context.

The Widows and Divorcees group was the last of the focus groups and its importance lies in the fact that these women participants are all over 60. Getting older brings a lot of changes in the body and it was interesting for me to explore how these changes might lead to changes in the underwear that a woman wears. How a mature woman selects her underwear as well as KHUH[SHULHQFHVRIZKDWWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDULVPLJKWEHGLIIHUHQWIURPWKRVHLQKHU\RXQJHU \HDUV +RZHYHU WKLV JURXS GR QRW FDOO WKHPVHOYHV µROGHU ZRPHQ¶ EXW :$'V 7KH JURXS meets regularly to talk about activities they organise, such as trips, charitable functions or other events. These women formed this group a while back precisely because they do not have partners, but as they are getting older some of the experiences of ageing were also shared during the discussion.

To summarise thus far, choosing participants who exemplified the specific identity opseis I am dealing with in the thesis was also a matter of luck or, better put, a matter of serendipity. My women participants certainly play out various identity opseis and belong to other groups as well. Thus, grouping women together under a unique characteristic such as one identity

opseis FDQ EH FRPSOLFDWHG )RU PH KRZHYHU LW ZDVQ¶W VXFK D FRPSOH[ PDWWHU DQG LW VHHPV that serendipity in research can be extremely gratifying. For example in the case of the mothers, the size of the group and ultimately the data I got was a real surprise and something WKDW,GLGQRWDQWLFLSDWH6LPLODUO\ZLWKWKHZRPHQ¶VUXJE\WHDPDJDLQHQGLQJXSZLWKWKLV

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group had an element of serendipity, since my association ZLWKWKHWHDP¶VFDSWDLQSURYHGDVD possibility for gathering participants.

4.4.4 Interview schedule The interview schedule was an important part of the process of my research. It set the agenda for interviews and focus groups, and capturing data which would answer my research questions depended on a well designed schedule. Time wise my empirical process started in November 2007 and lasted until October 2008, with unavoidable gaps between some focus groups and also between the two interviews because of access issues. The schedule, especially for focus groups, needed to comprise of questions that sounded conversational in order to elicit discussion (Morgan and Scannell, 1998; Krueger, 2000; Stewart et al ., 2007). It was likewise important to avoid questions that merely required a yes or no answer. Also, according to Steward et al. (2007), the phrasing of the questions needed to avoid offending the participants or putting them on the defensive.

However, not all the questions are the same type: some are key questions that reflect the research questions directly and some are transitional questions that make for a smooth shift between different subjects or key questions (Morgan, 1988). For this research, I also developed different interview schedules that corresponded to each of the identity opseis I used (see appendix 2). However all interview schedules were composed based on the same structure: an introductory question (the same for all opseis); a transitional question; some key questions that covered one or two important aspects of the research, then another transitional question that led to other key questions and so on. Finally the interview schedules ended with a concluding question which was the same for all opseis as well as an invitation to participants for comments regarding the interview process or questions. The schedules were

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as suggested roughly similar in format for focus groups and one-to-one interviews, but depending on the identity opseis that characterised the group or interviews, some were slightly longer than others. For all groups as well as one-to-one interviews, participants were asked to fill in a brief form for biographical data so that I would have some information that related to the identity opseis , ZDV FRQFHQWUDWLQJ RQ HJ IRU WKH PRWKHUV¶ JUoup these questions related to how long ago they gave birth, if they belonged to the NCT etcetera. The biographical data thus differ in terms of which opseis I was focusing on. In summary, five focus groups were created: the University tutors with 4 participants, the University administrators with 4 participants, the post-natal mothers group with 7 participants, the ZRPHQ¶VUXJE\WHDPZLWKSDUWLFLSDQWVDQGWKHZLGRZVDQGGLYRUFHHV:$'6 JURXSZLWK 9 participants. The two gym clients and the gym instructor were interviewed. All the participants were white British, with the exception of one University tutor who was white Asian but had lived in the UK for many years. More demographic data were collected about all the participants depending on their identity opseis and this is listed in Appendix 4.

7RLOOXVWUDWHVRPHRIWKHGLIIHUHQFHVEHWZHHQVFKHGXOHVIRUWKHPRWKHUV¶JURXS,IRFXVHGRQ their experience of pregnancy and new motherhood and how their underwear changed, if relevant, during that time. Also I needed to include questions about maternity underwear and their feelings about and experiences of this. On the other hand, for the rugby women, key questions had to do with the underwear they wear when playing, if this differs from everyday underwear, and how. The identity opseis strategy helped in hailing different aspects of these ZRPHQ¶V H[SHULHQFHV ZLWK WKHLU XQGHUZHDU ZKLFK ZDV QHFHVVDU\ LQ RUGHU WR DQVZHU P\ research questions.

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In terms of similarities, the introductory question, about whether or not they talk to other people about their underwear, was meant to challenge or reaffirm my assumption that women would feel comfortable talking about their underwear with other women. The concluding question was the hardest of all, as all my participants mentioned, as it required them to FRPPHQWRQWKHVWDWHPHQWWKDWLQWRGD\¶VZRUOGLWLVDUJXHGWKDWµZHDUHZKDWZHZHDU¶DQGLI they thought that was true when it comes to underwear. Several participants understood the question differently, which proved that the question was not easy to answer. For example, some participants talked more about their outerwear and how they feel that affects them in their daily lives, neglecting to talk about their underwear, or briefly mentioning that they just coordinate their underwear to suit their outerwear. Others though talked about how their underwear might not reflect who they are because they would compare underwear with their outerwear, noting that outerwear is more important to them in reflecting aspects of their selves (themselves). Nevertheless, my intention with this question was to elicit a response that would shed some light on how each woman thinks about herself and the relationship between her clothes, underwear and her feelings about being a woman.

Importantly also, the first transition question for all schedules included the use of some stimulus material (see appendix 3). This was several pictures of different types of underwear with the aim of stimulating a discussion about the different types and make the participants feel more comfortable with the topic. In the next section I explain the process of selecting the stimulus material and why I felt it was important for the interview process.

4.4.5 Stimulus material Stimulus material is often used in focus groups and interviews as a way of introducing the research topic (Morgan, 1988). This can often include videos, pictures, storytelling etc. The

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stimulus material in this research comprised of pictures of various types of underwear and ZRUNHGDVDSRWHQWLDOµFDQRSHQHU¶LQWHUPVRIJHWWLQJP\SDUWLFLSDQWVWRWDONDERXWWKHW\SHV of underwear they wear or do not and how they feel about the different types by identifying them using the pictures. The images were all taken from the websites of different shops. The VKRSV , XVHG ZHUH 0DUNV DQG 6SHQFHU¶V ZKLFK LV DFFRUGLQJ WR 0LQWHO RQH RI WKH IDYRXULWH shops for underwear shopping in the UK (Mintel Marketing Intelligence, 2009), Ann Summers

which

specialises

in

a

more

sensual

type

of

underwear

and

TheSpecialCollection.com which specialises in underwear for more mature female bodies, for women with bigger breasts or women who have undergone surgery for breast cancer, as well as maternity underwear. Models in all the photographs were given a pseudonym so that participants could easily refer to the various pictures and of course for more practical reasons, such as it being more straightforward for me to distinguish which of the pictures my participants would talk about when transcribing the recordings.

The first picture (Debby) featured what could be called an everyday type of underwear, a SODLQEODFNFRWWRQVHWRIEUDDQGWKHEULHIVWDNHQIURP0DUNVDQG6SHQFHU¶VZHEVLWH7KHEUD was non-padded and underwired and the briefs were plain, that is they featured no lace or other embroidery on. This bra could suit a big busted woman, as indicated by the model in the picture. The second picture (Lara) depicted a green lacy set of padded, underwired bra and boy pants taken from Marks and 6SHQFHU¶VZHEVLWH7KHWKLUGSLFWXUH/L]D IHDWXUHGD pink set of embroidered, non-padded, underwired bra and briefs, also from Marks and 6SHQFHU¶V DQGZKLFK FRXOG EHFKDUDFWHULVHGDVDPRUHµURPDQWLF¶VHW 7KHPRGHOVLQ WKHVH three pictures have a similar posture, smiling at the camera with one or both hands on their waist. The fourth picture (Camara) depicted a white set of embroidered push-up bra and a low waisted thong with tiny ribbons on the front. This picture was taken from the Ann Summers

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website 7KH ILIWK SLFWXUH /DULV  IHDWXUHG D EODFN µEDE\GROO¶ ZLWK PDWFKLQJ EODFN ORZ waisted string and stockings, also from Ann Summers. The sixth picture (Joanna) depicted a white lace basque with a very low waisted string and detachable suspenders, again from Ann Summers. These last three pictures could be considered as more sexual as the models are IHDWXUHGLQDPRUHSURYRFDWLYHSRVWXUH,QGHHG$QQ6XPPHUV¶DGYHUWLVLQJLVFKDUDFWHULVHGE\ more sensual /sexual imagery per se which is of course reflective of the type of underwear DQG RWKHU SURGXFWV LW VHOOV 2WKHU VSHFLDOLVW XQGHUZHDU VKRSV OLNH 9LFWRULD¶V 6HFUHW XVH D similar advertising theme, which is often viewed as controversial (see for example Juffer, 1996), but nevertheless is recognisable by consumers. Indeed, as will be shown later in the WKHVLV VRPHRIP\SDUWLFLSDQWV LGHQWLILHGWKHVH SLFWXUHVDV $QQ6XPPHUV¶DGYHUWLVLQJ7KH seventh picture (Lia and Lianne) featured two white cotton bras which could be worn as sports bras, the second being for a much larger chest. The eighth picture (Sarah and Niki) shows a black cotton panty girdle and beige high waisted/tummy shaper briefs, both from 7KH6SHFLDO&ROOHFWLRQFRP 7KH ODVW WZR SLFWXUHV ZHUH RQO\ XVHG LQ WKH PRWKHUV¶ JURXS DV they featured pregnancy underwear, so that they could be used as stimulus pictures for the mothers group. Picture number 9 (Helen) showed a set of black and white nursing bra and low waisted boy pants and picture number 10 (Julie) showed a plain black cotton set of bra and high waLVWEULHIV%RWKSLFWXUHVZHUHWDNHQIURPWKH0DUNVDQG6SHQFHU¶VZHEVLWH7KH choice of these images was purely subjective but I tried to include as many different types of underwear, in different colours and materials, as possible. The images were not intended to represent all types of underwear in the market but to be an indicative sample of what can be IRXQG LQ IDPRXV KLJK VWUHHW RU LQWHUQHW VKRSV $V D µFDQ RSHQHU¶ WKHVH LPDJHV QRW RQO\ provoked conversation about the underwear featured in the images but also types of underwear not included there.

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I had three sets of the pictures printed out so I could use them according to the group or person I was interviewing. For the University staff I used large A3 laminated printouts since I could place the pictures around the room where the focus group took place so that everyone FRXOG VHHWKHP)RUWKH PRWKHUVDQGWKHZRPHQ¶VUXJE\WHDP ,XVHG$ SULQWRXWV DVWKHVH were easier to handle at the time. The third set of printouts was A4 pages that could fit 3 or 4 pictures on each. These were used for the interviews so that they could be easily put in front of the participant to see, no matter what the environment.

To reiterate so far, in this section I have justified the methods used when conducting this research as well as the sample of participants involved. In the next section I discuss some of the issues that I faced while in the field, reflecting back the process of conducting the focus groups and interviews and how different data have been collected from each.

4.5  Reflections  on  the  field   Thinking about and planning a focus group is rather different from actually doing one. Undoubtedly a researcher is not really ready for what is about to follow and how she can control the group in order to generate the data she needs. Planning the first focus group with the University tutors was indeed quite demanding and a challenging experience for me. It was the first focus group I had ever organised and, lacking experience of moderation, I had no idea what to expect or what would be the outcome. Indeed, all the focus groups were quite different in terms of my feelings about them afterwards. Some were better than others in WHUPVRIWKHGLVFXVVLRQWKDWWRRNSODFHDQGJHQHUDWLQJZKDW,FRQVLGHUHGDVµJRRG¶DQGULFK data, some lasted longer than others, and some indicated that I could get different and/or richer data, as these women would engage in a discussion that I had not anticipated or did not think about, and in fact asked each other questions that I had not identified. 132

The context where each focus group or interview took place, as previously suggested, was YHU\LPSRUWDQWDQGDIIHFWHGWKHRXWFRPHV)RUH[DPSOHWKHWXWRUV¶IRFXVJURXSWRRNSODFHLQD coffee room in their office building where they usually go to chat and relax and, as it was late in the afternoon, after work hours, I had the sense that they felt at home. It was still a place where they played the role of the professional working woman I was focusing on as a researcher, but they were also in their own comfort zone. Moreover, as one of the participants confided, all of them were very excited about the focus group and over the last few days the whole issue of the focus group had become their little secret. They had written on a small whiteboard that was in the URRPDQRWHVD\LQJ³&KULVWLDQD¶VXQGHUZHDUWKLQJ´ZLWKWKHSODFH and the time that the focus group would take place. This created a buzz especially amongst PDOH FROOHDJXHV ZKR NHSW DVNLQJ WKHP ZKDW WKLV µXQGHUZHDU WKLQJ¶ ZDV WKDW ZDV JRLQJ WR happen. Within this group, my initial contact was one of the participants too, so I also felt more comfortable with the other women who I had never met before. She also took the role RIµKHOSLQJRXW¶GXULQJVRPHVLOHQFHVDWWKHEHJLQQLQJ,QFRQWUDVWLQWKHVHFRQGIocus group with the University administrators, all were strangers to me and I had only been in contact with them via emails. I also had the difficult task of matching a name with a face. It was a rather more challenging situation for me thinking that it could turn out to be as comfortable as WKHWXWRUV¶IRFXVJURXS7KHSDUWLFLSDQWVLQWKLVJURXSZHUHTXLHWHUDQGDWVRPHSRLQWV,KDGWR take the initiative to ask them directly one by one about their thoughts on specific questions. It was an unknown room to them which might have made them feel out of their comfort zone. However, they all knew each other so it felt like they were comfortable enough to talk to each other about their underwear. Two of the women confided that they had been talking about underwear at work already because one of them was getting married and wedding underwear had triggered this conversation. Nonetheless, this focus group, even though it was a pre-

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existing one in terms of the familiarity between these women as colleagues working in an RSHQSODQRIILFHDUHDVWLOOIHOWPRUHµVWDJHG¶WKDQWKHILUVWRQH

7KLVIHHOLQJZDVDOVRHYLGHQWLQWKHIRXUWKIRFXVJURXSZLWKWKHZRPHQ¶VUXJE\WHDP,PHW them when they were taking pictures outside with their coach and trophies so they were all very excited. As aforementioned, the captain of the team was my contact and arranged that the other women would take part in the research. However, she seemed to have some power in getting participants from the whole team; not in an authoritative way but because she was older and she was the captain. Thus it was not a simple invitation to take part; perhaps it was more that they felt they had to take part.

As a group this was the most non-talkative one. My presence as the researcher seemed very evident to participants because the focus group took place in a seminar room at the University where they study, so it felt as if they were holding back. They were also very cautious of the recorder. One of the girls actually mentioned this to another when she started talking about her relationships with men and revealing some intimate information. The discussion about general experiences with their underwear was not as open and rich as I had anticipated or experienced with the other groups. I felt that these were women still quite young with not so many experiences to report and maybe they were also not eager to discuss more sensitive subjects with an older stranger.

The importance of the environment where the research took place is even more evident with WKH PRWKHUV¶ JURXS WKH :$'V JURXS DQG RQH RI WKH J\P FOLHQWV ZKR , LQWHUYLHZHG DW KHU KRXVH0RUHVSHFLILFDOO\WKHPRWKHUV¶IRFXVJURXSWRRNSODFHDWWKHKRXVHRIthe sister of my contact, who in fact was away at the time. I did not know what to expect and, as I entered the

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house, I was faced with seven women who were breast feeding, nappy changing or otherwise caring for their babies. As stated earlier these were all first time mothers who have recently given birth but still got together to discuss their experiences with their new babies and motherhood in general over some nibbles. It was a regular setting for them so it was a comfortable environment to talk to each other and to me about underwear.

7KH VDPH VLWXDWLRQ RFFXUUHG ZLWK WKH :$'V JURXS ZKLFK DOVR WRRN SODFH LQ LWV µQDWXUDO¶ setting. When I visited the group, they were having one of their regular gatherings. I even felt like I was taking up their time when they had important issues to discuss, since they were planning a charity event. However that did not affect the conversation that took place and this was the longest focus group I had. Similarly, when I interviewed one of the gym clients at her house, whHUH VKH IHOW UHOD[HG DQG FRPIRUWDEOH RQ KHU µRZQ JURXQG¶ WKH FRQYHUVDWLRQ ZDV more detailed and lasted longer. This was also the last interview I conducted and I felt more experienced as a result. Further, even though the interview with the other gym client took place in a small coffee shop, she still felt more relaxed and comfortable because it was very quiet and it was her usual place for drinking coffee and reading books.

My first interview on the other hand was with the gym instructor and it took place in a seating area at the gym where she is employed. The instructor confided that she felt nervous as this was the first time she had given an interview. Even though we were sitting away from the exercise rooms and the noise, it was still her workplace so I felt this also affected her demeanour. Unfortunately doing the interview at the gym was also easier and more practical for my respondent. I used the small printouts of the stimulus photos because I was aware that I could not use the space as previously with the focus groups. We were sitting at a small

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coffee table and we were both conscious of not letting other people see the pictures as they passed through.

Since this was my first interview after doing some of the focus groups, I found that my argument stated in previous sections about the limitations of focus groups and of women who might find groups intimidating was not borne out. Talking to me about the underwear she wears was not easy for this gym instructor. Her answers were brief and she could not loosen up in order for me to make the discussion more comfortable for her. Her answers prompted more questions for me to ask. However it was not the rich conversation I hoped for. I felt that the location of the interview took place was one of the major factors in my participant not being open.

When reflecting back on my fieldwork, other interesting issues also spring to mind. For H[DPSOHGXULQJWKHPRWKHUV¶IRFXVJURXS,UHPHPEHUWKDWPDQ\RIWKHPZHUHWHDVLQJRWKHUV about their choices of underwear. It was quite intriguing that by the end the women were still teasing each other about now knowing what underwear each other wears. They even involved their husbands in the conversation, giggling about also teasing them in future. However they all mentioned that this was the first time they had thought specifically about their underwear in general and their pregnancy and post natal underwear, even though they have discussed all VRUWVRIRWKHULVVXHVDERXWSUHJQDQF\6LPLODUO\WKHDGPLQLVWUDWRUV¶JURXSQRWHG the fact they IHOW LW ZDV LQWHUHVWLQJ OHDUQLQJ VR PXFK LQIRUPDWLRQ DERXW HDFK RWKHU¶V XQGHUZHDU ,QGHHG HYHQWKRXJKWKLVZDVQRWDVWDONDWLYHDJURXSDVWKHWXWRUV¶JURXSVWLOOWKHFRQYHUVDWLRQUDQ for about an hour. What was interesting to me is that, after I thanked them for taking part, they started asking me questions like what my conclusions were so far about how women buy

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their underwear, so this triggered another ten minute conversation which likewise contributed to my data.

The outcomes of my research and my conclusions so far were also some of the questions I got from the WADs group. They felt that it was an interesting topic but they were curious as to why I chose it in the first place, even though I had introduced my topic at the beginning and gave them a brief explanation as to why I was there. Again that triggered some more minutes of conversation which revealed additionally interesting data.

These reflections on the field were all noted after the end of each focus group or interview. I wrote memos for all the events since I felt that the whole process, including the environment, the relations between the participants, the settings, even the time that each interview or focus group took place, affected the outcome and thus the data I collected. These memos were also used as part of the analysis process. The next section refers to this analysis, where I explain how I have handled, organised and categorised my data into meaningful themes that respond to my research questions.

4.5  Data  analysis   All focus groups and interviews were digitally recorded and kept as a digital file until transcribed. Transcriptions were usually done soon after each focus groups or interview in order to recollect any parts of the conversation than might not have been clearly recorded. 7KHWUDQVFULSWLRQVZHUHGRQHZLWKDKLJKOHYHORIGHWDLOWKDWLQFOXGHVµHUV¶SDXVHVHPSKDVHV or incomplete sentences. They also include details of expressions and gestures which I recalled from memos. Miles and Huberman (1994) note that transcriptions can be done at GLIIHUHQWOHYHOVRIGHWDLODQGWKDWLWGHSHQGVRQWKHUHVHDUFKHU¶VµVHOHFWLYH¶SURFHVV2QO\WKH 137

researcher has experienced the data collection process and any detail that she includes or excludes depends on her choice to do VR $V VXFK ³:KDW \RX µVHH¶ LQ D WUDQVFULSWLRQ LV LQHVFDSDEO\VHOHFWLYH´0LOHVDQG+XEHUPDQ DUJXH

Furthermore, many qualitative data analysis books suggest that analysis should be ongoing and simultaneous with data collection (Miles and Huberman, 1994; Coffey and Atkinson, 1996; Maxwell, 2005). Indeed as Coffey and Atkinson (1996) note, some researchers consider data analysis to be the process of coding, sorting and in general manipulating data. I agree with the authors when they argue that this perspective equalises data analysis with data handling, and also that data analysis is not merely an interpretation of data. For me data analysis starts from the process of collecting the data, since the analysis reflects how I experienced this process. It goes on to the process of listening to the recorded conversations, writing memos which facilitate analytical thinking, sorting and coding the data and FDWHJRULVLQJ WKHP LQWR µRUJDQLVDWLRQDO¶ DQG µWKHRUHWLFDO FDWHJRULHV¶ 0D[ZHOO   Maxwell here argues that it is important for the researcher to organise data into theoretical categories, that is, categories that link to a concept or an idea related to the conceptual framework of the research, but also into organisational categories - categories that represent key themes arising from data - in order to organise and handle data. Further, categorising data into themes is not merely data handling but a contribution to theory as well. As Richards and Richards (1994: 447) stress

[d]ecisions are being made about what is a category of significance to the study, what TXHVWLRQVDUHEHLQJDVNHGZKDWFRQFHSWVGHYHORSHG>«@6HFRQGGHFLVLRQVDERXWZKDWWH[W segments are relevant to a category are never merely clerical decisions; they always involve some theoretical considerations. Third, the viewing of segments from many documents on one topic or selected topics always offers a new way of seeing data.

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In agreement with the authors above, I consider every step of data gathering and reading, sorting, categorising and coding into themes as part of the data analysis process. After all, the theoretical categories and codes that I have used in my data analysis respond to the main themes and issues that arise from my research questions. Moreover, since research is always XQGHUSLQQHGE\VSHFLILFWKHRUHWLFDOFRQVLGHUDWLRQVDVZHOODVWKHUHVHDUFKHU¶VRQWRORJLFDODQG epistemological assumptions, this also affects the data analysis process. The theoretical framework discussed in chapters 2 and 3 indicated some of the theoretical categories and codes that I could use when analysing my data, for example one being 'technologies of the self'. The theoretical and organisational categories I created had a particular meaning which was significant in the context of my research. On this matter Miles and Huberman (1994: 5657) note, by referring to Bliss et al. that,

DZRUGRUDSKUDVHGRHVQRWµFRQWDLQ¶LWVPHDQLQJDVDEXFNHWµFRQWDLQV¶ZDWHUEXWKDVWKH meaning it does by being a choice made about its significance in a given context. That FKRLFHH[FOXGHVRWKHUFKRLFHVWKDWFRXOGKDYHEHHQPDGHWRµVWDQGIRU¶WKDWZRUGRUSKUDVH and that choice is embedded in a particular ORJLFRUDFRQFHSWXDOOHQV«

However, before I move on to discuss further the coding and categorisation process, I must state here that I have used NVivo 8 qualitative data analysis software which is also an important element of the data analysis process. The use of Computer-Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis Software (CAQDAS) like NVivo 8, continues to be a matter of debate DPRQJVWTXDOLWDWLYHUHVHDUFKHUVEHFDXVHDVVRPHDUJXHLWFRXOGEHVHHQWRFRQIOLFWZLWK³WKH epistemological and ontological axiRPV XQGHUSLQQLQJ WKH FKRVHQ UHVHDUFK DSSURDFK´ (Morison and Moir, 1998: 115). CAQDAS differs from software for quantitative analysis in that this cannot calculate or automatically categorise or handle data. It does not create relationships, codes or mappings unless the researcher is involved. Some CAQDAS packages

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do have an auto-code function but this can only be used under specific circumstances and for specific formats of data.

Atherton and Elmore (2007) offer a useful dialogue regarding the use of CAQDAS and more particularly NVivo 6. The authors suggest that the use of CAQDAS is not suitable for all qualitative research, a statement that I must disagree with. In explaining my disagreement with Atherton and Elmore, from this point on I will refer to my experience of NVivo 8 which has major differences from NVivo 6 in terms of the software structure, the complexity of its functions and that it can handle and analyse visual and audio data, whereas NVivo 6 is a basic µFRGH-and-UHWULHYH¶ VRIWZDUH $WKHUWRQ Dnd Elmore (2007) argue that NVivo 6 offers standardised formats of data analysis and this neglects the contextual dimension of data. They SDUWLFXODUO\ UHIHU WR WKH IDFW WKDW XVLQJ JHQHULF IRUPDWV RI GDWD DQDO\VLV ³FUHDWHV DQ HSLVWHPRORJLFDO µFRPIRUW EODQNHW¶ IRU UHVHDUFKHUV LQ WKDW WKH\ SURGXFH DQ H[SHFWHG DQG GHILQHGDSSURDFKWRGHDOLQJZLWKGDWDDJDLQUHJDUGOHVVRIFRQWH[W ´(2007: 67). However, I argue that context is still important in this case, as ZHOODVZKHUHWKHUHVHDUFKHULV µFRPLQJ IURP¶ .HHSLQJ LQ PLQGWKH DUJXPHQWV WKDW FRGLQJ DQG FDWHJRULVLQJ GDWD LV SDUW RI IRUPLQJ WKHRULHVDQGWKDWFRGHVHQWDLOPHDQLQJVWKDWDUHXQGHUSLQQHGE\WKHUHVHDUFKHU¶VDVVXPSWLRQV about the world and the context where she has collected these data, then why would the researcher disappear from the process when data analysis is computer assisted?

Indeed the functions available in NVivo 8, including categorising data, coding, building trees, i.e. categories of codes that link back to a key theme or idea, writing memos and annotations, i.e. feelings or reflections the researcher has while collecting particular data, or other important notes relevant to the data being coded, and linking memos and annotations with codes can simply replace the manual handling of complex data without taking out the

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presence of the researcher. The de-contextualisation of data might become a limitation in the use of NVivo or any other CAQDAS packages, if the researcher uses functions like autocode, auto-PDSSLQJ DQG RWKHU IXQFWLRQV WKDW VXJJHVW YDULDEOHV¶ UHODWLRQVKLSV 7KDW XVDJH alone entails potential problems relating to WKH UHVHDUFKHU¶VDVVXPSWLRQVDERXW WKHGDWD DQG the context where these data came from, as Atherton and Elmore suggest. Thus, it is up to the researcher to use software like NVivo 8 up to the point where she is still present in the data analysis. I have done just that. I have used NVivo 8 not to achieve generic and standardised formats of data analysis, but as a tool to handle rich data that I felt I could not easily manually organise.

When using NVivo 8 I structured my approach into three sections, one being the recordings of all focus groups and interviews, the second being the transcriptions of the recordings and the third the categorisation and coding of the data. Having the recordings within the software meant that I could find any minute of the recordings and hear the conversation again if I wanted to recollect details mentioned in the data. Because the collection of data was done over a period of a year with big gaps between some of the focus groups especially, I started the organisation and coding of data from the early stages of data collection. The handling of data required going through the transcripts several times and free-coding (selecting random, recurrent or important sentences and words from the transcriptions, and transferring them to the free-coding file within the software) so I could detect themes/categories and codes that seemed to matter. The free-coding process helped to identify themes that I had not thought about before, for example when my participants referred to their mothers and how some of their experiences with underwear relate or do not to those of their mothers. Identifying the ZRUGµPRWKHU¶DVDFRGHDOORZHGPHWRJDWKHUDOOWKHUHODWHGUHIHUHQFHVP\SDUWLFLSDQWVPDGH and then use these data as one of the important themes in my analysis.

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I then used coding to group the free-coded sentences or words together and highlight the context that these sentences or words came from within the transcripts. The codes were then grouped into categories or themes, although in some cases I started off by creating a category and then created codes within that category. For example one category or theme that emerged is called Hidden versus Visible. Codes for this category included beneath dress, attached to skin, public monitoring and underwear on display. The functions of NVivo were such that I could see in an instant the sentences or texts under each of these codes, and I could either group the selections together with details about where they came from in the data or jump to the original text if I wanted to read the selected part in its original context. This helped me keep in mind the context of my data and at the same time organise them into codes and the codes into themes that responded to my research questions.

The analysis and interpretation of my data is presented in the next chapter where the categories/themes I have used in NVivo make up the sections of the chapter. However, before I proceed to Chapter 5, I reflect on the ethical issues that arise from this research as well as discussing some of the implications of the research process.

4.6  Ethics  and  implications  of  this  research   4.6.1 Ethics in social research This section mainly focuses on ethical issues around research; however, I take a broad perspective on the issue of ethics to include some of my reflections on the research process and my role as the researcher.

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(WKLFV LQ VRFLDO UHVHDUFK ³UHIHUV WR WKH PRUDO GHOLEHUDWLRQ FKRLFH DQG DFFRXQWDELOLW\ RQ WKH SDUWRIUHVHDUFKHUVWKURXJKRXWWKHUHVHDUFKSURFHVV´(GZDUGVDQG0DXWKQer, 2002: 14). It is also defined by Saunders et al     DV ³WKH DSSURSULDWHQHVV RI \RXU EHKDYLRXU LQ UHODWLRQ WR WKH ULJKWV RI WKRVH ZKR EHFRPH WKH VXEMHFW RI \RXU ZRUN´ )HPLQLVW UHVHDUFK LQ particular has contributed heavily in opening up discussing ethics and politics in social research, especially stressing the need for reflexivity and for recognising diversity and GLIIHUHQFHZKLOHUHVHDUFKLQJRWKHUV:HFDQDVNKRZZHVKRXOGUHVHDUFKµRWKHUV¶DQGKRZZH VKRXOGµLQYDGH¶DQLQGLYLGXDO¶VOLIHWROHDUQDERXWKHUZRUOG:KDWLVWKHµFRUUHFW¶RUHWKically responsible way of doing that? From a slightly different angle how can a researcher conduct research having one social relation with the researched? There is usually more than one social UHODWLRQEHWZHHQDUHVHDUFKHUDQGWKHµRWKHUV¶WKHUHVHDUFKHG (Fawcett and Hearn, 2004). For example, I had more similarities with my research participants than just being a woman and at the same time more differences than us just being the researcher and the researched. I am a white, middle class, educated woman like many of them. However at the same time I am different to them in terms of the identity opseis they were supposed to exemplify at the point of the research. Kitzinger and Wilkinson (1996: 1-32) echo that otherness alludes to a great deal of issues, and the debate is far from fixed (also see Fawcett and Hearn, 2004). I do not LQWHQG KHUH WR GLVFXVV WKH YDULRXV DFFRXQWV RI µRWKHUQHVV¶ LQ IHPLQLVW UHVHDUFK 5DWKHU P\ intention is to pay attention to the fact thaWZKHQUHVHDUFKLQJµRWKHUV¶WKHUHODWLRQEHWZHHQ µRWKHUV¶ DQG WKH UHVHDUFKHU JLYHV ULVH WR PDQ\ HWKLFDO FRQVLGHUDWLRQV WKDW KDYH WR GR ZLWK power, diversity and difference. Moreover, research questions alone may invoke ethical and political concerns when LWFRPHVWRUHVHDUFKLQJWKHVHµRWKHUV¶

7KHUHDUHPDQ\µPRGHOV¶RIHWKLFVDYDLODEOHIRUUHVHDUFKHUVWRFRQVLGHULQFOXGLQJWKHPRUH institutionalised codes of ethics that require, for example, the informed consent of the

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participants, the truthful presentation of the research topic to participants to avoid deception and the safeguarding of privacy and confidentiality (Christians, 2003). In terms of informed consent and truthful representation of the research project, since I used the snowballing technique, I made sure that my initial contact in each case was fully aware of what the research was about and what the process of focus groups or interviews would be. In many cases, women were invited to choose between taking part in a group discussion or one-to-one interview. I used several methods of informing my participants about the project and getting their consent. For the tutors and administrators group I sent individual explanatory emails (see appendix 1) to all the women I invited, after I got their information from my contact, ZKRKDGILUVWREWDLQHGWKHLUFRQVHQWWRGRWKLV)RUWKHPRWKHUV¶JURXSDQGWKH:$'V,PDGH sure that my contact would inform the other women about my research and I printed out a small summary of the project which explained the resHDUFK¶VDLPV,XVHGWKHVDPHVXPPDU\ WRLQIRUPP\FRQWDFWIURPWKHZRPHQ¶VUXJE\WHDPZKRLQIRUPHGWKHRWKHUZRPHQ)LQDOO\ an access letter was used for accessing the gym, and small poster-OLNH µLQYLWDWLRQ WR SDUWLFLSDWHWRUHVHDUFK¶LQYLWDWLRQVIRUWKH members (likewise see appendix 1).

0RUHRYHUDWWKHVWDUWRIDOOIRFXVJURXSVDQGLQWHUYLHZV,UHLWHUDWHGWKHUHVHDUFK¶VDLPVDQG intentions, I explained to the respondents that the conversation would be recorded for the practical purposes of remembering it after it had finished and I also obtained their consent about giving me some biographical information. I reassured all participants about anonymity and confidentiality and that the information they give me would only be used for the purposes of this research or any subsequent publication from the thesis. I also told them I would use pseudonyms in any writing when referring to each respondent.

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The above issues map to the conventional code of ethics that a researcher needs to abide by. However researchLQJ DOVR µRWKHUV¶ KDV WR GR ZLWK PRUH FRPSOH[ LVVXHV RI SRZHU DQG researchers need to be aware of this (Edwards and Mauthner, 2002). As previously addressed, the use of focus groups takes away some of the issues of the power of the researcher. However, in WKHFDVHRIWKHZRPHQ¶VUXJE\WHDPDVPHQWLRQHGLQVHFWLRQ,IHOWWKDWP\ presence as the researcher to be very evident. That could have potentially affected the SDUWLFLSDQWV¶ ZLOOLQJQHVV WR VKDUH IXUWKHU GHWDLOV DERXW WKHLU H[SHULHQFHV ZLWK XQGHUZHDU Nevertheless, even during that focus group I felt that the data I was gathering were very interesting, but as a researcher I never stopped wondering whether they could have shared more if the setting or the process of gathering them had been different.

Reflecting on the data collected and the impact that participants, as subjects and subjectivities, and the researcher have on these data is part of the process of being reflexive in qualitative research. Mauthner and Doucet (2003:42) argue that

subjects are reflexively constituted between the researcher and the researched, and that while they are therefore always incompletely unknown, it is possible to grasp something of the articulated experience and subjectivity through a research encounter.

That is, desSLWH WKH µGLIILFXOW\¶ LQ UHVHDUFKLQJ µRWKHUV¶ WKH FRQVWUXFWHG µVLWXDWLRQ¶ FUHDWHG between the researcher and the researched can give an account of experiences. Of course that DGPLWWDQFHPHDQVWKDWGDWDDUHKLQGHUHGE\WKHVXEMHFWLYLW\RIWKLVµVLWXDWLRQ¶ however I had always been aware, and it has already been stated before in this chapter, that my epistemological and ontological assumptions have underpinned my research questions, my research methods, the selection of my participants, the questions I asked them and the analysis of my data.

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However, there is another dynamic in this research that is seminal in how the data I collected were formed. The fact that the participants were exemplifying a particular identity opseis during the focus groups and interviews could also mean that they were performing their identities at the time of the research. This was more evident with the mothers and the WADS groups which I had visited in the places and times where they usually met as a group. The mothers group, for example, during their group interview were not just answering and interacting with each about questions that were emphasising a particular identity opsy, but they were playing out or performing that identity opsy at exactly that moment: they were gathered with their babies to talk about their experiences as young mothers. That of course had a huge impact on the data collected and it can be viewed in both negative and positive ways. The positive perspective is that the data are richer: they include not only verbal data ZKDWWKH\VDLG EXWDOVRP\QRWHVRQµ5HIOHFWLRQVRQWKHILHOG¶ZKLFKLQFOXGHGWKHLUSK\VLFDO reactions and interactions with each other and their babies. It was also easier for me as the researcher to ask questions about this particular element of their identity, which was very UHFHQWIRUWKHPDQGILQDOO\DFWLQJRXWWKHLUµILUVW-WLPHPXP¶HOHPHQWRIWKHLULGHQWLW\DWWKDW time meant that more themes were emerging than those I had on my interview schedule, hence the richer data. The negative side of my participants performing their identities at the time of the interview is perhaps an element of power that is present that can lead to them perhaps overstating their experiences. Of course, qualitative data always include the limitation of overstated or false representation or reflections of experiences, but nevertheless DV+ROORZD\DQG-HIIHUVRQ VWUHVVWKHUHLV>DOZD\V@DUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQSHRSOH¶V ambiguous representations and their experiences". After all, the researcher does not intend to XQFRYHUGDWDWKDWµH[LVWRXWWKHUH¶EXWWRHQJDJHLQFR-constructing data with her participants Mason (2002).

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2I FRXUVH DQG DV DOVR VWDWHG DERYH UHVHDUFKLQJ µRWKHUV¶¶ H[SHULHQFHV ZLWK XQGHUZHDU DQG trying to determine the factors that influence them when selecting and buying underwear deals with many sensitive issues, like the relationship these women have with their bodies, their sexuality, perhaps their partner and friends and elements of their taste. In terms of how easily they would talk to others about underwear, many of these women said that they would QRWWDONDERXWWKHLUXQGHUZHDUWRµMXVWDQ\RQH¶7KH\ZRXOGWDONWRIULHQGVIDPLO\RUSHUKDSV female colleagues over a conversation about clothing or shopping. Indeed many of them had mentioned at the end of the interview or focus group that they never thought before about all the issues related to underwear we discussed, or, in the case of focus groups, that they felt VWUDQJH DQG µIXQQ\¶ DERXW OHDUQLQJ DERXW WKH XQGHUZHDU H[SHULHQFHV RI WKH Rther women, even though some might have talked about underwear before. Putting on underwear can be mundane and wearing it throughout the day can feel like a second skin. However, as noted earlier when asked to think about their various experiences of underwear, then unsurprisingly these women felt they had more to say about it.

4.6.2 Research implications Throughout this chapter I have tried to indicate some of the implications or, perhaps more precisely, inevitabilities of the methodology used. This section summarises these implications with regard to the methods selected, the sample, the data collection process and the data analysis.

As far the methods selected are concerned, many of the implications arise from my choice of using focus groups. The implications of focus groups have been discussed earlier. However I would at this point refer to one prominent implication which links back to the discussion in

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the previous section about the ethics of my research. This has to do with my influence on the data collected, and which is said to be one of the main implications of focus groups as compared to other methods (Morgan, 1988). It could be argued that the planning and staging RI IRFXV JURXSV LQIOXHQFHV WKH SDUWLFLSDQWV¶ DFFRXQWV RI UHDOLW\ ,QGHHG LQ WKH Fases of the ZRPHQ¶VUXJE\WHDPDQGWKHDGPLQLVWUDWRUV¶JURXS,FRXOGQRWDVVXJJHVWHGKHOSUHIOHFWLQJ back on the setting and the whole conversation and thinking how I might have influenced the data as the planner and moderator. However this power I had as the researcher was also HYLGHQWLQWKHFDVHRIWKHJ\PLQVWUXFWRU¶VLQWHUYLHZ1RQHWKHOHVVDV0RUJDQ DUJXHV there is no hard evidence that the influence of the researcher in the focus groups is stronger than in any other research method, such as qualitative interviewing. All research methods have their strengths and weaknesses and I hope that my justification for choosing focus groups as well as one-to-one interviewing is enough to mitigate some of their individual weaknesses.

Regarding my sampOH LW FRXOG EH DUJXHG WKDW , KDYH H[FOXGHG PDQ\ µRWKHUV¶ ZRPHQ RI different races, ethnicities or religions could have contributed greatly in understanding more DERXW ZRPHQ¶V H[SHULHQFHV ZLWK XQGHUZHDU :KLOH FODVV IRU H[DPSOH FRXOG KDYH EHHQ D very important element of analysis in this research, especially since it is central in the work of Bourdieu, which forms part of the conceptual framework of this thesis, I have selected to concentrate on gender and how my participants construct elements of their female identity. As already established in Chapter 1, doing gender in social situations is a social dynamic and a process of experiencing the world, as gender is the primary classificatory system when encountering others (Gherardi, 1993; Brewis, 2005). Bristor and Fischer (1993) go further to argue that consumption is fundamentally gendered as it is a means of asserting and UHSURGXFLQJ JHQGHU 7KXV WKH FRQVXPSWLRQ RI ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU LV LQGHHG IXQGDPHQWDOO\

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JHQGHUHG DQG EHFRPHV D ZD\ RI H[SHULHQFLQJ µEHLQJ D ZRPDQ¶ Since the connections EHWZHHQWKHFRQVXPSWLRQRIZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDUDQGWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIIHPDOHLGHQWLW\KDYH been largely neglected by organisation studies and other cognate fields as already noted in Chapter 1, it constitutes a very rich theme of its own that can contribute to this gap without the necessity of connecting other social elements like class, ethnicity, race and other, here at least. Undoubtedly, engaging with other discourses such as class, or race when it comes to the consumptioQ RI ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU DV D PHDQV RI LGHQWLW\ FRQVWUXFWLRQ FDQ EH D URXWH WR IXUWKHUSURJUHVVLQJWKLVUHVHDUFK)RUH[DPSOH6WRUU¶V ZRUNRQ$QQ6XPPHUVSDUWLHV contributed, at least to a certain extent, to understanding the connections of class and the consumption of particular types of underwear. This can be extended further to link social class and taste, in a Bourdieusian sense and offer a much sought contribution to consumption studies.

Focusing on gender and excluding other social variables from my research had, of course, certain limitations regarding the sample of this thesis. My participants, as mentioned earlier, were all white British with the exception of one white Asian who had lived in the UK for long time. My participants were also all middle class, educated women and as far as I know, heterosexual. Nevertheless, my intention with the notion of identity opseis as the framework with which the sample was chosen was not to include as many women as possible, but to explore as many different roles as possible that a woman plays each day or the different life stages she can be in, and how that affects her decisions about the underwear choices she makes.

Finally, the use of NVivo 8 can be argued to be an implication of the data analysis process. The de-contextualisation of data and the distancing of the researcher from the data, as well as

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the contradiction between using standardised formats of qualitative analysis and the ontological and epistemological assumptions the qualitative researcher could be seen to have, are some of the implications of using CAQDAS (Atherton and Elmore, 2007). Even though I acknowledge these particular limitations as possibilities, I do not agree with all of them and my discussion in a previous section in this chapter reflects this. I have used NVivo 8 only as a tool for handling rich data, but nevertheless the advances in this version of software as compared to previous versions show that some of the concerns raised by qualitative researchers previously are being addressed. As discussed earlier, the contextual dimension of my data was never lost and the functions of free-coding helped me to identify important themes that might have been lost if I had followed manual coding.

4.7  Summary   This chapter has discussed in detail the methodological strategy of this research, justifying this with a discussion of my ontology and epistemology and how this research can be considered as a social inquiry. I have shown the link between my research questions and my assumptions about reality and the social world. I have also justified my choice of research methods as focus groups and one-to-one interviewing, with particular attention to the implications as well as the strengths of each method. The sampling process was then discussed, offering a justification regarding how women participants in this research were chosen. More specifically, the notion of identity opseis was explained and how this notion worked as the framework by which the sample was chosen. Some reflections on the field and the process of data collection as well as a discussion of the data analysis were also presented in this chapter. The data analysis section involved a discussion and justification of the use of NVivo qualitative data analysis software. Finally I have considered the ethics and implications of this research in the final section. 150

The following chapter will present the empirical findings of this research, which reflect the discussions that took place in the focus groups and interviews I conducted. It also discusses how these findings relate to the concepts and the literature discussed in the previous chapters of the thesis.

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Šƒ’–‡”ͷǮŠƒ–‹–ˆ‡‡Ž•Ž‹‡‹›—†‡”™‡ƒ”ǥǯǣ†‡”™‡ƒ” and  identity  construction  

As already established in this thesis, in academic literature underwear is a largely neglected SDUWRIZRPHQ¶VFORWKLQJZKLFKLV,FRQWHQGDVLPSRUWDQWDVµRXWZDUG¶GUHVVLWVHOILQGHHGLQ some ways more interesting in the sense that it is usually hidden from view. It appears to have considerable social importance which is not often articulated in scholarly research ± especially compared to the wealth of discussion about other, more visible elements of ZRPHQ¶V GUHVV DQG DSSHDUDQFH 7KXV WR UHLWHUDWH P\ UHVHDUFK TXHVWLons, I aim to find out what are the socio-cultural factors that influence women when choosing and wearing the µULJKW¶XQGHUZHDUZKDWLVWKHUROHRIXQGHUZHDUDVSDUWRIGUHVVLQWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIIHPDOH identity; what are the experiences that women report regarding the consumption of underwear; and to assess the role of taste when it comes to buying underwear. Answering these questions will contribute to the gap in the literature about this important part of ZRPHQ¶VFORWKLQJDQGWKHUROHLWKDVLQWKHLU identity construction.

This chapter presents the data collected from my fieldwork, and suggests that underwear can EHDPHDQVRIH[SHULHQFLQJDQGH[SUHVVLQJWKHµVHOI¶DQGWKDWLWFDQDFWDVDFDUULHURIIHHOLQJV DERXW WKH ERG\ DQG D ZRPDQ¶V LGHQWLW\ ,QGHHG HYHQ ZKHQ ZRPHQ VFDUFHO\ µIHHO¶ WKHLU underwear since in many cases it is almost part of the skin or part of the body, it is nonetheless seemingly supporting their bodies and appearance. Thus it is still a significant HOHPHQWRIZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\SURMHFWV$VHVWDEOLVKHGHDUOier in the thesis I see identity as an open-ended and ongoing project and performance of culturally available meanings. This

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means that we also focus on different parts of our identity in different social milieux. In Chapter 4 I have explained that by using the notion of identity opseis, meaning aspects or sides of identity, I aim to hail the particular aspects of identity that my women respondents were selected to exemplify during the focus groups/interviews. The identity opseis that I see my participants as performing play an important role in how they understand their choices of underwear and their negotiations around femininity, comfort and overall appearance. Nevertheless the experiences and feelings they narrate often represent other identity opseis, for example sexual partner or daughter: this speaks to the way in which underwear is PRELOLVHGWRVXSSRUWRWKHUDVSHFWVRIWKHVHZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\SURMHFWVHPSKDVLVLQJWKXVWKH ongoing and multi-faceted character of female identity.

The first section of my data analysis deals with the hidden/visible distinction of underwear ZKLFKZDVTXLWHHYLGHQWLQWKHVHGDWD7KHVHZRPHQ¶VFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDUGHSHQGVRQ different situations and contexts which either necessitate that underwear remains hidden and firmly attached to their dress (and body) or is seen by others and the implications of this for their identity. The second section deals with the bodily sensations that underwear produces in the body and ways in which these sensations intersect with or inform WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V LGHQWLWLHV 7KH QH[W VHFWLRQ H[SORUHV WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V WDVWH LQ XQGHUZHDU DQG ZKDW VHHPV WR DIIHFW LW ,VVXHV OLNH ZKDW FRORXUPDWHULDO WKH\ FKRRVH DQG WKHLU PRWKHU¶V LQIOXHQFH RQ WKHLU taste are discussed in this section. Finally in the last section the respondents discuss their experiences of the actual process of consumption of underwear; that is which physical or online shops they choose and why, if they buy underwear for presents, if they go shopping for underwear alone or with other people and how this makes them feel.

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The extracts from the data have been reproduced in accordance with the following protocol. µ$EE\-)¶RUµ$P\-,¶DUHH[DPSOHVRIWKHSVHXGRQ\PVJLYHQWRHDFKUHVSRQGHQW)DQG, next to the name refer to the focus group or LQWHUYLHZLQZKLFKHDFKWRRNSDUWµ,QW¶UHIHUVWR me as the interviewer/ facilitator. [...] signifies either edited text or text having been removed. Two dots without parentheses signify a short pause, whereas three signify a longer pause, or an interruption by other respondents if at the end of a sentence. Finally, italics are used to LQGLFDWHWKHUHVSRQGHQWV¶YHUEDOHPSKDVLV

5.2  Hidden  versus  visible  underwear   5.2.1 The strawberry bra: comments on visible underwear &UDQH    VXJJHVWV WKDW FORWKLQJ ³DV RQH RI WKH PRVW YLVLEOH IRUPV RI FRQVXPSWLRQ SHUIRUPV D PDMRU UROH LQ WKH VRFLDO FRQVWUXFWLRQ RI LGHQWLW\´ 6LQFH XQGHUZHDU LV PRVWO\ hidden, as suggested, it becomes even more interesting to understand its importance for the body and consequently the project of identity, an importance that is highly pronounced in FRQWHPSRUDU\PDVVFXOWXUDORIIHULQJVHPSKDVL]LQJµKRZWREHDZRPHQ¶DVVHHQLQSUHYLRXV chapters. When it comes to outerwear, the visible clothing becomes a substantive element of DZRPDQ¶VLGHQWLW\VLQFHLWLVSDUWRIWKHZD\WKDWKHUERG\LVSUHVHQWHGDQGVKHPD\ZHOOEH consciously (or unconsciously) dressed according to the norms and expectations of society (Entwistle, 2000b). However things become more complicated when it comes to underwear. As we have seen in previous chapters and more specifically in Chapter 1, in the past underwear apparently used to function solely as a support for the outer dress. It was not visible and more or less looked the same. Some differences in the material were evident mostly in the kind of underwear upper class women wore, but still this was usually not visible. During the twentieth century when underwear became mass produced in various

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materials and in different shapes and designs, it begins to function not just as a support for the outer dress but also as part of the overall fashion system. Indeed especially in the case that underwear is visible it becomes part of the outerwear, the connections between underwear and identity and judgments about the wearer are more easily made by others. This was an important aspect of the experiences my respondents reported and the following sections deal with the visible-hidden element of underwear.

The contrast between visible and hidden came up quite often during my focus groups, on a number of different occasions. My participants had made various distinctions as to when and for what reason underwear is seen. Most of them thought that underwear should be seen usually privately in the bedroom, by their partner. However underwear is not always privately seen by others and there are various occasions when a woman would be seen in her underwear more publicly, e.g. in the gym changing room. What mostly triggered the discussion though was WKH LQVWDQFH ZKHQ SDUWV RI XQGHUZHDU ZRXOG EH µIODVKLQJ¶ IURP underneath outerwear.

7KH XQLYHUVLW\ WXWRUV¶ JURXS   IRU H[DPSOH PDGH WKUHH GLIIHUHQW GLVWLQFWLRQV DERXW YLVLEOH underwear: first, it is unintentional and sometimes unexpected; second, it is intentional and signifies an attempt to be sexual; and, third, it is a conscious fashion statement. In the first case the women in group (1) thought that this was acceptable, but did not mention that it could be sexy, like they did for example for the second category. As for the third category they were unsure as to what might be the occasion where this would be acceptable. The exchange below is illustrative: Wendy-F1: Is it OK culturally in Britain showing the kind of bra top? 10

10

Wendy is not British, hence her query here.

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Paulette-F1: You mean the strap? Kate-),WKLQNLW¶VEHFRPHVR,WGLGQ¶WXVHGWREH Abby-F1: Hmmmm. It used to be a no no, in fact you would wear a vest without a bra, rather than show the bra strap. Wendy-F1: Or like a strapless kind of bra. Abby-F1: Yeah! Wendy-F1: Well alwa\VVKRZLQJWKUHHRUIRXUNLQGRIVWUDSVHYHU\ZKHUHLW¶VUHDOO\ZHLUG Paulette-)$FWXDOO\ QRZ ZKHQLW¶VD IDVKLRQVWDWHPHQW ZKHQVRPHRQHKDVGHVLJQHG DQRXWILWWKDWLW \RX NQRZZKDW,PHDQWKDWLWUHYHDOVWKHEUDVWUDSDQGWKHFRQWUDVWWKHQLW¶V 2.%XWVWLOOLILW¶VMXVWIO\LQJRYHU\RXU VKRXOGHULW¶VQRWVRJUHDW0D\EHWKDW¶VWKHZD\,WKLQNRILW,ILWORRNVOLNHSDUWRIWKHZKROHRXWILWWKHQ,WKLQN LW¶VQRUPDOEXWWKHUHDUHWKRVHFOHDURQHV>EUDVWUDSV@WKDW\RXFDQZHDU Kate-F1: It would have to look good. Because for some it looks good. Abby-F1: Yeah but wearing a blue top and having a, a, a purple bra! [laughter and talking] Int: What about [g-]strings showing off? Abby-F1: I used to do that, but ... Paulette-I,W¶VKRUULEOHLVQ¶W it? Int: You used to do it? Abby-F1: Yeah, it was like the fashion to wear very low jeans and have your g-string showing. It seemed like a JRRGLGHDDWWKHWLPH>«@ Paulette-),WKLQNLILW¶VDQDFFLGHQWOLNHLILWMXVWKDSSHQHGLWFRXOGEHNLQGRI,JXHVV,GRQ¶WNQRZ OLNHDQXQH[SHFWHGVH[\YLHZPD\EHIRUVRPHRQHEXW,WKLQNLILW¶VLQWHQGHG,GRQ¶WOLNHLW

2QH RI WKH WKHPHV LQ WKLV H[FKDQJH LV ZRPHQ¶V LQWHQWLRQDO GLVSOD\ RI J-strings over the waistband of trousers or intentionally wearing bras that visibly clash with the colour of a ZRPDQ¶VWRS,WVHHPVWKHVHZRPHQDJUHHWKDWWKLVNLQGRIGLVSOD\LVQRWDFFHSWDEOH7KH\GLG not consider these intentional displays of underwear an attempt to attract sexual attention but more that they are somehow vulgar. In this case and as suggested in Chapter 2, underwear becomes an element of our embodied cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986, Crossley, 2001; Shilling, 2003) in terms of how other people judge our appearance, which is also a fundamental aspect in the construction of identity. Embodied cultural capital is valued differently in different fields and it should transform into other forms of capital, like economic capital or symbolic capital (Shilling, 2003). Indeed, as will be discussed several times in this chapter, underwear for my respondents works as embodied cultural capital to support them in the different fields in which they are located and thus to transform this into other forms of capital. Returning to the issue of underwear being visible, since dress, as Entwistle (2000b) suggests, is a negotiation between structured systems like fashion and the

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norms of particular social milieux, then underwear seems to enter this negotiation as soon as it becomes visible. In this case Abby and Paulette think that displays like those in the H[FKDQJHDERYHDUHWDVWHOHVVRUDWOHDVWGpFODVVp7KLVIRUPHEHDUVRXW%RXUGLHX¶VFODLPWKDW ³WDVWHFODVVLILHVDQGLW FODVVLILHVWKHFODVVLILHU´ (1984: 6). The way we exhibit our sense of taste, or distinction, therefore additionally reveals something about our own socialisation or our habitus, and taste, as suggested in Chapter 2 and again following Bourdieu (1984), is in the first place distaste regarding the taste of others. Indeed, if our habitus is the material conditions in which a person grows up, embodied and inscribed in our body and the mechanisms through which we operate in daily life, it enables us to consider visible underwear as part of overall appearance, and make judgements regarding the choices of other people.

5HJDUGLQJ WKH ILUVW GLPHQVLRQ RI WKH YLVLEOHKLGGHQ FRQWUDVW WKH XQLQWHQWLRQDO µIODVKLQJ¶ RI underwear, my participants in group (1) felt that it is usually embarrassing like a gaping blouse or undone trousers. They felt that underwear is intended to be hidden - except when YLVLEOHDVDIDVKLRQVWDWHPHQWRUDVDµFRPH-RQ¶- and if otherwise it could attract ridicule. In these cases judgements about the inappropriateness of the appearance would be easily made. For example: Abby-),UHPHPEHU$P\¶VVKLUWKDGFRPHRSHQ>@DQG,VDLG³RRKWKDW¶VDSUHWW\EUD´DQGVKHZDVUHDOO\ embarrassed because ... well I thought it was meant to be like that [laughter]. Paulette-F1: Oh no! Abby-F1: ,WZDVLQKHUHZDVQ¶WLWRUZDVLWLQWKHPLGGOHRIWKHFRIIHHVKRSRUVRPHWKLQJ" Paulette-F1: Oh she must have felt awful. Abby-)@,W [the bra] was pretty though, it had strawberries on it.

HHUH$P\$EE\DQG3DXOHWWH¶VFROOHDJXHGLGQRWUHDOLVHWKDWKHUEORXVHKDGFRPHXQGRQH and she immediately felt embarrassed. Perhaps she felt embarrassed because she was seen

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like that in her workplace by a colleague, or in a public place per se. This says something about our feeling of humiliation when our appearance does not correspond to the norms of the social context we are currently located in, here the workplace. In a Foucauldian sense, we are constantly monitoring ourselves in order to fit the norms of our social milieu (Fine and Macpherson, 1994; Tischner and Malson, 2008 DQGWRDSSHDUµDSSURSULDWH¶ERWKLQWHUPVRI how it is expected from us to present ourselves in a context like the workplace (Shilling,   EXW DOVR LQ WHUPV RI ZKDW LV GHHPHG µDSSURSULDWH¶ WR ZHDU LQ VSHFLILF FRQWH[WV RU according to body shape and size (Tischner and Malson, 2008). Indeed the other women in this group agree that Amy must have felt awful, as presumably they would in a similar case. 1HYHUWKHOHVV$EE\¶VILUVWLPSUHVVLRQWKDW$P\¶VVWUDZEHUU\EUDZDVPHDQWWREHVHHQKLQWV that women sometimes leave part of their underwear on display deliberately, as discussed above.

In fact where underwear is visible then it is quite often perceived - at least as suggested in my data - as an attempt by the wearer to be sexual. A blouse undone which reveals some FOHDYDJHLVXVXDOO\FRQVLGHUHGWRFRQVWLWXWHSDUWRIDPRUHµWDQWDOL]LQJ¶DSSHDUDQFHOLNHZLse a g-VWULQJ VKRZLQJ RYHU WKH WRS RI WKH VNLUW RU WURXVHUV 3DXOHWWH¶V UHFROOHFWLRQ EHORZ LV indicative: Paulette-F1: I have a friend who thinks that ... who thinks not only is it fine but you should show off your bra when you are wearing, erm, like a toS6KH¶VDOZD\VOLNHXQGRLQJP\EXWWRQVHUPPOLNH³VKRZLW´DQG,¶P OLNH³RRKQR\RXFDQ¶WVKRZ\RXUEUD´>LQDIXQQ\YRLFH@:KDWGR\RXWKLQN">VKHDVNVWKHRWKHUV@ Abby-F1: Hmm, it depends if you are advertising or not. [laughter]. Paulette-F1: What? Abby-F1: If you are advertising yourself, if you want to collect [ sic] a partner.

Abby seems to suggest here that showing off her underwear is something that a woman might GRLIVKHZDQWVWRVHGXFHVRPHRQH)URPWKLVGDWDZHFDQUHDGWKDW3DXOHWWH¶VIULHQGFHUWDLQO\ seems to think that flashing underwear makes a woman seem more attractive, more sexual

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and more appealing if she is trying to seduce a potential partner. This was an important element of the hidden/visible contrast which I discuss further in a later section.

Visible underwear was an important issue for women in other focus groups and interviews as well. Many of them stressed that they would not wear a shirt or a blouse with a darker coloured bra because they would be conscious of it showing underneath. This seemed to be very important for the WADS group (5), especially for Mary, one of the oldest women in the group, who stressed that she hates looking at a black bra under a white shirt. However this does not suggest that age is the reason for this dislike since other participants, such as Christie, one of the gym clients, or Samantha from group (2), who are in their late twenties and early thirties respectively, also mentioned the same feeling. Erica, one of the gym clients, ZKRVHDJHUDQJHLVEHWZHHQ0DU\¶VDQG&KULVWLH¶VDQG6DPDQWKD¶VDOVRVWUHVVHGWKDWWKHEUD should not be seen underneath the clothes, especially now that fabrics are usually very thin.

+RZHYHUXQGHUZHDU¶VSUR[LPLW\WRWKHQDNHGERG\DQGVNLQPDNHVLWDOPRVWOLNHDVHFRQG skin, and in some cases it is experienced as more of an element of the body than of clothing as such. For example Christie, the gym client, says that when she changes at the gym she is always conscious of her underwear being seen by other women there because of how it moulds to and reveals her body: Christie-,,¶PDOZD\VFRQVFLRXVZKHQ,¶PFKDQJLQJP\VKRUWVEHFDXVH,DPDOZD\VZHDULQJJ-VWULQJVDQG,¶P a bit conscious of that .. you know what other women would think of my bum when I change so I tend to turn around with my face facing the other women and my bum facing the locker. So yeah I am conscious of that. $QGLWLVPRVWO\DERXWP\ERG\QRWDERXWP\XQGHUZHDUEXW,JXHVVLW¶VWKHVDPHLW¶VEHFDXVHRIP\XQGHUZHDU WKDWP\EXPLVVKRZLQJ6R,¶PDOZD\VFRQVFLRXVDERXWP\SDQWVQRWIRUP\EUDEHFDXVH,GRQ¶WZHDUDEUD ZKHQ,¶PH[HUFLVLQJOLNH,WROG\RXVKHDVNVPH@7KDWLI\RXKDYHDPDQ\RXSD\PRUHDWWHQWLRQ you would probably coordinate and generally bother much more than we do?

The presence of a partner then, and the expectation that he will see you in your underwear at VRPH SRLQW GXULQJ WKH GD\ LQIOXHQFHV WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V SHUFHSWLRQV RI ZKDW XQGHUZHDU WKH\ QHHG,WLVDOVRQRWDVVLPSOHDVµJHWWLQJDZD\ZLWKLW¶LQWKLVFDVHEHFDXse underwear, if on display, is part of the sexual and eroticised body. What seems interesting in these data is the

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extent to which underwear is important for these women regarding when their sexual partner sees them getting undressed but not getting dressed in the morning, for example. None of these women mentioned that it is important for their partner to see them getting dressed in µSUHWW\¶XQGHUZHDUVXJJHVWLQJWKXVWKDWVH[\SUHWW\XQGHUZHDULVH[SHFWHGDWEHGWLPHDQGIRU sex. This also echoes Foucault (1978) and how sex has been normalised in modernity as KHWHURVH[XDO DQG SURSHUO\ FRQILQHG WR WKH FRXSOH¶V EHGURRP ,QGHHG VLQFH DOO RI WKHVH women were heterosexual, as far as they have told me, they all seem to suggest that wearing sexy underwear for a (male) partner is strictly for sex.

It is not surprising either to expect a certain degree of eroticisation of images of women in underwear in advertising, and some underwear retailers specifically play on sexual provocation in their advertisements, like Ann Summers, from whose website stimulus pictures 4, 5 and 6 were taken. When looking at the stimulus pictures, Christie, the gym FOLHQWGHVFULEHGWKHVHSDUWLFXODUSLFWXUHVDV³FRPHDQGJHWPH´SLFWXUHVDQG commented on the way the models are portrayed, their posture and expressions. She actually guessed that the LPDJHVZHUH$QQ6XPPHUV¶OLQJHULH

Christie - I3: Usually I look for something really low on the tummy like that [the g-string in picture 4]. But this RQHLVDZIXO,GRQ¶WWKLQN,ZRXOGJRIRUVRPHWKLQJZLWKERZV$QGWKHPRGHOLVYHU\NLQN\LVQ¶WVKH"7KH ZD\VKH¶VSRVLQJ:KHUHGLG\RXJHWWKLV"$QQ6XPPHUV" Int: Actually yes. Christie - ,>6KHODXJKV@,NQHZLW$OOWKH$QQ6XPPHUV¶PRGHOV SRVHOLNHWKLV,GRQ¶WJHWLW7KLVVHWLVQRW VRPHWKLQJNLQN\OLNHSLFWXUHIRUH[DPSOHDQGVWLOOWKHPRGHOLVOLNHWKLV$OO$QQ6XPPHUV¶DGYHUWLVLQJLVOLNH µFRPHJHWPH¶%XW,JXHVVWKH\¶YHEXLOWWKHLUPDUNHWLQJRQWKDW\RXNQRZWKHYHU\VH[\Ninky underwear and the other stuff! [She laughs].

Christie is right to suggest that advertising has an important role to play in our perceptions and understandings of what is sexy, and feminine - or indeed appropriately masculine. Indeed, and as already suggested in Chapter 3, advertising (re)produces gender identities by drawing its imagery from stereotypical iconographies of masculinity and femininity (Hall,

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1980; Schroeder and Borgerson, 2003; Schroeder and Zwick, 2004). For Foucault (1978), mass culture has contributed to and promulgated in the form of knowledge the normalisation of dualistic gender roles. We can then extend this to suggest that these limit our perceptions of male and female consumer ontologies. Gender performances are linked with appearance; QRW RQO\ µORRNLQJ OLNH¶ D ZRPDQ RU D PDQ LQ D VWULFWO\ SV\FKRORJLFDO VHQVH EXW DOVR ZKDW clothes you wear, your body movements and other elements of your appearance are all UHLWHUDWHGJHQGHUSHUIRUPDQFHVVHH%XWOHUDQG %XWOHU¶V, 1999) notion of performativity asserts that gender is produced by sustained, repetitive social performances and that femininity is constructed through a process of reiterated performances that once LQWHUQDOLVHGDUHWKHQGHILQHGDVµJHQGHUDFWV¶ . Underwear seems to be an important element of these gender performances. My participants comment that there are stereotypical perceptions about sexy or feminine underwear. However, one question they all seem to bring up is, sexy for whom? They seem to be of the opinion that what women think is sexy and what men might consider as sexy could differ. For example, while most the participants commented on picture 5 as sexy underwear, Abbey and Paulette from group 1 and Samantha and Karen from group 2 thought that men might be intimidated by a woman wearing such underwear. The important thing here is that my respondents consider these tensions around sexy underwear and about what men do or do not find sexy in their own responses to the stimulus pictures and also when reflecting upon their relationship with the underwear they wear. I will return to some of the tensions around sexy underwear in the next section.

Summarising this section, the hidden/visible contrast of underwear is therefore an important distinction that these women make and one that influences the underwear they buy and wear. We have seen that the different identity opseis they are called on to perform might demand GLIIHUHQWXQGHUZHDUDQGWKH\SD\SDUWLFXODUDWWHQWLRQWRZHDULQJWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDURQWKe

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right occasion. Whether they are at work, focusing on their professional opsy, in a changing room in front of other women, or in the bedroom with their partner, being seen in their underwear has different meanings for these women. But in all cases the monitoring (whether literal or imagined) by others makes underwear as important as outerwear since it (potentially) becomes a visible element of their appearance. There is an issue of visible XQGHUZHDU EHLQJ SDUW RI RWKHUV¶ VFUXWLQ\ RI WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V ERGLHV and vice versa) or identities and in other cases the fact that visible underwear is usually eroticised. All of this DIIHFWVWKHVHZRPHQ¶VFKRLFHVRIZKDWWKH\ZHDUDQGIRUZKDWUHDVRQ

The following section explores the extent to which underwear remains hidden from view but still has particular importance for these women, because of how it feels to wear it. The sensations that underwear induces for my respondents are analysed, including feeling comfortable and what this means for these women and the feeliQJ RI µVSHFLDOQHVV¶ WKDW underwear can produce. Also discussed in the next section is how my respondents interpret these meaning and perform various opseis in their effort to (re)construct female identities.

5.3  The  physical  and  psychological  sensations  induced  by  underwear   5.3.1 Comfort defined To the extent that underwear remains hidden from view, other factors contribute to why it is VWLOODQLPSRUWDQWSDUWRIZRPHQ¶VFORWKLQJLQSDUWLFXODUWKHERGLO\VHQVDWLRQVWKDWLWLQGXFHV in the wearer or that the wearer seeks. From my data we can read that these sensations fall into two categories, physical sensations and psychological sensations. These sensations more than often intersected. The physical sensations had a direct impact on the psychological

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sensations underwear produced and on these women¶V XQGHUVWDQGLQJ RI ZKDW LGHQWLW\ opsy they were performing.

One feeling/bodily sensation that almost all the women reported as an important factor of choosing what underwear to buy was comfort (or discomfort). During all interviews and focus groups there was some reference to comfort which was defined in many ways. Physical comfort as suggested many times was defined as leading to psychological comfort. This reflects the definition that Holliday (1999: 481) gives to comfort in the case of her participantV³WKHFRPIRUWRQHIHHOVIURPWKHGHJUHHRIILWEHWZHHQWKHRXWVLGHRIRQH¶VERG\ DQGLWVLQVLGHQRWEORRGJXWVRURUJDQVEXWWKHµLPDJLQHG¶RUµWUXH¶VHOI ± the way in which LGHQWLW\LVPDSSHGRQWRWKHERG\´

The simplest definition of comfort was the physical comfort or discomfort that the material of the underwear produced for/on the body. The material of the underwear or its type also appeared as a determining factor of choosing which underwear to buy or when to wear it. For Kate and Abby from the WXWRUV¶ JURXS   LI WKH PDWHULDO LV LWFK\ RU URXJK LPPHGLDWHO\ LW becomes uncomfortable: Int: What about lace? [....] Kate-),ILWZDVQ¶WLWFK\RWKHUVODXJK@%DVLFDOO\EHFDXVH,GRQ¶WKDYHDQ\FRQILGHQFHLQKRZ, look now so the underwear that I wear just serves its purpose.

:KDW LV FOHDU LQ WKLV H[WUDFW LV KRZ FDUHIXO DQG DWWHQWLYH ERWK .DUHQ DQG 6DPDQWKD¶V VHOIPRQLWRULQJLV7KLVUHPLQGVXVRI7LVFKQHUDQG0DOVRQ¶V UHVSRQGHQW(PLO\ZKHQVKH VD\V³,NQRZ people go into, wear swimming costumes on the beach when they are my size, EXW >ODXJKLQJ@ WKH\ VKRXOGQ¶W´   HPSKDVLV UHPRYHG  %RWK .DUHQ DQG 6DPDQWKD similarly, seem to feel it is impossible for them to wear sexy underwear, exactly because they have internalised these discursive imSHUDWLYHVDERXWZKDWDµIDW¶SHUVRQVKRXOGEHZHDULQJRU QRW7KLVLVDOVRUHPLQLVFHQWRI&KULVWLHHDUOLHUZKHQVKHVD\VLWLV³ZHLUG´IRUKHUORRNLQJDWD ³FKXEE\´ZRPDQZHDULQJDJ-string and thus she feels uncomfortable in the gym changing room because she always wears g-strings, even though she also feels she has gained weight. /LNHWKHUHVSRQGHQWVLQ7LVFKQHUDQG0DOVRQ¶V UHVHDUFKVRPHRIP\UHVSRQGHQWVWRR seem to feel that they do not conform to current feminine norms. This reminds us of the dynamic and shifting character of power relations when people are constantly feeling they are XQGHU RWKHUV¶ VXUYHLOODQFH DQG DOVR LQ &KULVWLH¶V FDVH OLNH (PLO\ LQ 7LVFKQHU DQG 0DOVRQ (2008), when they are monitoring others too.

When talking about sexy underwear, and continuing with the conjunctions between physical DQG SV\FKRORJLFDO FRPIRUW WKH WXWRUV¶ JURXS   FRPPHQWHG RQ WKH VWLPXOXV SLFWXUHV regarding what they saw as sexy underwear. Paulette thought that the lingerie in picture 6 is neither sexy nor comfortable and Abby agreed, emphasising the fact that a woman cannot feel sexy if she is uncomfortable. This contrasts with what she described as her sexy µZHHNHQG¶XQGHUZHDU,ZLOOGLVFXVVWKLVIXUWKHULQDODWHUVHFWLRQ ZKLFKVKHZHDUVIRUKHU

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husband and which can be a bit uncomfortable. However this points to the possibility that what is usually out there is not always what a woman wants to buy in order to feel sexy or comfortable, or both. The stimulus pictures certainly included some underwear which would be conventionally regarded as lingerie or sexy underwear. However, when my participants ZHUHSURPSWHGWRLGHQWLI\ZKDWµVH[\¶ZDVIRUWKHPWKHUHVSRQVHVYDULHG)RUVRPHVH[\ZDV defined in relevance to comfort and not just what the underwear looks like. In several cases my participants said that lingerie or conventionally sexy underwear can be physically XQFRPIRUWDEOH  $EE\ IRU H[DPSOH VWUHVVHG WKDW ³µVH[\¶ LV XQFRPIRUWDEOH´ 6KH LGHQWLILHG Laris (picture 5) and Joanna (picture 6) as wearing sexy underwear but added this would not be the kind of underwear she would buy:

Abby-)7KHVHDUHUHDOO\JRUJHRXV>SLFWXUHDQG@DQGP\KXVEDQGZRXOGORYHWKDWEXW,GRQ¶WWKLQN,¶OOHYHU buy this. Int: Why? Abby-F1: Because it would be too difficult tRFOHDQ,ZRXOGQ¶WZHDULWYHU\RIWHQXQFRPIRUWDEOHDQGQRWZRUWK the money. >«@ Abby-F1: I would only wear it in the house, so that means I would wear it for [her husband], so it would only VWD\RQIRUWZRPLQXWHVVR,ZRXOGQ¶WUHDOO\JHWWKHYDOXHRXWof it.

7KH PRWKHUV¶ JURXS DOVR UHIHUUHG WR WKH VH[\ XQGHUZHDU DV XQFRPIRUWDEOH DQG DJDLQ WKHLU reference was to the two Ann Summers pictures 5 and 6:

Kerry-F3: Joanna and Laris are too fancy for me. Kayla-F3: Bet it would take you three days to get in [to it]. Laney-F3: I think that Joanna is more of wedding underwear. Kerry-F3: I actually bought something like that for my wedding but it was too uncomfortable and at the end my husband never saw it because I took it off [she laughs].

$SSDUHQWLQWKHVHH[FKDQJHVLVWKHVHZRPHQ¶VPRWLYHVIRUZHDULQJVH[\XQGHUZHDUDQGKRZ these lead back once more to the idea of bedtime and sex. Christie for example says that the RQO\µVH[\¶XQGHUZHDUVKHKDVHYHURZQHGZDVDEODFNFRUVHWWKDWVRPHRQHERught her as a

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present a long time ago. This was intended for a special occasion, or for being with her boyfriend. However she found it irritating to wear because it dug into her stomach:

Christie - ,,UHPHPEHURQFH,KDGVRPHWKLQJOLNHDFRUVHW«*RG, GRQ¶WHYHQUHPHPEHUZKRJDYHPHWKDWLI it was my old boyfriend or if it was a present from my best friend. It was something like this [stimulus picture 6] like a corset, a black see-WKURXJK,ZRUHLWDFRXSOHRIWLPHVEXWLWZDVQ¶WYHU\FRPIRUWDEOHIt bothered me here at the belly and I was really conscious of it. To be honest I thought I looked ridiculous because I was so FRQVFLRXVRILW%XWDQ\ZD\LW¶VQRWVRPHWKLQJ\RXZRXOGZHDUHYHU\GD\,W¶VRQO\IRUVSHFLDORFFDVLRQV

Summarising so far, we have seen that the different definitions these women gave to the sensations that underwear produced for them vary, often because of the connections between the physical and the psychological. The feeling of comfort was central to these respondents in terms of the physical and psychological sensations that their underwear produced for them. Starting from the simplest definition of feeling comfortable in the material of the underwear, other physical and psychological sensations were also produced by underwear according to these women. Feeling comfortable or uncomfortable depends also on the identity opseis these women are performing. Their ability to perform various activities or even their job in the case of Amy was central to how they defined comfort. Physical comfort was clearly interlinked with psychological comfort in examples such as the rugby women who defined comfort in WHUPVRIZHDULQJWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDUZKHQSOD\LQJQRWRQO\IRUWKHVXSSRUWRIWKHLUERG\ EXWDOVRIRUWKHµSURSHU¶DSSHDUDQFHRItheir bodies in the eyes of those watching them. The support of the body was important in another definition of comfort given by the WADS JURXSDQGDERXWIHHOLQJJRRGLQWKDWVWDJHRIWKHLUOLYHVZKHQWKHLUERG\QHHGVWREHµSXOOHG LQ¶ 0RUHRYHU IHHOLQJ Fomfortable was also defined as not noticing your underwear when performing certain identity opseis although in the private space of the house it can then become a weight; feeling comfortable then is about taking off your underwear.

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Comfort in terms of prDFWLFDOLW\RQWKHRWKHUKDQGZDVGHILQHGE\WKHPRWKHUV¶JURXSDQGLW was mostly about their changing pre and post-natal bodies, but comfort was also discussed in terms of how sexy underwear is or is not comfortable. Many of my respondents reported that sexy underwear cannot be comfortable and feeling sexy in your underwear is definitely associated for some with their body size. Thus, the boundaries of the physical or psychological sensations underwear produces are not clear: rather I find the two interconnected and strongly influencing the buying choices of these women. Depending on the identity opsy these women were focusing on, underwear could also produce different feelings supporting this particular persona. Drawing from this, the following section shows how underwear and the sensations it induces in the body can be understood in terms of how WKHVHZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDUPDNHVWKHPIHHODQGDVDQDVSHFWRILGHQWLW\FRQVWUXFWLRQFDQEH PRELOLVHGDVDWHFKQLTXHRIIHHOLQJµVSHFLDO¶

Indeed in terms of the other psychological feelings that underwear produces for my participants, one of the most important aspects of their underwear they reported was how the µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU FDQ PDNH \RX IHHO VSHFLDO IHPLQLQH VH[\ RU LQ JHQHUDO µJRRG¶ DERXW yourself. Their conceptions of what feminine or sexy means were based on what they feel when they have specific underwear on. One of the few scholarly analyses of the contemporary importance of underwear, that of Jantzen et al. (2006) show similar findings since their participants also discuss the feelings underwear can produce for the wearer. According to them, and as already discussed in Chapter 2, the sensations that underwear produces for its wearer become a technology of the self (Foucault, 1988b) because they serve as SDUW RI WKH ZRPDQ¶V LGHQWLW\ FRQVWUXFWLRQ E\ UHLQIRUFLQJ KHU VHOI-confidence and selfesteem. Jantzen at al  VWUHVV WKDW OLQJHULH HQDEOHV FRQVXPHUV WR VXFFHVVIXOO\ µPDQDJH¶ WKHLU conception of femininity, arguably because of the way it makes them feel.

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As already mentioned in Chapter 3, Jantzen et al. explore how consumers relate their lingerie to sexuality and sensuality. The category of lingerie, of course, usually entails the kind of underwear which is considered perhaps for more special occasions or for sexual encounters. The name lingerie was originally given to more luxurious undergarments during the nineteenth century and the Edwardian period (Willett and Cunnington, 1992). This thesis however is premised on a broader conceptualization of underwear, including what could be FRQVLGHUHGDVPXQGDQHRUQRWµVSHFLDO¶DOORZLQJWKXVIRUDZLGHUXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHUROH underwear plays in the everyday lives of women participants. Notwithstanding this, unsurprisingly, many of these women also suggested that the type of underwear which makes them feel special would be categorised as lingerie. As we have seen earlier Abby from group (1) says that she wears special underwear during her weekend, during her quality time with her husband. Moreover, as she also said earlier this would be the type of underwear that is pretty, though sometimes uncomfortable:

Abby-) >@ WKH SUHWWLHVW WKLQJV DUH IRU ZHHNHQGV FDXVH WKDW¶V WKH VSHQGLQJ WLPH ZLWK P\ KXVEDQG DQG IRU feeling special aQGIHPLQLQHZLWKRXWZRUU\LQJWKDWLW¶VVWLFNLQJLQDELWLQVLGHZKLFKLW¶VDOOULJKWFDXVH,¶PQRW running around [...].

$EE\¶V ZHHNHQG XQGHUZHDU FRQWUDVWV WR KHU ZRUN XQGHUZHDU IRU H[DPSOH ZKLFK VKH described as asexual. She explains that she needs to be focused on her job, thus it is important for her not to notice her underwear. This again says something about how underwear can be mobilised in focusing on different identity opseis, reminding us once again the complexity of LGHQWLW\ SURMHFWV ,Q $EE\¶V FDVH KHU ZHHNHQG XQGHUZHDU VSHDNV WR KHU opsy as a sexual partner but her work underwear is used for her opsy as a professional. In the same group an assumption emerged that wearing VSHFLDOIHPLQLQHXQGHUZHDUµFUHDWHV¶ a more sexually aggressive woman. Wendy recalls the case of her sister for whom she bought

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sexy lingerie, since her sister could not buy them in Japan where she lives. At this time of her OLIHKHUVLVWHUZDVµPDQ-huntLQJ¶DV:HQG\FDOOHGLW7KHPRWLIRIWKLVQDUUDWLYHZDVWKDWD ZRPDQ¶V VH[XDO DURXVDO DQG WKXV VH[XDO DJJUHVVLYHQHVV LV HQKDQFHG ZKHQ VKH LV ZHDULQJ what she might consider as sexy underwear. The other women were shocked when Wendy actually said that it worked because her sister got a boyfriend as a result. In another example, from the rugby group (4) in response to a question about when they would wear sexy XQGHUZHDU+HOHQ¶VUHSO\ZDVLOOXVWUDWLYH Helen-F4: Well it depends what you are doing. If you put [sexy underwear] on and you go for lectures or ZKDWHYHUWKHQ,GRQ¶WWKLQNLWIHHOVQRUPDO%XWLI\RX¶UHZHDULQJLW for someone.. you kind of get that feeling ZRR« Becky-),¶PDVH[\ELWFK [They laugh aloud] Ellie-F4: Becky, you realise that this is recorded!! Becky-F4: So??

Once again these data lead back to the assumption that sexy underwear, if it is seen, is usually LQWHQGHG IRU D VH[XDO SDUWQHU +RZHYHU 3DXOHWWH IURP WKH WXWRUV¶ JURXS   LQ D VLPLODU discussion wondered whether it would be possible to wear special underwear during the day, when she usually would not, since, as Abby said, when at work women may feel that they need to be quite asexual: Paulette-)%XW,WKLQNLW¶VLQWHUHVWLQJOLNHKRZZRXOG\RXIHHOLWZRXOGEHjust like an experiment.. maybe you think that something would happen to you during the day if you were wearing [sexy underwear] cause you would feel different and act differently. Abby-F1: Like walk funny!!! [They laugh]

What is interesting in this exchange is how their identity opseis have quite strong boundaries for these women; such that Paulette wonders what would happen if these boundaries would change if she wears different underwear, for example. This says something about how women use various techniques, such as underwear, to consolidate or articulate a sense of

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µZKR,DP¶LQSDUWLFXODUVLWXDWLRQV$V%XGJHRQ(2003: 37) argues any technique that a person adopts to improve and reconfigure their body, appearance and self is central to their identity. Again of course this also reflects Jantzen et al. (2006) who suggest that wearing special XQGHUZHDUWUDQVIRUPVZRPHQ¶VVHOI-LPDJH7KHZRPHQLQWKHWXWRUV¶JURXSZHUHSDUWLFXODUO\ emphatic on how they perform their identities while at work. How they dress and what underwear they wear changes for their working hours. Abby, for example, stressed that she ZHDUVSODLQFRWWRQXQGHUZHDUWRZRUNEHFDXVHVKHQHHGVWRIHHOWKDWKHUERG\LVDV³LQYLVLEOH´ as possible when she teaches. In order to perform her professional identity, she uses underwear as a tool for the successful construction of that identity opseis. This also shows the emphasis that women might place to render their feminine body invisible in the male dominated, rational context of organisational life. Underwear here for Abby can be seen as part of her embodied cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986) as it is rendered almost invisible, as KHURXWHUZHDUVKHDOVRUHIHUVWRKHURXWHUZHDUDVEHLQJTXLWHµSODLQ¶ $FFRUGLQJWRKHUWKLV is required in her work environment, where she stands in front of students in order to feel as µQRWIHPLQLQH¶DVSRVVLEOHDQGH[HPSOLI\WKXVKHUSURIHVVLRQDO opsy as an academic. On this, Shilling (2005: 73) stresses that individuals engage in ³unofficial tasks [that are] involved in PDLQWDLQLQJWKHHPERGLHGVHOIDVYLDEOHZLWKLQWKHHQYLURQPHQWRIZDJHGODERXU´+HFLWHV +RFKVFKLOG ZKR VXJJHVWV WKDW LQGLYLGXDOV HQJDJH LQ µGHHS DFWLQJ¶ ZKHQ WKH\ FKDQJH WKHLU appearance and thus IHHOLQJV WR PHHW WKHLU ZRUN HQYLURQPHQW¶V H[SHFWDWLRQV    ,Q order for Abby to accumulate her cultural capital as an academic (and thus transform it into other forms) she mobilizes underwear, working together with her outerwear, in order to move from other identity opseis she performs when not at work (e.g. sexual partner) to her professional opsy.

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So for these women a change in what they wear underneath means a change in what they feel about their body and how it looks. Thus underwear also becomes a tool, a technique of manipulating feelings about the self, and because of the sensations they suggest it creates for them, their body language changes too. Thus unsurprisingly these women argue that they QHHGWRZHDUPRUHµPXQGDQH¶RUµSODLQ¶XQGHUZHDU at work because they need to be focusing on their identity as professionals. Similarly Amy, the gym instructor, also feels that her work underwear is not the same as her home underwear: Int: So would your underwear change when you go home? Amy-I1:Yep! Int: How important is that for you? Amy-,9HU\PXFKVR%HFDXVHZKHQ,¶PDWZRUNDQG,¶YHJRWVXSSRUWRQ«,ZDQWWRIHHOJLUO\DVZHOOEXW when I go home I definitely want to feel girly. So I have to change it.

In the case of Amy and also the rugby women, their underwear would also be dirty and sweaty at the end of the day, so it is crucial that they change it. However the fact that these women change into something completely different also suggests that specific types of underwear speak to different identity opseis as it produces different feelings for them. Most of the women in the rugby team, similarly to Amy, stressed that when they go home they put RQVRPHWKLQJFRPSOHWHO\GLIIHUHQWWKDWZRXOGIHHOµJLUO\¶)RUWKHPJLUO\XQGHUZHDULVPRUH elegant than their sports underwear, patterned and colourful. But what also emerges as important here is the extent to which putting on such underwear makes these women feel different, more feminine, which is what, as I stressed in Chapter 2, makes underwear a technology of the self (Foucault, 1988b). The following section illuminates further how underwear becomes a technology of the self, a means of identity construction.

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5.3.2 Technologies of the self )RXFDXOW¶V FRQFHSW RIWHFKQRORJLHVRIWKHVHOIOLQNVKHUHZLWK WKHRYHUDOO LQWHQWLRQRIXVLQJ underwear as a tool of feeling good about yourself and to manipulate the sensations and IHHOLQJVLWSURGXFHVLQIRU\RXUERG\IRUWKHRYHUDOO³FXOWLYDWLRQRIWKHVHOI´(Foucault, 1986: 279). Foucault (1986: 45) argues that taking care of the self is an imperative that has become inculcated in our way of living and has evolved into a set of practices, procedures or behaviours that modern western individuals have developed. Here, underwear serves as a technology of changing the way these women feel about themselves, their body and their identity project. In fact the idea that underwear can produce feelings of being more feminine or sexy was evident across all my data. Nonetheless, many of the women also remarked that XQGHUZHDULVLQWHQGHGWREHKLGGHQIURPYLHZDQGVRZHDULQJVXFKµJLUO\¶µVH[\¶RUµVSHFLDO¶ underwear is just a case of feeling good about themselves: Christie-,>«@LWFKDQJHVWKHZD\,IHHO,ZRXOGIHHOQLFHULWZRXOGPDNHPHIHHOGLIIHUHQW,PHDQZKHQ, EX\QHZXQGHUZHDU,GRIHHOGLIIHUHQWHVSHFLDOO\ZKHQ,EX\DQHZEUDDQGEHFDXVH,GRQ¶W buy them so often ,¶PYHU\FRQVFLRXVRILW,OLNHZHDULQJLWLWIHHOVGLIIHUHQW,IHHOPRUHVSHFLDO1RRQHVHHVLWLW¶VMXVWIRU\RX ,W¶VOLNHZKHQ\RXEX\QHZFORWKHV\RXIHHOGLIIHUHQWDQGZLWKXQGHUZHDULWLVHYHQPRUHLQWHQVHEHFDXVHQR one sees it, it just touches your body. You feel extra nice, you feel that something is different; maybe you get some more confidence.

Christie wanted then to be able to use underwear as a technology to improve her selfconfidence. She considered herself boring as a result of not giving too much attention - due mostly to her financial position (she works part-time) - to what she was wearing, both in terms of underwear and outerwear. For Christie wearing new underwear produces the kind of sensations that make her feel she is putting some effort into her project of the self. Relatedly some of the other women considered wearing special underwear as a way of producing a VHQVHRIIHHOLQJVH[\RUIHPLQLQHDQGWKDWLWKDGDGLUHFWOLQNWRZKDWWKH\ZHDUµRQWRS¶

Ruth-F5: And they match right Phyllis? [Phyllis nodds as yes and laughs]

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Jane-) $QG WKH\ DOZD\V KDYH WR PDWFK ZKHQ \RX¶UH JRLQJ VRPHZKHUH VSHFLDO >ODXJKV@  , XVXDOO\ KDYH P\ 6ORJJLHVRQEXWLI,¶PJRLQJRXW,SXWVRPHRWKHUWKLQJVRQ Susan-F5: Do you have them in your bag? [they laugh] Lauren-)%XWWKDW¶VLQWHUHVWLQJLVQ¶WLW"%HFDXVHQRERG\¶VJRLQJWRVHHLWEXWLI\RX¶UHJRLQJRXW« Marcy-):@RPHQKDYHDKLJKO\HURWLFL]HGVHQVHRIWRXFKUHIHUULQJWRZRPHQ¶VIDVKLRQDVVHUYLQJ both epigamic display (that is to attract a mate) as well as meeting a more personal, almost narcissistic hunger - ZRPHQ¶V SOHDVXUH LQ KDSWLF VWLPXODWLRQ >«@ (cited in McNamara, 2000: 92)

Indeed Christie comments that the material of underwear or its colour can produce intense sensations which equally become important to how she feels: Christie-I3: Because when you say lingerie what comes to my mind is something for a special occasion is not something that you weaUHYHU\GD\,W¶VVRPHWKLQJWKDW\RXZHDUIRUVRPHRQHDQGQRWMXVWIRU\RXUVHOI,GRQ¶W

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WKLQNVRPHWKLQJWKDW\RXZHDUXQGHUQHDWK\RXUZRUNFORWKHVLVVH[\,JXHVVLW¶VDZD\RIUHPLQGLQJ\RXUVHOI you are a woman, which you kind of forget sometimes. I mean if I was wearing this [stimulus picture 3] ... I ZRXOGIHHOTXLWHIHPLQLQHPD\EHEHFDXVHRIWKHFRORXURUWKHIDEULF,GRQ¶WNQRZ«,FDQ¶WUHDOO\GHILQHLW,W¶V VRPHWKLQJDERXWWKLVWKDWPDNHV\RXORRNDWLWDQG\RXVD\µ\HVWKLVLVUHDOO\EHDXWLIXOLW¶VIHPLQLQHDQG,ZDQW WRZHDULW¶

Christie is uncertain about how colourful or better quality underwear attracts her to buy and IHHO µVSHFLDO¶ZHDULQJLWEHFDXVHRIZKDWLWPLJKWPHDQ0F&UDFNHQ (1988) on this stresses WKDWFRPPRGLWLHV¶LPSRUWDQFHOLHVQRWRQO\LQWKHLUXWLOLWDULDQIXQFWLRQEXWDOVRWKHLUV\PEROLF meanings; their connotations and denotations (Barthes, 1972) as seen in Chapter 3. What is important here and has been researched extensively in consumer culture scholarship, as seen earlier in the thesis, is how consumers make sense of, interpret and act upon these meanings. For example Christie here suggests that perhaps the colour or the material of the underwear WUDQVPLWVDFHUWDLQµVSHFLDOQHVV¶ZKLFKDVVKHHPSKDWLFDOO\SXWVLWZLOOPDNHKHUIHHOIHPLQLQH and beautiful. Thus, as suggested in Chapter 3, the colour, for example, of underwear can evoke different meanings for women which can then become central to their identity projects (Grove-White, 2001) or, more specifically, opseis. I will expand on how colours become important for these women respondents in a later section: however the case of Samantha from WKHDGPLQLVWUDWRUV¶JURXS LVZRUWKPHQWLRQLQJKHUH

Samantha also thought that colourful underwear could induce a feeling of excitement or adventure for her since she always wears plain underwear. As she already stressed she does QRWIHHOFRPIRUWDEOHZLWKKHUERG\DQGWKXVGRHVQRWEX\³VSHFLDO´RU³IDQF\´DVVKHVD\V underwear. However she narrates a story about her husband buying her underwear for a Christmas present: Samantha-),WKRXJKWKHZRXOGEX\PHVRPHWKLQJWKDWKHZDQWHGPHWRZHDU>«@EXW,ZDVVRGLVDSSRLQWHG by this boring bra! [she makes a funny disappointed face]. Karen-F2: Did he get the size right? Samantha-F2: Yeah he did but it was really ...

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Caitlyn-)>,W@ZDVQ¶WZKDW\RXZDQWHG Samantha-)1R,WKLQNPD\EH,WKRXJKWµ2KDQRSSRUWXQLW\WRKDYHDNLQGRISUHWW\EUDLQP\GUDZHUDQG you gave PHDZKLWHRQH¶>WKH\ODXJK@ Julie-F2: Did you wear it? Samantha-)WKH\ODXJK]

6DPDQWKD¶V GLVDSSRLQWPHQW DERXW KHU KXVEDQG EX\LQJ KHU D SODLQ HYHU\GD\ EUD FRQWUDVWV with her earlier statements that she would never wear anything sexy in the way that sexy was defined in her focus group, i.e. patterned, coloured underwear. Even though she would not buy it for herself because of what Grogan (1999) calls her distorted body image, she still felt that a colourful bra would be more exciting and adventurous for her. It would also be something her husband bought, which leads back to the idea that, when underwear is seen, then it is probably meant for sex.

Summarising this section, to the extent that underwear remains hidden, some of these women suggest it is all about feeling good about themselves7KHVHQVDWLRQVWKDWµVSHFLDO¶XQGHUZHDU SURGXFHIRULQWKHLUERGLHVEULQJVWKHPWRDµVWDWHRIKDSSLQHVV¶DQGVHUYHLQD)RXFDXOGLDQ sense as a technology of the self, an element of their identity projects. Underwear then emerges as a technique of self-construction and self-expression, depending on the identity

opsy a woman plays out. The examples from my data discussed in this section suggest that XQGHUZHDUFDQEHXVHGWRDURXVHDQGEROVWHUIHHOLQJVRIFRQILGHQFHDQGVH[LQHVVLH$EE\¶V µSUHWW\¶ XQGHUZHDU DW WKH ZHHNHQG RU WKH QHZ PRWKHUV¶ SODQV WR EX\ QRQ-maternity XQGHUZHDU 7KLV µVSHFLDO¶ FKDUDFWHULVWLF WKDW XQGHUZHDU PLJKW KDYH DV D NH\ HOHPHQW IRU choosing what underwear to wear notwithstanding, other factors that influence these women when buying underwear were also obvious in these data. The following section discusses some of them.

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ͷǤͶǮŠ‡—†‡”™‡ƒ”–Šƒ–I  Ž‹‡ǯǣŠ‡”‘Ž‡‘ˆ–ƒ•–‡‹–Š‡…‘•—’–‹‘‘ˆ underwear   :RPHQ¶VWDVWHLQXQGHUZHDUDQGWKHDHVWKHWLFMXGJHPHQWVWKH\UHFHLYHIURPDQGPDNHDERXW others are central to their female identity project. It allows them to interpret the various meanings of the various types of underwear (including their colours and materials) and to mobilise them on different occasions in order to perform different identity opseis. Moreover on many occasions the underwear they wear forms part of their embodied cultural capital which they utilise to transform it into other forms of capital, e.g. economic capital (Bourdieu, 1986; Crossley, 2001).

Indeed taste was another factor in how my participants choose their underwear; what colours they like, as well as their preferences in material and type of underwear. Thus many questions on my part were about finding out these elements of their taste in underwear. The UHVSRQGHQWV¶ LGHQWLW\ opseis on many occasions necessitate particular types of underwear anyway, such as sports underwear for the rugby women or maternity underwear for the mothers. However these types also have different styles, brands and other more practical differences like colours or strapping, elements that can play an important role in what these women choose to consume. Their preferences for example in everyday underwear differ from those in sexy underwear, while their definitions of sexy, as we have previously seen, were also quite different. Some consensus on what is pretty underwear, special or sexy underwear was evident but both similarities and differences are interesting here since taste is one link between how these respondents experience themselves and their social environment, how they feel about themselves and how they want others to feel about them: Christie-,7KLQNLQJRIP\VHOIP\XQGHUZHDUOLNHP\FORWKHVLVDELWERULQJ,W¶VWKHVDPHVWRU\,GRQ¶WZHDU DQ\WKLQJIDQF\,PHDQP\FORWKHVDUHQRWVRIDQF\,GRQ¶WKDYHDSDUWLFXODUO\JUHDWVHQVHRIVW\OHVR,JXHVV

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my underwear is quite similar LQWKDWVHQVH%XW,ZRXOGQ¶WVD\WKDWWKDWLVZKR,DP8SWRDFHUWDLQSRLQWLW¶V KRZ,DPXVHGWRRUKRZ,JUHZXSEXW,ZRXOGQ¶WZDQWWRWKLQNWKDW,ZRXOGFRQWLQXHZHDULQJWKHVDPHWKLQJV I would love to have some more variety in my underwear DQGP\FORWKHV,MXVWFDQ¶WDIIRUGWKDWULJKWQRZ

&KULVWLH¶VQDUUDWLRQKHUHH[HPSOLILHVKRZWDVWHLVDPDQLIHVWDWLRQRIKDELWXV%RXUGLHX  since she makes some connections about her aesthetic judgments ± her sense of style ± and her habitus. ThiV RQFH DJDLQ EHDUV RXW %RXUGLHX¶V    DVVHUWLRQ WKDW ³WDVWH FODVVLILHV DQGLWFODVVLILHVWKHFODVVLILHU´DV&KULVWLHUHYHDOVVRPHWKLQJDERXWKHURZQVRFLDOLVDWLRQDQG habitus: she classifies herself as someone with no great sense of style. An element of anxiety is evident here about how others would judge her based on the underwear she wears. As Featherstone (2007: 19) suggests

[c]onsumption and lifestyle preferences involve discriminatory judgements which at the same time identify and render classifiable our own particular judgement of taste to others.

Interestingly, Christie seems to be classifying herself as someone with no great sense of style, which shows that she is aware of the different types of underwear she could be wearing. Underwear after all, and as suggested in Chapter 2, is part of the cultural field of fashion which serves as a cultural intermediary (Bourdieu, 1984) transmitting information to the middle and working class about cultivation of lifestyles (Featherstone, 2007). However, &KULVWLH¶VXUJHWRDUJXHWKDWVKHGRHVQRWWKLQNVKHZRXOGFRQWLQXHZHDULQJWKHVDPHµERULQJ¶ underwear suggests how habitus is not static but entails a dialogical relation between the REMHFWLYH VWUXFWXUHV RI D ILHOG DQG DQ LQGLYLGXDO¶V FRJQLWLYH FRQVWUXFWion (McNay, 2000). Christie here assumes that the accumulation of different forms of capital (mostly here economic capital), once she is in a different professional field, will adjust her habitus (Bourdieu, 1984; Lury, 1996) to the requirements perhaps and the different lifestyle that the new field will require, i.e. the different underwear she would choose might induce different

199

feelings about herself and her sense of style, thus she might be classifying her own particular judgement of taste differently.

&KULVWLH¶V ORZ HFRQRPLF FDSLWDO VKH ZRUNV RQO\ SDUW WLPH DV DOUHDG\ HVWDEOLVKHG  DSSHDUHG HDUO\LQWKHLQWHUYLHZDVRQHFRQVWUDLQWRQKHUFRQVXPSWLRQµGHVLUHV¶0DQ\WLPHVGXULQJRXU interview she mentioned her memories of being younger and living with her parents; a time ZKHQVKHZDVDEOHWRDIIRUGPXFKEHWWHUFORWKHVDQGD³EHWWHUTXDOLW\RIOLIH´DVVKHDGPLWV However, she also affirmed that her underwear was very boring and that she did not pay too much attention to it, as long as it did what it was supposed to be doing. A couple of times she mentioned, rather embarrassed, that she had only two bras, just because she could not afford PRUHRUEHFDXVHVKHZRXOGUDWKHUVSHQGKHUPRQH\EX\LQJµRXWHU¶FORWKHV%XWDQDGGLWLRQDO explanation of why she never EX\VµIDQF\¶XQGHUZHDUZDVKHUPRWKHU¶VWDVWHEHFDXVHVKHWRR GLGQRWZHDUµSUHWW\¶XQGHUZHDURUKDYHDJUHDWVHQVHRIVW\OHLQKHURXWHUZHDU7KLQNLQJRI KHU PRWKHU¶V FKRLFHV LQ ERWK RXWHUZHDU DQG XQGHUZHDU DSSHDUHG WR PH WR EH D ZD\ IRU Christie to understand her choices not only in underwear but in dress in general: Christie-,,GRQ¶WUHPHPEHUZKDW,GLGZKHQ,ZDV\RXQJHUEXW,NQRZ,DOZD\VKDGRQHZKLWHDQGRQHEODFN EUD  , WKLQN LW¶V P\ PRWKHU¶V IDXOW  6KH ZDV YHU\ ERULQJ WRR XQGHUZHDU-wise. She was always wearing the same beige bra and I mean literally the same. She would always buy the same underwear of the same brand, a 0DUNVDQG6SHQFHU¶VRQH6R,JXHVVWKDWPDGHPHQRWWRJLYHPXFKDWWHQWLRQWRXQGHUZHDU

Once again, and as discussHG DERYH WKLV LV HYRFDWLYH RI %RXUGLHX¶V (1984: 170) notion of habitus, as both a principle of classifying judgements and a system of classification of these judgments. Christie here assumes that her tDVWHLQXQGHUZHDULVDIIHFWHGE\KHUPRWKHU¶VWDVWH in underwear when Christie was growing up. Here then we can see a fairly explicit example RI %RXUGLHX¶V GHILQLWLRQ RI WDVWH DV D PDQLIHVWDWLRQ RI KDELWXV &KULVWLH VXJJHVWV WKDW KHU µODFN¶RIVW\OHLHchoosing colourful clothing or underwear, is a result of how she grew up, of her environment and the structures she grew up in. Here we see a contradiction in the

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previous narration by Christie, where she says that her rather poor sense of style now is due to her low economic capital. However, she affirms that her sense of style is a result of how VKHJUHZXS&KULVWLH¶VVHQVHRIVW\OHKHUZD\RIWKLQNLQJDQGRWKHUGLVSRVLWLRQVZRUNKHUH as her cultural capital and symbolic capital, influenced, of course, by her habitus. This UHIOHFWV5HD\¶V GLVFXVVLRQUHJDUGLQJFXOWXUDOFDSLWDOLHPRGHVRIWKLQNLQJTXDOLW\RI style etc, and how this is transmitted primarily through the family. Reay refers to Bourdieu and how he particularly emphasises the imporWDQFH RI WKH PRWKHU¶V LQYROYHPHQW LQ WKH µTXDOLW\¶RIWKHFXOWXUDOFDSLWDOWUDQVPLWWHGWRWKHFKLOG&XOWXUDOFDSLWDODVZHOODVV\PEROLF capital, i.e. the signs of the dispositions and classificatory schemes that make individuals acquire a certain prestigHLQWKHLUILHOGLQDSDUWLFXODUVRFLHW\EHWUD\WKHLQGLYLGXDO¶VRULJLQV since these dispositions are manifest in their habitus: body dispositions, ease or discomfort ZLWKWKHLUERG\$V)HDWKHUVWRQH DVVHUWV³FXOWXUHLVLQFRUSRUDWHG«>LH@it is not MXVWDTXHVWLRQRIZKDWFORWKHVDUHZRUQEXWKRZWKH\DUHZRUQ´

7KHLQYROYHPHQWRIWKHLUPRWKHUVDVDQLPSRUWDQWIDFWRULQIOXHQFLQJWKHVHZRPHQ¶VFKRLFHV was evident elsewhere in my data: Samantha-)>«@%XWZKHQ,JRVKRSSLQJFORWKHVVKRSSLQJZLWKP\PXPVKH¶VDOZD\VVD\LQJ³KDYH\RXJRW SURSHU SDQWV >RQ@ WRGD\"´ >WKH\ ODXJK@ DQG ,¶P OLNH ³0XP \RX GRQ¶W KDYH WR VHH P\ ERWWRP´ >ODXJKWHU DOO DURXQG@ODXJKWHU@,WKLQNZKHQ\RXJURZXSZLWKWKDWDQG\RXJRVKRSSLQJZLWK\RXUPXP you know.. and your mum just hands you over a white bra or a cream bra ... Julie-)0\PXP,NQRZWKLVLVUHDOO\ZHLUGEXWP\PXPGLGQ¶WZDQWPHWRJHWOLNHP\ILUVWEUD6KHWULHGWR keep me with those tops ... [Others talk together saying that their mums did the same] >«@ Karen-)«@ Int: And what about material? Erica-,6RPHWKLQJWKDW¶VFRPIRUWDEOH,GRQ¶WOLNHVRPHRIWKHFKHDSHUIDEULFVWKDWWKH\XVHWRPDNHEUDVQRZ because they FDQEHTXLWHHUP\RXNQRZDWWKHEDFNRIWKHEUDZKHQWKH\KDYHQ¶WILQLVKHGLWRIISURSHUO\DQG the fabric is the cheapest in the market, it can be quite irritating.

Further, Erica repeatedly asserted that underwear should be an important element of a ZRPDQ¶VGUHVVDVLWFDQDFFHQWXDWHKHUERGLO\GLVSRVLWLRQVWRZDUGVVKRZLQJRIIKHUµDVVHWV¶ These data are indicative of what Bourdieu (1990b) calls doxa, the illusion of immediate or self-evident understanding of various structures, practices, norms and beliefs that govern an LQGLYLGXDO¶V DFWLRQV ZLWKLQ D SDUWLFXODU VRFLDO ILHOG 6KH LV KLJKO\ LQIOXHQFHG E\ KHU PLGGOH FODVVKDELWXVLQKHUXQGHUVWDQGLQJVRIZKDWXQGHUZHDU¶VIXQFWLRQLVWKDWLVDQGLQKHUZRrds

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³WRGRHYHU\WKLQJIRUPH´LQWHUPVRIKRZLWILWVDQGDFFHQWXDWHVWKRVHSDUWVRIKHUERG\VKH thinks are important for her feminine identity. Erica here is arguably trying to assert her VXSHULRUWDVWHHYHQE\VD\LQJVKHVKRSVDWWKHVKRSZKHUHµ7KH4XHHQ¶GRHV$FFRUGLQJWR %RXUGLHX   LQGLYLGXDOV¶ VWUXJJOHV IRU LPSURYHPHQW LQ WKHLU VRFLDO SRVLWLRQ DUH characterised by the manipulation of their cultural representations of the field they are situated in. These struggles have partly to do with their effort to establish the superiority of their taste and their lifestyle over others. Thus taste becomes the mechanism by which people µGLVWULEXWH¶WKHLUV\PEROLFUHVRXUFHVLHWKHFXOWXUDODQGV\PEROLFFDSLWDOWKH\SRVVHVV

On the other hand the rugby women were not particularly concerned about how their XQGHUZHDUILWVEXWZKHWKHULWORRNVµSUHWW\¶7KHLUH[FKDQJHDERXWZKLFKVWRUHVWKH\EX\WKHLU XQGHUZHDUIURPVKRZVWKHIOLSVLGHRI(ULFD¶VFRPPHQWDULHVUHJDUGLQJFKHDSHUVKRSVDQGWKH quality of underwear they sell. These different preferences in shops demonstrate the different modes of thinking (habitus, taste, economic capital and cultural capital) regarding the perceived purpose of underwear for these women: Int: But what about your sports bra? Vicky-F4: Primark. Denise-F4: Primark. Becky-F4: I buy mine from a sports shop, or TKMaxx. As I like mine to be professionally made for sports but I want them to be cheaper and TKMaxx has some. Ellie-),¶PZDLWLQJIRUP\PXPWRJHWPHVRPHIRUP\ELUWKGD\. Sam-F4: You get sports bras for your birthday? Ellie-)«@WR KDYHDJUHHQEUDDQGZKLWHXQGHUSDQWV´2QWKHRWKHUKDQGDVSUHYLRXVly noted, Christie said that she does not necessarily wear matching underwear, as did many other participants who stressed that they do not coordinate their underwear. For example Christie mentioned that she

14

7KHKHURLQHLQ+HOHQ)LHOGLQJ¶VQRYHOVDQGWKHLUPRYLHDGDSWDWLRQV Bridget Jones¶V Diary (2001) and its sequel Bridget Jones: The Edge of Reason  %ULGJHW-RQHV¶NQLFNHUVDUHWKHERG\FRQWUROSDQWVWKDWWKH heroine wears in order to mould what she regards as her overweight body.

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does not bother that much about wearing colours even though she likes coloured underwear, ZKLFKUHDIILUPVKHUSUHYLRXVVWDWHPHQWDERXWKHUVHHPLQJO\µQRWVRJUHDWVHQVHRIVW\OH¶

Int: Which of this underwear is the type you would usually wear [referring to the stimulus pictures]? Christie-,$KHP«ZHOO,GRQ¶WZHDUPDWFKLQJXQGHUZHDUDQGWKHVH>SLFWXUHV@DUHDOOPDWFKLQJXQGHUZHDUVR, KDYHWRVD\WKDW,ZRXOGZHDUVRPHWKLQJOLNHWKDWSLFWXUHIRUDEUDDQGSLFWXUHIRUDWKRQJ%XWLWZRXOGQ¶W EHWKHVHFRORXUV,GRQ¶WXVXDOO\ZHDUFRORXUVVRLt would have to be this design but usually in black. The bra in picture 3 is nice, I mean I would wear it but again either white or black. Int: Are these the only two colours you wear? Christie-,D@Q\REMHFWWKDWDGRUQVWKHERG\FDQOHQGLWVHOIWRIHWLVKLVP± FRUVHWVEUDVKLJKKHHOV«´ (2001: 192). It should be noted here, though, that these are specific types of underwear, i.e. erotic lingerie that transmit a certain degree of sensuality and sexuality and not be something worn every day. In their research, Jantzen et al . (2006: 185), for example, found that some of WKHLUSDUWLFLSDQWVIHOWWKDWEODFNOLQJHULHLV³FKHDS´DQG³EURWKHO-OLNH´7KHLUSDUWLFLSDQW-Dne VSHFLILFDOO\ PHQWLRQV WKDW ³EODFN XQGHUZHDU LV YDPS OLNH´ DQG WKDW WKH ILUVW WLPH VKH ZRUH EODFN OLQJHULH VKH IHOW ³VR FKHDS´ DQG OLNH ³WKRVH JLUOV ZKR ZHDU VXFK FORWKLQJ LQ RUGHU WR HDUQ VRPH PRQH\´  ibid.). Interestingly, for this participant black underwear is associated with prostitution and death, whereas my participants made several classifications of black underwear. However, in Jantzen et al ¶VUHVHDUFKWKHSDUWLFLSDQWVWDONHGDERXWVSHFLILFW\SHV of underwear, whereas this research included all types of underwear, including everyday, µVWDQGDUG¶ XQGHUZHDU 7KXV P\ SDUWLFLSDQWV WDONHG DERXW EODFN XQGHUZHDU EHLQJ WKHLU µERJ VWDQGDUG¶XQGHUZHDUEXWLQRWKHUFDVHVZKHQLWFDPHWROLQJHULHEODFNXQGHUZHDUDVZHOODV red, was associated more with erotic appeal and sex.

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7KH PRWKHUV¶ JURXS JDYH VH[XDO FRQQRWDWLRQV WR UHG XQGHUZHDU DQG NHSW WHDVLQJ Laney regarding her sex life with her husband as a result. This reflects the discussion above that more generally in the West red or black have indeed been explicitly sexualised as colours. For Laney though, red was just another colour, and as she said, because she likes the practicality and the feeling of this particular underwear, she bought the same set in different colours, red being one of them.

Like thH UXJE\ ZRPHQ WKH PRWKHUV¶ JURXS DOVR PHQWLRQHG WKH XQGHUZHDU ± outerwear relationship. Tara for example has a blue bra to match a light blue blouse that she wears at work. Similarly the WADS group particularly stressed that they did not like to see a bra¶V colour under a blouse, something that has been discussed in the Hidden/Visible section, so most of them agreed that cream for example can be worn with almost all light colours, even white. For Tara however matching underwear was of the highest importance because she particularly wears her blue blouse at work. This suggests that underwear works as part of her embodied cultural capital in a Bourdieusian sense (1986), in order to support her outerwear at ZRUN :HDULQJ WKH µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU DW ZRUN KDV DOUHDdy been discussed as an important element of how these women perform their professional opsy. Not wearing the right underwear can have serious implications for how professional they look and feel. The support RI WKH µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU FDQ KHOS WKHVH ZRPHQ Wurn their overall cultural capital into other forms of capital (i.e. especially economic capital as derived from their jobs). This also bears the marks of habitus since, as discussed in Chapter 2, understanding how women dress at ZRUNUHTXLUHV³VLWXDWLQJWheir body within a very particular social space and acknowledging the workings of a particular habitus´ (Entwistle, 2000b: 38, emphasis removed). 5HPHPEHULQJ$EE\¶VFDVHRQFHDJDLQDERXWKRZKHUZRUNXQGHUZHDUQHHGVWREHDVDVH[XDO as possible, she also mentions how this affects her outerwear:

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Abby-F1: My underwear is more me than the clothes that I wear! Quite often at the weekend I wear more things WKDW,OLNHEXWZKHQ,FRPHWRZRUN,¶PZHDULQJWKRVHVRUWVRIXQGHUZHDU>VKHVKRZVVWLPXOXVSLFWXUH@, so I think I wear very boring clothes to work because of my underwear.

Kate felt the same, although she did not agree that she gave more attention to her underwear than her clothes per se6KHGLGVD\KRZHYHUWKDWKHUZRUNXQGHUZHDUKDGWREHDVµVLPSOH¶DV possible: Kate-F1: I think I would be embarrassed to think that my students could see me wearing a pink bra. They would JRµRRKWKHJUDQQ\ZHDUVSLQN¶>WKH\ODXJK@

.DWHKHUHLPSOLHVWKDWWKHUHDUHµXQZULWWHQUXOHV¶DERXW ZKLFKFRORXUVRU LQ DPRUH general sense which clothes or underwear are suitable for any particular age, something that has already been discussed in this chapter. She asserts that she would not wear colours that are more associated with youthfulness in her workplace, where these might be seen. Being on display, in front of students, makes these women especially conscious of both their outerwear DQGWKHLUXQGHUZHDU7KHVHGDWDUHIOHFW)RXFDXOW¶V GLVFRXUVHRQVXUYHLOODQFHDQGRWKHU feminist works (Bartky, 1988; Bordo, 1990b, 1993) which suggest that women have to be constantly engaged with self-monitoring, and especially in the case of the tutors, but also the rugby women, where other people are literally watching. This also reminds us of the rugby women who mentioned previousO\ WKDW WKH\ DUH FRQFHUQHG DERXW DSSHDULQJ µDSSURSULDWH¶ when they play rugby. Underwear here again appears as a technology of the self because it allows these women to concentrate on the particular identity opsy they need to perform, i.e. being in a class full of students. Relatedly underwear can also be read as an element of these ZRPHQ¶VHPERGLHGFXOWXUDOFDSLWDOZKLFKVHUYHVQRWRQO\WRVXSSRUWWKHLURXWHUZHDUEXWDOVR WRPDLQWDLQWKHLUFUHGLELOLW\DVWXWRUVLQUHJDUGVWRWKHLUVWXGHQWV¶DWWLWXGHWRZDrds them.

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,QWKHVDPHYHLQ$P\¶VXQGHUZHDUDOVRZRUNVDVSDUWRIKHUHPERGLHGFXOWXUDOFDSLWDOZKLOH VKHLVDWZRUN8QGHUZHDU¶VSK\VLFDOVXSSRUWLVTXLWHLPSRUWDQWKHUERG\PRYHVDQGVZHDWV quite a lot in a gym class so her underwear needs firstly to be invisible under her work outfit, i.e. thongs, and to hold her body while it moves. Also as stated in a previous section the material needs to be such that it absorbs her sweat, so that she looks appropriate while teaching. As seen earlier, Amy explains: ³EHFDXVH,KDYHWRZHDUTXLWHWLJKWILWWLQJFORWKLQJ, GRQ¶WOLNHWREHDEOHWRVHHDQ\XQGHUZHDUP\VHOIOHWDORQHP\FOLHQWV´

6LPLODUO\WKHZRPHQIURPWKHDGPLQLVWUDWRUV¶JURXSDOVRZHDUWKHµVWDQGDUG¶ZKLWHFUHDPRU black underwear at work. Caitlyn actually made a clear distinction between her work underwear and the rest in terms of its colours. She said that white and black are for work, while pink for example is for her leisure time, since her husband likes pink. This is reminiscent of Abby and her weekend underwear and it is particularly important to note how different colours can make underwear serve different functions. These data are reinforced by Grove-:KLWH¶V   DUJXPHQW DERXW KRZ FRORXUV QRW RQO\ FDQ HVWDEOLVK QHZ WUHQGV LQ fashion but cDQDOVRDIIHFWRUGHQRWHWKHZHDUHU¶VPRRG:HDULQJSLQNXQGHUZHDUIRU&DLWO\Q is about having something special on for her husband to see, while her plain black and white work underwear is meant to be hidden. This shows once again how the hidden/visible element of underwear surfaces. Depending on the different identity opseis these women perform, the colours of their underwear denote a different mood and feelings, for example the different classification of black underwear, thus being a key element of their identity projects.

In conclusion, colour seems to be quite an important factor in how my participants choose their underwear. The colour and the detail of the underwear, mostly of the bra, makes it work in different ways for these women: some noted the adventurous and exciting side of such

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XQGHUZHDU LQ FRQWUDVW WR KRZ µERULQJ¶ WKH\ IHHO ZLWK µVWDQGDUG¶ EODFN RU ZKLWH XQGHUZHDU 8QGHUZHDU WKXV EHFRPHV WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V HPERGLHG FXOWXUDO FDSLWDO %RXUGLHX    )RU Amy the gym instructor, for example, like WKHZRPHQLQWKHWXWRUV¶JURXSZHDULQJWKHULJKW underwear, in the right colour, works both physically together with the outerwear, and psychologically in how underwear becomes a second skin. Thus underwear becomes their embodied cultural capital in their work environment, which then transforms into other forms of capital. Another conclusion that is evident in how these women defined their taste in colour was the connection to wider socio-cultural assumptions about different colours and their connotations, ZKLFKDJDLQVXJJHVWVDUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQ)RXFDXOW¶VVRFLDOQRUPVDQG %RXUGLHX¶V QRWLRQV RI KDELWXV DQG WDVWH )RU H[DPSOH VWLPXOXV SLFWXUH  ZDV GHILQHG DV wedding underwear, because it was white, and red was more connected with sexy underwear but also GHVFULEHG DV µFKHDS¶ 2Q WKH RWKHU KDQG DQ\WKLQJ ZLWK SLQN FRORXU RU GRWV ZDV described as pretty and sweet. In general, while non-embroidered white or black underwear was considered as simple and sometimes boring, patterned and colourful underwear was considered pretty, special and sexy. However almost all of these women mentioned that µVLPSOH¶ XQGHUZHDU FDQ EH PRUH SUDFWLFDO LQ WKH VHQVH WKDW LW FDQ EH ZRUQ XQGHU DQ\WKLQJ which for some respondents was very important.

The next section describes some of the experiences that my participants report while shopping for underwear, which gives further indications about their taste in underwear but also some information about the actual process of consuming underwear. My participants choices of underwear shops and their assumptions about these shops also suggests they way they choose to assert their taste and aesthetic judgements. Even though some of the data below refer to sizes or shop assistants, the experiences these women express suggest

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something about their habitus and cultural capital in the way they assert their knowledge of this particular field.

5.5  Shopping  for  underwear   Since one of the questions this thesis tries to answer is about the experiences women report regarding their consumption of underwear, it was important to learn more about the actual process of shopping for underwear either for my respondents themselves or for others. The questions on my part were about the shops where they prefer to buy underwear, how often they shop for underwear, if they go alone or with other people, if they buy underwear online and if they buy underwear for presents. These questions provided food for discussion not only about the actual underwear they buy, but also about what is available in the market or the services that underwear shops provide.

A particularly in-depth discussion about what the market had to offer and which shops are EHVW WRRN SODFH LQ WKH PRWKHUV¶ JURXS 2I FRXUVH WKH SHULRG RI SUHJQDQF\ DQG HDUO\ motherhood as already suggested requires different underwear, like nursing bras. These respondents also gave me information about the shops they liked before they became pregnant. However it was regarding maternity underwear where the mothers felt the market was insufficient. As we saw in a previous section, these women felt maternity underwear just serves a purpose, while some of them reported wanting to wear something sexier or pretty so that it matches how womanly they felt while pregnant. Indeed most of them agreed that while pregnant, with their bust size changing, it was very difficult for them to find the right underwear:

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Jen-F3: Breast-feeding bras are more sexy than the pregnancy bras like the Elle McPherson, they have some really comfortable ones, well-ILWWHGDQGVRPHWKLQJWKDW \RXU PRP ZRXOGQ¶W ZHDUODXJKV@1RLW¶VDFWXDOO\OHVVSDLQIXOZKHQ\RXJRRQ\RXURZQ>ODXJKV@ Int: How was it when you took a boyfriend with you? Erica-I2: Well we went to Bravissimo in Nottingham and because the fitting rooms are upstDLUV,OHIWKLP,W¶V kind of like a waiting room with chairs and he was the only man there. But the underwear section was not very IDUIURPWKHUHDQGKHVDLGµZHOOWKDWZDVYHU\QLFH,HQMR\HGWKDW¶>ODXJKV@%XW,JXHVV,FRXOGGRVRPHWKLQJ like that XQFRQVFLRXVO\OLNHLI,¶PJRLQJWKHUH,KDYHWRWKLQNRIKRZORQJVRPHRQHLVSUHSDUHGWRZDLWEHFDXVH IRUPHLWLVVRPHWKLQJWKDW,GRQ¶WFDUHKRZORQJLWWDNHV2IWHQDQKRXU/LNH5LJE\DQG3HOOHU\RXFRXOGJR down on the train and you could wait an hourDQKRXUDQGDKDOIEXWLW¶VVRZRUWKZKLOH,GRQ¶WOLNHWRSXWD time limit on that.

-XOLHIURPWKHDGPLQLVWUDWRUV¶JURXSVDLGWKDWJRLQJZLWKRWKHUSHRSOHWRVKRSIRUXQGHUZHDU feels strange to her because she feels other people would be judging her for the choices she makes. Because she is big breasted, she felt that her family or boyfriend would actually UHDOLVHZKDWDELJVL]HVKHQHHGVVRVKHIHHOVHPEDUUDVVHG)RUKHU³DPDVVLYHEUDLVQRWD SUHWW\EUD´7KLV OHDGVEDFNWR WKHLGHDRIWKHVRFLHWDO 3DQRSWLFRQ)RXFDXOW DQGWKH ³HYHU-SUHVHQWSRWHQWLDORIEHLQJZDWFKHG´7LVFKQHr and Malson, 2008: 262). Julie feels that the potential of her boyfriend or members of her family noticing the size of bra she is wearing means she will be judged about her body size, even by these intimates.

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,QFRQFOXVLRQWKHVHZRPHQ¶VWDVWHLQXQGHUZHar partly determines what shops they choose to buy their underwear from. However other reasons play an important role as well. The price of the underwear is a significant factor. For example the rugby women prefer to shop at cheaper shops such as Primark, because they do not give that much attention to other qualities of the underwear such as the material, the fitting and so on. The fact that all of these women are undergraduate students might also be a reason for them preferring cheaper underwear. These women need underwear to serve its basic purpose and be pretty or practical. More mature women like Erica seem to be particularly concerned with how underwear fits, not only so that she is comfortable but also about how well it supports her body. Shops like Marks and 6SHQFHU¶VZKLFKLVZKHUHPDQ\RIWKHVHZRPHQWHQGWREX\XQGHUZHDUIURPRUKDYHDWOHDVW visited for its underwear, seem on occasion nonetheless to be insufficient for their tastes and preferences. For example many of the mums found that Marks anG6SHQFHU¶VGRHVQRWKDYH the bras that they wanted during their pregnancy. Also the WADS groups found that shops now tend to target the younger market or they do not have a range of sizes to suit big breasted women. It also seems that buying underwear is a very personal shopping experience for the respondents. Almost all of these women reported that, even though they do not often shop for underwear, they tend to go alone or with female family members, most likely mothers in the case of younger women.

5.6  Summary   This chapter has presented both an analysis of my primary data and a discussion of this analysis together with the conceptual framework of this thesis. It explored the factors that LQIOXHQFHZRPHQ¶VFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDUDQGWKHH[SHULHQFHVWKHy report regarding their underwear. Some extracts from the data have been reproduced in order to show the richness of the conversations my respondents had and their actual responses to my questions. The 223

conceptual framework identified earlier in this thesis was particularly important when reading these data. Specifically, the early and late works of Foucault (1978, 1979, 1988b) were used to understand the connections between how these women choose their underwear according to internalised social norms arounG µEHLQJ D ZRPDQ¶ DQG D SURFHVV RI VHOI-monitoring (Bartky, 1988; Bordo, 1988, 2004; Fine and Macpherson, 1994) or according to whether underwear worked as a technology of the self, producing feelings of femininity and selfconfidence, defined as a crucial HOHPHQW RI WKHLU LGHQWLW\ SURMHFWV 0RUHRYHU %RXUGLHX¶V notions of habitus, field, taste and embodied cultural capital (1984, 1986) were used to XQGHUVWDQG WKH FRQVXPSWLRQ RI XQGHUZHDU DV D PRUH HPERGLHG SUDFWLFH ZKHUH ZRPHQ¶V habitus and taste determineG WKHLU DHVWKHWLF MXGJHPHQWV DQG FODVVLILFDWLRQ RI RWKHUV¶ WDVWH regarding underwear.

5HJDUGLQJWKHIDFWRUVWKDWLQIRUPWKHUHVSRQGHQWV¶FRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDUWKHVHFDQEH distinguished into socio-cultural issues and in terms of taste (Bourdieu, 1984). Some of these factors had to do with the feelings and the sensations underwear produced for them either physically or psychologically ± even though these two categories were more than often interlinked ± and to the extent that underwear would either be hidden from view or would be visible, intentionally or not and visible to whom. For example to the extent that underwear would be seen by their partners as part of foreplay, this would have to be something special RUµSUHWW\¶,QFRQWUDVWLIWKHLUXQGHUZHDUZRXOGEHVHHQE\RWKHUVVXFKDV:HQG\¶VPRWKHUin-law, this would have to be carefully chosen to fit the context: underwear thus is seemingly mobilised to suit the particular identity opseis these women perform. The underwear they wear at work is another example of how carefully they choose it. In some cases this needs to be as asexual as possible or working together with outerwear in order to focus on their SURIHVVLRQDOLGHQWLW\RUDSSHDUµDSSURSULDWH¶GXULQJWKLVWLPH7KXVXQGHUZHDUZRUNVDVSDUW

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of WKHVHZRPHQ¶VHPERGLHGFXOWXUDOFDSLWDOZKLFKKHOSVWKHPWUDQVIRUPWKLVLQWRRWKHUIRUPV of capital. The rugby women likewise use specific underwear to support their body while playing, and the use of incorrect underwear can have serious physical and psychological FRQVHTXHQFHV IRU WKHVH ZRPHQ 6RFLDO LPSHUDWLYHV DERXW ZKDW LW µWDNHV¶ WR EH IHPDOH DUH internalised by these women, resulting in their thorough self-monitoring (Bartky, 1988; Bordo, 1988, 2004; Fine and Macpherson, 1994). These social imperatives were similarly evident in terms of how these women distinguished appropriate underwear either for their body size or age or both.

Moreover, to the extent that underwear remains hidden we saw that it can work as a technology of the self (Foucault, 1988b), and because of the sensations that some underwear produces in/for their bodies, these women reported a heightened awareness of sexiness and IHPLQLQLW\ 7KHVH ZRPHQ XVH XQGHUZHDU WR FRQVWLWXWH WKHPVHOYHV LQ DQ ³DFWLYH IDVKLRQ´ (Foucault, 1988a: 11) and gXLGHWKHPLQWRDµSURSHU¶XVHRIWKHLUERGLHVHQKDQFLQJWKXVWKHLU IHHOLQJVRIIHPLQLQLW\7KHµVSHFLDOQHVV¶RIXQGHUZHDUZDVRQHIDFWRUIRUWKHVHZRPHQZKHQ buying underwear, but comfort was central to how it felt on their body and their overall identity 3K\VLFDO DQG SV\FKRORJLFDO FRPIRUW GHILQHG VRPH RI WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V FKRLFHV LQ XQGHUZHDU EXW RWKHU UHDVRQV VXFK DV FRORXU PDWHULDO RU WKHLU PRWKHUV¶ LQIOXHQFH UHODWH equally to their taste.

In conclusion, underwear in this chapter emerged as a technology for self-expression in terms of how these women asserted their taste and aesthetic judgements, as well as a tool for selfconstruction in terms of how it was mobilised in different ways in their processual identity projects, but also and inevitably as part of their self-monitoring as they have internalised VRFLHWDOQRUPVDQGLPSHUDWLYHVDURXQGZKDWLWLVµOLNHEHLQJDZRPDQ¶DQGZKLFKWKH\KDYH

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to meet. The identity opseis these women are called upon to perform influence their choices in underwear, showing once more how the ongoing and multifaceted female identity project requires such mobilisations for its construction.

While this chapter sought to discuss my primary data as related to the conceptual framework discussed earlier in this thesis, the final chapter will draw the conclusions of this thesis together by addressing each of the research questions in turn. This summarises the conceptual and methodological frameworks of this thesis and pulls out the key findings, illustrating thus its theoretical and empirical contributions.

Chapter  6  Conclusions     7KLVWKHVLVKDVVRXJKWWRH[SORUHWKHFRQVXPSWLRQRIZRPHQ¶VXQGHUZHDUDQGLWVUROHLQWKH IDVKLRQLQJRIIHPDOHLGHQWLW\$VVWUHVVHGWKURXJKRXWWKHWKHVLVWKLVSDUWRIZRPHQ¶VFORWKLQJ has remained quite underdeveloped in academic literature, despite the volume of discussion DQGFRQFHSWXDOLVDWLRQRIPRUHYLVXDOHOHPHQWVRIZRPHQ¶VFORWKLQJDQGDSSHDUDQFH,QGHHG only a limited amount of research has tried to connect issues of identity construction and the consumption of underwear, despite its discursive importance in how women use it to support their body, their outerwear and the different personae they are called upon to perform in their everyday lives. This thesis has argued that underwear is as important as visible clothing in terms of its role in µfashioning¶ female identity, and indeed in some ways more important since underwear is ostensibly hidden from view. Since, as suggested before, there is limited empirical research on this issue, this thesis has aimed to contribute in that respect to the field of the sociology of consumption.

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The thesis asked: i.

What are the socio-FXOWXUDOIDFWRUVWKDWLQIOXHQFHZRPHQ¶VFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDU"

ii. What is the role of underwear as part of dress in the construction of female identity? iii. What kind of feelings and experiences do women report regarding the consumption of underwear? (e.g. how important is underwear to them?; do they wear different underwear for different occasions,?; for whom do they buy underwear?) iv. What is the role of taste when it comes to what underwear women choose?

The underlying rationale for these research questions is that identity is an ongoing process of µEHFRPLQJ¶ D SURMHFW WKDW ZRPHQ DUH FDOOHG WR DFW RQ FRQWLQXRXVO\ LQ DQ HIIRUW WR µEH D womDQ¶ LQ WKH FRQWHPSRUDU\ :HVW ,QGHHG DV GLVFXVVHG LQ &KDSWHU  WKHUH DUH VR PDQ\ versions of being a woman, and mass cultural artefacts have contributed much to presenting idealised images of femininity that women are constantly advised to achieve. Even though the LPSHUDWLYHV DURXQG IHPLQLQLW\ LQ :HVWHUQ PDVV FXOWXUH DUH PRVWO\ DERXW ZRPHQ¶V appearance, this research has shown that the impact of internalised imperatives affects these women psychologically in terms of constantly controlling and monitoring not only their ERGLHVEXWDOVRWKHLUEHKDYLRXUZLWKUHJDUGVWRRWKHUV¶H[SHFWDWLRQVDERXWµEHLQJDZRPDQ¶ 7KXV FRQVLGHULQJ LGHQWLW\ DV WKH UHODWLRQVKLS EHWZHHQ LQGLYLGXDOV¶ H[LVWHQFH DQG WKH VRFLDO ZRUOGWKHQµEHFRPLQJDZRPDQ¶LVDQRQJRLQJWDVND project that is actively worked upon RQ D GDLO\ EDVLV  7KH GLVFXUVLYH PXOWLSOH YHUVLRQV RI IHPLQLQLW\ VXJJHVW WKDW ZRPHQ¶V identity projects are multifaceted and complex as women need to mobilise various resources to support all the elements or opseis of their identity they are called to perform in the various contexts or stages of their lives.

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Moreover, this research is premised on gender as a key element of identity construction as gender is the primary mechanism through which individuals classify others in their socialisation (Gherardi, 1994; Brewis, 2005). As noted on several occasions throughout the thesis, other elements of identity, such as class, race, religion and so on, are also vital in understanding the construction of female identity, especially in research that looks at the FRQVXPSWLRQ RI ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU +RZHYHU , SULYLOHJH JHQGHU KHUH DV , FRQVLGHU underwear to be one of the resources, tools or mobilisations that women use in the constant reworking of their female identities and the consumption of underwear as an activity of doing gender. Gender is performative (Butler, 1993, 1999) and doing gender is about those UHLWHUDWHG DQG GHHSO\ LQWHUQDOLVHG DFWV DQG SUDFWLFHV WKDW FRQVWUXFW ZRPHQ¶V LGHQWLW\ My thesis goes against the idea of putting women into boxes, e.g. middle class professional OHVELDQRUEODFNZRPHQZLWKRXWPLQLPLVLQJWKHVHLGHQWLW\HOHPHQWV¶LPSRUWDQFH+RZHYHU, find that doing gender in particular social situations and looking at the gendered identities in these situations is a major contribution to the field of Sociology of Consumption, since such forms of body work have been understudied; yet again they establish an understanding of the FRPSOH[ DQG G\QDPLF FKDUDFWHU RI ZRPHQ¶V LGHQWLW\ SURMHFWV &RQVXPLQJ WKH µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDUIRUWKHµULJKW¶RFFDVLRQIRUPVSDUWRIthis body work and these reiterated gendered acts, as it is part of everyday routine practices of dressing and presenting the female body and also part of those practices that women perform to enhance their feelings of femininity.

This chapter offers an overall conclusion to the thesis by summarising the key findings of the research and how the research questions have been answered. Thus in the section to follow I will summarise the strategies followed in this thesis, both conceptually and methodologically, as well as some of the key findings. Then the research questions will be answered, drawing on Chapter 5 in particular where the data of the research were analysed and discussed. Next

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the contribution of this thesis will be reiterated, to be followed by the implications of this research in terms of how it opens up trajectories for future scholarship on the subject.

6.1  Summary  of  conceptual  and  methodological  frameworks   Given that the objectives of this research were to find out the socio-cultural factors that affect ZRPHQ¶V FRQVXPSWLRQ RI XQGHUZHDU LWV UROH LQ WKH FRQVWUXFWLRQ RI IHPDOH LGHQWLW\ DQG WR explore the experiences they report regarding their underwear, including how their taste affects the underwear they choose to buy and wear, my theoretical framework followed from WKHUHTXLUHPHQWWRFRQFHSWXDOLVHXQGHUZHDU¶VLPSRUWDQFHLQIDVKLRQLQJIHPDOHLGHQWLW\,DOVR coined the concept of identity opseis to give emphasis to the ongoing and multifaceted nature RI WKLV LGHQWLW\ SURMHFW &KDSWHU  FRPSULVHG RI D EULHI KLVWRU\ RI ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU DQG some explanatory arguments in terms of why ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU ZKDW LV VR LQWHUHVWLQJ about its development over the years?; and how women¶VLGHQWLW\FRQVWUXFWLRQKDVEHHQDQG continues to be influenced by the mobilisation of technologies like underwear. In Chapter 2 I PRYHG WR GHYHORS P\ FRQFHSWXDO IUDPHZRUN 6RPH RI 0LFKHO )RXFDXOW¶V PRVW LQWULJXLQJ works were discussed, in an effort to illustrate their importance in understanding the GLVFXUVLYHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLWLHV6SHFLILFDOO\WKHWKUHHYROXPHVRIWKH History

of Sexuality (1978, 1985b, 1986), Discipline and Punish (1979) and Technologies of the Self (1988b) were discussed. 7KHQ3LHUUH%RXUGLHX¶VQRWLRQVRIKDELWXVILHOGVDQGFXOWXUDOFDSLWDO (1984, 1986, 1994) were analysed, where I drew some connections between these concepts and how they can be utilised to explain ZRPHQ¶VFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDU)LQDOO\VHYHUDO works by Foucauldian and Bourdieusian feminists, and related works were used to further HVWDEOLVKKRZWKHVHIUDPHZRUNVVKRZKRZZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\LVFRQVWUXFWHGRUµIDVKLRQHG¶

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7KH IROORZLQJ FKDSWHU   RIIHUHG DQ DQDO\VLV RI WKH FRQVXPLQJ VXEMHFW DQG KRZ ZRPHQ¶V everyday consumption practices are important in understanding how consumer culture is informed by gender and the centrality of consumption in the identity project. Furthermore, I discussed how fashion as a system of dress produces symbolic meanings that help the consumer to become intelligible, i.e. as having a certain style or form of taste. As the consumer culture literature suggests, commodities invoke meanings for consumers that are central to their identity projects. Finally, in this chapter I have drawn on some of the limited research that connects the consumption of underwear with issues like sexuality and class, for H[DPSOH 6WRUU¶V  ZRUN RQ $QQ 6XPPHUVSDUWLHV DQG -DQW]HQ et al.¶V   ZRUN RQ lingerie and identity construction.

The research strategy I used in this thesis was extensively discussed in Chapter 4, where I referred to the ontological and epistemological assumptions underpinning the research and WKHUHVHDUFKPHWKRGV,FRQVLGHUHGDVWKHµEHVW¶WRXVH7KHPHWKRGRORJ\ZDVGHVLJQHG based on the concept of identity opseis, which was used to hail the different aspects/sides of ZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\ZKLFKWKH\DUHFDOOHGRXWWRSOD\LQWKHLUHYHU\GD\OLYHV:LWKDVHWRIIRFXV groups and interviews from a sample of women in the UK, and specifically the Midlands, qualitative data were gathered which were then analysed with NVivo 8 qualitative data analysis software. The chapter ended with a reflection on ethical issues and some of the related implications that arose during the empirical research.

Chapter 5 presented the data gathered, reproducing some verbatim in order to illustrate the ULFKQHVV DQG GHSWK RI WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V LQVLJKWV LQ WHUPV RI WKHLU H[SHULHQFHV RI EX\LQJ DQG ZHDULQJWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDUChapter 5 also offered a theoretical analysis of these data, with regards to the conceptual framework of this research. Some of the key themes that came out

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RI P\ GDWD ZHUH WKH YLVLEOH YHUVXV KLGGHQ HOHPHQW RI XQGHUZHDU WKH µVSHFLDOQHVV¶ WKDW underwear might connote or invoke and the physical and psychological sensation it produces for my respondents; their taste in underwear and the factors that might influence these ZRPHQ¶V WDVWHV DQG ILQDOO\ WKH DFWXDO H[SHULHQFH RI VKRSSLQJ IRU XQGHUZHDU 7KH YLVLEOHhidden element of underwear was evident in several discussions. For example the meanings that visible underwear might have were important for my respondents and they defined visible underwear in several ways. Also the element of visibility was brought up in discussion about other people seeing their underwear and the impact this has on their identity projects in terms of who sees their underwear and on which occasion ± e.g. their partner in the bedroom. These data also offered insight into how these women make aesthetic judgments about themselves and others when it comes to visible underwear and they assert their taste, influenced highly by their habitus when making these judgements. 7KH µVSHFLDOQHVV¶ RI underwear and the sensations it produces for/in the body was another important issue for my respondents as they regularly talked about how different underwear, in specific contexts, might make them feel. Physical comfort was an important factor for almost all of these women but psychological comfort was equally important: in fact many times these phenomena intersected, and seemed to be central to the personae these women were H[HPSOLI\LQJ0RUHRYHUDQLPSRUWDQWHOHPHQWRIXQGHUZHDU¶VµVSHFLDOQHVV¶ZDVWKHLQWHQVH feelings and sensations it produces for them when they wear what they defined as µVSHFLDO¶RU µVH[\¶ XQGHUZHDU 2Q WKLV RFFDVLRQ DV HOVHZKHUH XQGHUZHDU was seen to work as a WHFKQRORJ\RIWKHVHOILQD)RXFDXOGLDQVHQVHEHFDXVHRIWKHLPSDFWLWKDVRQWKHVHZRPHQ¶s mood, self-confidence and their feelings on femininity.

Regarding m\UHVSRQGHQWV¶WDVWHLQXQGHUZHDUVHYHUDOIDFWRUVZHUHIRXQGWRDIIHFWLW:KDW colours, material and type of underwear these women liked was linked to their sense of taste.

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Taste was discussed in a Bourdieusian sense as the manifestation of habitus, thus these ZRPHQ¶VKDELWXVZDVLGHQWLILHGDVFUXFLDOWRWKHLUFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDU&ODVVOLIHVW\OHV and cultural capital as elements of habitus were some of the issues discussed in this chapter. Moreover, maternal influence was also an important factor iQIOXHQFLQJWKHVHZRPHQ¶VWDVWH in underwear. Finally the chapter ended with a discussion of the actual experience of shopping for underwear, including issues like buying underwear from the Internet, their GLIILFXOW\LQILQGLQJWKHµULJKWXQGHUZHDUERWKLQ style and size) from the High Street shops, and with whom and under what circumstances the respondents go underwear shopping.

Having summarised the thesis so far, in the following sections I synthesise the answers to the research questions outlined above, and reiterate the contribution of this research.

6.2  Research  question  1   What are the socio-FXOWXUDOIDFWRUVWKDWLQIOXHQFHZRPHQ¶VFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDU"

This first question aimed to uncover some of the socio-cultural factors that influence women when choosing underwear. The social and the cultural in this respect seemed to be closely interconnected as was often seen in the analysis and discussion of my primary data in the previous chapter. Thus, I treat the two as intersected and interrelated.

The hidden-visible aspect of underwear emerged in Chapter 5 as an important contrast for WKHVH ZRPHQ :KLOH WKH\ FRQVLGHUHG XQGHUZHDU¶V PDLQ SXUSRVH WR EH KLGGHQ WKH\ DOVR defined some of the ways in and the extent to which it can (or should) be visible. The extent WR ZKLFK WKHLU XQGHUZHDU ZDV VHHQ RU OLNHO\ WR EH VHHQ  E\ RWKHUV DIIHFWV WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V choices in what they wear and where. They reported being conscious of non-intimates seeing

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their underwear or seeing them in their underwear, at the gym for example, or when buying underwear, or even when mothers or mothers in law did their laundry. Thus on many RFFDVLRQVWKHVHZRPHQUHSRUWHGWKDWWKH\XVHGLIIHUHQWW\SHVRIXQGHUZHDUVRWKDWWKH\µILW¶ the situation. These data agree with Foucault (1979) who claims that society functions as a permanent surveillance that emphasises normalisation and individuals being constantly engaged in self-regulation and self-monitoring. This normalising power produces a network of power-knowledge, a group of experts who are the regulators of behaviour. In terms of social norms and imperatives around femininity these experts also take the form of what Bourdieu (1984) calls cultural intermediaries, for example mass cultural artefacts like underwear advertising or fashion gurus that proliferate ideal versions of femininity, drawing on the fact that these imperatives are deeply internalised by women, propagating thus a IHHOLQJRIFRQVWDQWO\ZRUNLQJRQIHPDOHLGHQWLW\DQGZRPHQ¶VXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIZKDWLWLVRU should be) like being a woman. Foucauldian feminists, like Bordo (2004), assert that women, in their effort to meet imperatives around femininity, engage in practices that discipline and survey their bodies, in terms of how they should be presented, including how they should be dressed (Entwistle, 2000b). Indeed my participants reported often judging other people about their underwear, of course when visible, as to whether it is proper for the context they are in.

On the other hand visible underwear is often used according to my data for sex, as part of foreplay, and is considered by my participants as intended to be seen by their sexual partner. Thus attention to the underwear they wear is heightened if at some point they will be seen in it by their partner. This alludes to how advertising and mass culture in general have promulgated the eroticisation of specific types of underwear, as worn by those female bodies that are thought to be beautiful or sexy. Understandably thus, my participants were able to distinguish sexy/ special underwear and in which context these types of underwear were

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µQHFHVVDU\¶ ,QGHHG DV VHHQ LQ &KDSWHU  WKH\ VHW VWURQJ ERXQGDULHV EHWZHHQ WKH LGHQWLW\

opseis they perform and the underwear they wear when performing them. Contexts like their workplaces, SDUWLFXODUO\IRUWKHWXWRUV¶JURXSQHFHVVLWDWHXQGHUZHDUWKDWGRHVQRWFUHDWHDQ\ sort of sensations for/in their body. However, in other moments like in the bedroom, special XQGHUZHDUPD\ZHOOEHPRELOLVHG7KHVHZRPHQDOVRFRPPHQWHGWKDWµIODVKLQJ¶XQGHrwear may be deployed as a technique to seduce men.

On the other hand, as my data suggested, the bedroom is one of those places that these ZRPHQDOVR IHOWWKH\ FDQQRW µJHW DZD\ZLWK LW¶LHSD\LQJQRDWWHQWLRQWRWKHLUXQGHUZHDU The presence of a sexual partner influences these women, in terms of what underwear they WKLQNWKH\µQHHG¶$WWKHVDPHWLPHWKHDEVHQFHRIDSDUWQHUPDNHVWKHPWKLQNWKDWXQGHUZHDU is no longer important in that respect, as we have seen in the WADS group. Thus special underwear becomes a technology of the opsy RIVH[XDOSDUWQHULWLVXVHGDVDQDFWRIµVHOISURPRWLRQ¶WRVH[XDOLVHRUDGYHUWLVHµZKDWLVEHQHDWK¶)XUWKHUGXHWRWKHIDFWWKDWµVSHFLDO¶ underwear or lingerie is saturated with erotic cultural connotations (Entwistle, 2000b), it can be aligned with other practices that these women engaged in to prepare their selves. Indeed, DVVXJJHVWHGLQ&KDSWHUZRPHQRIWHQFRQVLGHUHGµVSHFLDO¶XQGHUZHDUDVLPSRUWDQWDVRWKHU practices like putting on perfume, in order to feel D µFRPSOHWH¶ VHQVH RI IHPLQLQLW\ 7KHVH KHLJKWHQHG IHHOLQJV RI IHPLQLQLW\ DSSHDUHG DV FUXFLDO IRU WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUVWDQGLQJ RI µZKR,DP¶DQGDQLPSRUWDQWHOHPHQWRIWKHLULGHQWLW\SURMHFWV,QWKLVVHQVHXQGHUZHDUZDV seen to work as a technology of the self (Foucault, 1988b) and guide these women into a µSURSHU¶ XVH RI WKHLU ERGLHV -DQW]HQ et al ., 2006). Underwear carries a characteristic of µVSHFLDOQHVV¶WKDWLVDNH\HOHPHQWIRUFKRRVLQJWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDUIRUWKHULJKWRFFDVLRQ These occasions can, as we have seen, include the bedroom, but also going out or just about

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feeling good about themselves. In any case, my respondents suggested that special underwear FUHDWHVLQWHQVHVHQVDWLRQVDQGIHHOLQJVWKDWDVVLVWWKHPLQIHHOLQJWKH\DUHµPDNLQJDQ HIIRUW¶

More than this, however, the physical and psychological sensations that underwear produces for these women in general are often a factor of choosing particular types of underwear, and SDUWLFXODUO\ WKRVH ZKLFK VXSSRUW WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V ERGLHV LQ WKH LGHQWLW\ opseis they are H[HPSOLI\LQJ7KLVZDVSDUWLFXODUO\HYLGHQWLQWKHFDVHRIWKHPRWKHUV¶JURXSZKRUHSRUWHG feeling especially feminine during their pregnancies but found no underwear in the market to bolster these feelings for them. However, they also wanted physical comfort. Indeed in each identity opseis discussed in this thesis comfort was always important in supporting the UHVSRQGHQWV¶ ERGLHV SK\VLFDOO\ EXW DOVR SV\FKRORJLFDOO\ LQ WHUPV RI IHHOLQJ µDSSURSULDWHO\¶ presented. Body size in particular seemed to demarcate this theme in the data. Body size and DSSHDUDQFH FDPH RXW DV D FUXFLDO IDFWRU GHWHUPLQLQJ WKHVH ZRPHQ¶V UHODWLRQVKLS ZLWK WKHLU bodies. This was not surprising, since as Budgeon (2003: 39) claims

the dominant relation women are posited to have with their bodies is one which is discursively mediated and, it would seem, a significantly over-determined one in which women live with a constant sense of the body as being in need of improvement.

When these women feel unhappy about their bodies, they reported the physical comfort factor RIXQGHUZHDUDVPRUHLPSRUWDQWWKDQWKDWRIWKHµVSHFLDOQHVV¶WKDWLWFDQLQYRNH$VWKH\IHOW unhappy about their body sizes and appearances, feeling sexy or feminine was not they argued achievable for them and underwear had a major role to play in separating these sensations and feelings. It seems that underwear once again is seen as a technology to mobilise particular sensations - µKDSSLQHVV¶ RU µVH[LQHVV¶ EXW RQO\ ZKHQ WKH\ DUH UHDG\

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psychologically to feel as such. $W RWKHU WLPHV SK\VLFDO FRPIRUW IHHOV µVXIILFLHQW¶ IRU WKHVH women.

Finally, other socio-cultural factors that emerged in this thesis as important for my respondents when choosing what underwear to buy were colours and maternal influence. In terms of colours, this was particularly mentioned as a factor when buying special underwear, because of the erotic meanings that specific colours like black or red have in a cultural sense. But in general most of these women agreed that colours need to be coordinated according to outerwear. Most of them concurred that it is necessary to coordinate dark coloured underwear ZLWKFRORXUHGRXWHUZHDUDQGYLFHYHUVDZKHQOLJKWFRORXUVDUHZRUQµRQWRS¶ZKHQWKLVLVQRW done then underwear might be visible with the consequences already discussed in terms of its visibility. 7KH GLIIHUHQW FODVVLILFDWLRQV RI FRORXUV¶ PHDQLQJV DQG KRZ WKHVH ZRPHQ XVHG FRORXUVWRGLVWLQJXLVKGLIIHUHQWW\SHVRIXQGHUZHDULQWHUPVRIZHDULQJWKHµULJKW¶XQGHUZHDU made it an important socio-cultural factor. On one hand, their judgements on what different colours mean revealed once again how deeply they have internalised social imperatives around femininity and what is appropriate to wear according to the context, the stage of life one is in or according to the overall appearance, i.e. body size. On the other hand, choosing the right colour came down to using underwear as their embodied cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986) in terms of how it supported their outerwear and their body in their fields.

Maternal influence, finally, was another important factor for these women when choosing WKHLUXQGHUZHDU6RPHUHSRUWHGWKDWWKHLUPRWKHU¶VFKRLFHVKDYHGHWHUPLQHGWRVRPHH[WHQW WKH XQGHUZHDU WKH\ IHHO FRPIRUWDEOH EX\LQJ 7KHVH GDWD VXJJHVWHG WKDW ZRPHQ¶V KDELWus determines the amount of their cultural capital, since, as suggested, mothers have an important role in passing over cultural capital (Reay, 2000). Since cultural capital is

236

important for individuals as it transforms into other forms of capital (Crossley, 2001), looking at underwear as embodied cultural capital gives us an insight into how these women mobilise underwear in different contexts or fields, and transform it into other forms of capital like economic capital or symbolic capital, illustrating once again the dynamic character of female identity projects and the utilisation of various resources in the effort to perform their identity

opseis.

6.3  Research  question  2   What is the role of underwear as part of dress in the construction of female identity? The second question this research asked was how underwear as part of dress becomes a source of identity construction. In many cases as seen in Chapter 5 underwear was discussed DV FHQWUDO WR P\ UHVSRQGHQWV¶ LGHQWLW\ SURMHFWV 7KH PRVW HYLGHQW SHUKDSV Zas the case of when underwear is visible and how it becomes then part of outerwear, explicitly signalling HOHPHQWV RI ZKR WKHVH ZRPHQ µDUH¶ :KHQ XQGHUZHDU LV YLVLEOH LW EHFRPHV SDUW RI WKH discourse of dress and the connections between dress and identity. It can signal elements of WKHVHZRPHQ¶VFODVV WDVWHJHQGHULGHQWLW\VH[XDOLW\HWF )URPP\GDWD LWZDVHYLGHQWWKDW self-monitoring and self-awareness are especially intense in the cases where underwear is visible. In fact when underwear is unexpectedl\ µIODVKLQJ¶ WKLV LV \HW PRUH LQWHQVH DV LW LV deemed to have the potential to attract ridicule and issues of appropriateness and social expectations arise. Internalised judgements and expectations about what, when and where it is appropriate for a woman to wear seem to keep my respondents conscious and alert about how they are presented in public, whether that is for example their workplace (underwear is not visible) or at the gym (where underwear might be visible when changing).

237

Body size and appearance µDSSURSULDWHQHVV¶ZHUHRWKHUFRQQHFWHGLVVXHVWKDWVHHPLPSRUWDQW for these women in terms of the underwear they wear and how this might affect how they feel about their selves (themselves). As already discussed, some of my respondents who reported feeling overweight or in general unhappy about their body image also reported that their underwear need only feel comfortable but not what they would describe as special. They DVVRFLDWHGµVSHFLDO¶XQGHUZHDUZLWKQRUPDOLVHGFRQYHQWLRQVRIWKHIHPDOHERG\DQGDV they felt they did not fit into these norms they choose not to wear such underwear. They reported monitoring themselves to that level and feeling inadequate and insufficient when it comes to their body project and their overall identity project. I argue these data illustrate )RXFDXOW¶V (1979) assertion of how power operates on the micro-level of our bodies. Bartky (1990) and Bordo (1988, 2004), as already discussed DOVRVWUHVVKRZZRPHQDUHGLVFXUVLYHO\µPDQGDWHG¶ to be especially concerned with their appearance and body management, so as to perform a specific kind of femininity. Thus the body and the self become ongoing projects, never ending and ever demanding.

As aforementioned, public visibility and scrutiny therefore were seen as being one of the PRVW LPSRUWDQW IDFWRUV WKDW DIIHFW P\ UHVSRQGHQWV¶ IHHOLQJV DERXW WKHPVHOYHV DQG WKHLU underwear. However, visible underwear as also established is part of the eroticisation of the female body, as special underwear can be mobilised to exemplify the erotic and sexual self. The intense eroticisation of visible underwear was discussed in this thesis as part of how the female body is culturally inscribed as a sexual body by western media and mass culture, as a resource for the performance of the sexual partner opsy. Indeed advertising in particular was seen as playing an important role in socio-cultural understandings of what is sexy and feminine in underwear.

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I have also alluded to the physical and psychological sensations that underwear produces for/in the body, and these likewise are another element of how it can be a source of identity construction. Particularly the feeling of comfort, and the intersections between the physical and psychological comfort, were seen to emerge as one of the most important factors of how underwear was connected with the project of identity. Underwear was discussed as an element of our embodied cultural capital, because physical comfort was in many cases necessary to support the performance of various identity opseis and then transformed into other forms of capital, such as economic capital.

Physical comfort was seen as especially important because it can then lead to the psychological comfoUW RI D µSURSHU¶ DSSHDUDQFH 7KLV ZDV VHHQ DV LPSDFWLQJ WKH LGHQWLW\ project, because inappropriate appearance arguably had serious consequences both physically and emotionally for these women, e.g. the rugby women. These participants felt that wearing the wrong type of underwear would be uncomfortable but also inappropriate since they are EHLQJZDWFKHG$OVRXQGHUZHDUFDQµDOWHU¶WKHERG\VWUXFWXUHHJERG\SRVWXUH ZKLFKFDQ offer a new experience of the self. Many of my respondents suggested that the µULJKW¶ XQGHUZHDU FDQ PDNH \RX IHHO GLIIHUHQW DERXW \RXU ERG\ OLNH D µQHZ ZRPDQ¶ 8QGHUZHDU then, I stressed, can be seen a technology of the self in a Foucauldian sense, offering a VHQVDWLRQ RI GLIIHUHQFH µILW¶ LPSURYHPHQW DQG VR RQ 7KLV LV FHQWUDO WR the performance of particular identity opseis like motherhood, sports participant or sexual partner, indicating once more the multifaceted character of female identity projects.

Comfort on the other hand, both physical and psychological, was seen as something that a women can get used to: a specific social context or an identity opsy seems to necessitate VSHFLILF W\SHV RI XQGHUZHDU WKDW LV WKHQ WKRXJKW WR EH µSDUW RI WKH VNLQ¶ DOPRVW OLWHUDOO\

239

imperceptible. In the comfort of their own home though, some of these women reported the same underwear becoming a weight. Thus it seems that underwear is often worn because of the socio-cultural meanings it provides for the female identity. It can be both part of the skin and a constraint, depending on context or opsy.

Particularly for the opsy of motherhood, the physical comfort underwear might produce was necessary in terms of how it supported the changing body but, as seen before, psychological comfort was also eminent in bolstering the feminine feelings that pregnancy invokes. The PRWKHUV¶ JURXS PDGH FOHDU GLVWLQFWLRQV EHWZHHQ YDULRXV opseis of the female identity and how underwear can be mobilised to exemplify or (re)construct these opseis. On the one hand WKH\UHSRUWHGQHHGLQJµEHWWHU¶PDWHUQLW\XQGHUZHDUOike special or sexier underwear, and on the other hand they reported the need to buy new underwear, marking thus the end of this period in their lives. They considered buying new underwear or wearing the underwear they wore previous to becoming pregnant as a way of (re)constructing their selves as the women WKH\ µZHUH EHIRUH¶ 7KXV XQGHUZHDU LQ WKLV ZD\ EHFRPHV D PDUNHU RI LGHQWLWLHV DQG DQ important source of identity construction in the female identity project.

7KH µVSHFLDOQHVV¶ RI XQGHUZHDU ZDV DOVR GLscussed thoroughly in the thesis in terms of the impact it can have on identity. The use of underwear as a technology of the self was particularly seen as a way of improving and reconfiguring the body, transforming thus these ZRPHQ¶VERG\LPDJH$VVXJJHVWHGDERYHSXWWLQJRQµVSHFLDO¶XQGHUZHDUZDVVHHQE\P\ respondents as making an effort, looking after yourself and reaffirming the feminine identity. Underwear was seen as a technique of self-construction since it can arouse or bolster feelings of confidence or sexiness. As a technology of the self, it was indeed about achieving a sense

240

of happiness as these women mobilise the sensations special underwear produces for/in their ERGLHVDVSDUWRIWKH³RYHUDOOFRQVWUXFWLRQRIWKHVHOI´)RXFDXOW 

6.4  Research  question  3   What kind of feelings and experiences do women report regarding the consumption of underwear? (e.g. how important is underwear to them?; do they wear different underwear for different occasions,?; for whom do they buy underwear?) The third question intended to explore some of the experiences of my respondents regarding WKHLU XQGHUZHDU DQG WKHLU IHHOLQJV DQG XQGHUVWDQGLQJV RI PRUH µSUDFWLFDO¶ LVVXHV UHJDUGLQJ their underwear such as categorising their underwear, shopping for underwear, buying underwear for other people and buying or receiving underwear as presents. As my data showed, my respondents had a lot to say about this kind of experience as they are part of their everyday, routine experience of choosing what underwear to put on.

Starting from the simple act of categorising their underwear, many of my respondents suggested that they have specific underwear for specific occasions. As seen in Chapter 5 work underwear and special underwear are the two most frequent categorisations these women make. For some this was particularly important, while others mention that their knickers drawer might be quite random. Nevertheless, most of them reported one or more FDWHJRULVDWLRQV WKH\ PDNH RI WKHLU XQGHUZHDU DV WKH\ FKRRVH WKH µULJKW¶ W\pe for the right occasion.

The relation of underwear with outerwear preoccupied my respondents quite a lot. Their admission that they might talk about underwear with other people, with the most usual starting subject being a conversation about outerwear or shopping in general, shows how the 241

two intersect. Some considered outerwear as more important than underwear in terms of how they present themselves in the SXEOLF EXW ZLWKRXW GLPLQLVKLQJ XQGHUZHDU¶V LPSRUWDQFH LQ terms of how outerwear is supported. The most relevant, for most of my respondents, aspect of this relation with dress was the issue of colours as discussed previously. The coordination of colours with outerwear seemed to be crucial for these women since visible underwear has several implications, as already seen. Finally, the link between outerwear and underwear was also seen in terms of how these women prepared themselves for special occasions or going RXW 7KLV OLQN ZDV QRW RQO\ VKRZQ LQ KRZ WKH\ JDYH HPSKDVLV WR WKH µULJKW¶ VXSSRUW IRU outward dress but also in their preference for special underwear on these occasions. This SUHIHUHQFH ZDV GHVFULEHG E\ P\ UHVSRQGHQWV DV D PDWWHU RI ³FRPSOHWLQJ WKH ORRN´ 7KLV shows the discursive importance given to underwear; how it becomes part of the discourse of dress and its connections with identity projects.

The experience of shopping for underwear was another aspect discussed in this thesis. In some groups this was discussed more thoroughly than others because of the identity opsy the group was exempliI\LQJ7KHPRWKHUV¶JURXSIRUH[DPSOHKDGPRUHWRVD\DERXWWKHDFWXDO experience of shopping for underwear because they had needed to buy various different types of underwear more often than usual during their pregnancies and after they gave birth. Thus because motherhood is arguably a period when underwear should support the pregnant or the µKHDOLQJ¶SRVWQDWDOERG\WKHVHUHVSRQGHQWV¶H[SHULHQFHVDQGIHHOLQJVDERXWXQGHUZHDUVKRZ how its meanings and sensations during these times are also more important than just the physical comfort it arguably produces for these women. Difficulties with sizes, styles or even their physical experience of shopping were some of the experiences these women reported, implying that the market for pregnancy and maternity underwear needs development,

242

something that was even acknowledged in market research such Mintel (2009, Market in Brief: section 5)15.

Similar difficulties in shopping for underwear were reported by other participants too. Problems with finding the correct size, improper fitting or unhelpful assistants were some of the difficulties other women discussed during our conversations. One of the stores mentioned LQ PRVW RI WKH JURXSV DQG LQWHUYLHZV ZDV 0DUNV DQG 6SHQFHU¶V RQH RI WKH WRS VKRSV LQ underwear sales as seen in the statistics in Chapter 1. Even though most respondents have ERXJKWRUVWLOOEX\XQGHUZHDUIURP0DUNVDQG6SHQFHU¶VWKH\mentioned buying multipacks RI FRWWRQ XQGHUZHDU RU µVLPSOH¶ HYHU\GD\ XQGHUZHDU 2Q WKH FRQWUDU\ RWKHU VKRSV OLNH /D Senza, Primark, T K Maxx and Figleaves were associated with underwear of specific types (e.g. sexy underwear, cheap underwear, sports underwear). Thus, some of these women made distinctions regarding the shops they buy underwear from and, if they shopped on the internet, which only a few did, the emphasis was on these companies having good return policies.

More generally my participants stressed that shopping for underwear can be quite a personal experience, thus they do not usually go shopping with other people. When shopping specifically for underwear they said that they would go with a female member of their family or in some cases their partner. However, those women who mentioned shopping for underwear with their male partners also mentioned that they would have rather been alone, since they feel they needed more time to try on different underwear.

15

Section: Strongest and weakest

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Finally, another important aspect of ZRPHQ¶V H[SHULHQFHV ZLWK XQGHUZHDU was buying underwear for presents or receiving underwear as a present. Most of these women said that WKH\ ZRXOG QRW EX\ XQGHUZHDU IRU ³MXVW DQ\RQH´ 7KH PRVW IUHTXHQW RFFDVLRQ WKH\ ERXJKW underwear as a present was for female members of their families. They stressed that XQGHUZHDU LV VRPHWKLQJ SHUVRQDO D VHQVLWLYH SDUW RI SHRSOH¶V FORWKLQJ DQG WKHUH DUH LVVXHV like proper fitting or finding the right type of underwear: thus underwear becomes a difficult choice for a present.

6.5  Research  question  4   :KDWLVWKHUROHRIµWDVWH¶ZKHQLWFRPHVWRZKDWXQGHUZHDUZRPHQFKRRVH"

7KH ODVW TXHVWLRQ WKLV WKHVLV DLPHG WR DQVZHU LV DERXW WKH UROH RI µWDVWH¶ DV D %RXUGHXVLDQ concept in how my respondents choose the underwear they buy and wear. Taste was used in this thesis as the aesthetic judgements made by individuals and which is above all a manifestation of habitus (Bourdieu, 1984). Taste as Bourdieu argues is above all a distaste DERXWRWKHUSHRSOH¶VWDVWHDQGWKLVZDVVKRZQLQPDny cases in this thesis. My respondents made aesthetic judgments not only about the underwear they buy but also about the underwear that other people might wear. This was mostly exhibited when it had to do with body size and specific types of underwear, for example g-strings worn by larger women. I argued that this shows how thoroughly these women have internalised western imperatives around slenderness and youthfulness and what it is appropriate (or not) for them to wear (Bordo, 2004; Tischner and Malson, 2008).

7DVWHDVDPDQLIHVWDWLRQRIKDELWXVZDVDOVRH[KLELWHGLQGLVFXVVLRQVDERXWWKHVHUHVSRQGHQWV¶ preferences in colours, material and types of underwear they might choose in different

244

contexts. Economic capital came up in many cases as a constraint in what underwear these women chose, indicating that social class might indeed be another important element in the construction of their identity and could be considered as a way to progress this research. 7KHVHZRPHQ¶VGLIIHUHQWKDELWXVHVGHPRQVWUDWHGWKHLr different assumptions about the role of underwear in their identity projects. Erica, one of the gym clients, for example, had different assumptions as to what the function of underwear was, thus her choices of where she buys underwear from, or how much she would spend on underwear, differ from other participants who have lower economic capital, like Christie. The rugby women, who were all students, reported choosing their underwear using other criteria like what it looks like, but also how much it costs. The differences in taste expressed by these women when choosing underwear were also discussed as differences in the cultural capital they possess. I argued that cultural FDSLWDOLHPRGHVRIWKLQNLQJRUTXDOLW\RIVW\OHGHWHUPLQHVPDQ\RIWKHVHZRPHQ¶V choices, as it legitimises social differences (Silva, 2005). The volume of cultural capital they possess GHWHUPLQHVWKHLUWDVWHLQXQGHUZHDUDQGWKHLUDVVXPSWLRQVDERXWXQGHUZHDU¶VIXQFWLRQV

Cultural capital was also understood in this thesis as something strongly transmitted by the family and especially the mother, as suggested by Bourdieu (1984). Indeed, as seen SUHYLRXVO\ P\ GDWD VXJJHVWHG WKDW HDUO\ IDPLOLDULVDWLRQ GHYHORSPHQW DQG µSDVVLQJ RQ¶ RI cultural capital by the mother influenced these womHQ¶VFXOWXUDOFDSLWDODQGWKHLUFKRLFHVLQ XQGHUZHDU7KHLUPRWKHU¶VFKRLFHDQGVHQVHRIWDVWHLQXQGHUZHDULQIOXHQFHGPDQ\RIWKHVH ZRPHQ¶VWDVWHDVZHOODQGVRPHUHSRUWHGWKDWWKHLUPRWKHU¶VµERULQJ¶FKRLFHVLQXQGHUZHDU or their considering underwear as merely functional had profoundly influenced their adult lives.

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However, on the other hand it was also argued that taste is a mechanism by which individuals distribute their symbolic resources like cultural capital in their struggles to improve their social positions. This also indicated that their understandings about the types and quality of underwear they would like to consume, had they had higher economic capital, which might be different from what they consumed at the time of our conversation.

  6.6  Contributions  and  implications  of  this  research   6.6.1 Theoretical and methodological contributions This thesis used two major thinkers has offered an indication of the relevance of both the works of Foucault (1978; 1979; 1980; 1985b; 1986; 1988b) and of Bourdieu (1984; 1986; 1990b; 1994; 2001) on power and how it operates to construct female identity. Their works were used as a framework in understanding the socio-FXOWXUDOIDFWRUVWKDWLQIOXHQFHZRPHQ¶V consumption of underwear including how taste as an expression of habitus is expressed by ZRPHQ¶V FKRLFHV LQ XQGHUZHDU %RWK )RXFDXOW DQG %RXUGLHX FRQVLGHU VRFLDO SUDFWLFHV DV something located within discourse and understood according to time and space. Moreover they see identity as constructed by social relations and power relations, indicating thus that IHPDOHLGHQWLW\LVDQRQJRLQJSURMHFWRIµEHFRPLQJ¶:KLOH)RXFDXOWVKRZVKRZUHJLPHVRI power and knowledge can act on the body and identity to construct it, and his later works suggest how identity can be HVWDEOLVKHG WKURXJK µVHOI-VW\OLVDWLRQ¶ %RXUGLHX¶V QRWLRQ RI habitus shows how the social is literally incorporated in the corporeal by examining how LQGLYLGXDOV¶GLVSRVLWLRQVFDQPDNHWKHPµFRQIRUP¶WRWKHGHPDQGVRIDµILHOG¶

It is this construction of identity through micro-power suggested by both theorists that I FRQVLGHUHVVHQWLDOLQXQGHUVWDQGLQJZRPHQ¶VFRQVXPSWLRQRIXQGHUZHDUDQGKRZLWZRUNVDV 246

a source of identity construction. I consider the combination of Foucault and Bourdieu to work as a valuable contribution to knowledge around how identity is constructed through consumption. Underwear in this thesis was seen as both a technology of the self in a Foucauldian sense and as embodied cultural capital in a Bourdieusian sense. Moreover the use of this framework is particularly important when women, such as my participants did, PDNHMXGJHPHQWVDERXWWKHLURZQDVZHOODVRWKHUZRPHQ¶VFKRLFHVLQXQGHUZHDUDQGDWWKH same time, it is evident of how thoroughly they have internalised social imperatives around female identity.

Other works that draw on Foucault and Bourdieu have also been discussed in this thesis. This was necessary as neither Foucault nor Bourdieu offered a specific thesis on the lived gendered body. Nevertheless, feminists have expanded on their works and utilised them in their attempt to make sense of what it feels like being a woman. Feminists like Bartky (1988) DQG %RUGR  D    KDYH XVHG )RXFDXOW¶V HDUOLHU ZRUNV WR H[DPLQH KRZ disciplinary practices and power rHODWLRQVSURGXFHDµUHFRJQLVDEOH¶IHPDOHERG\7KHLUZRUNV have been used in this thesis in contributing to the understanding of how imperatives around IHPLQLQLW\ DQG IHPDOH LGHQWLW\ EHFRPH NH\ IDFWRUV LQIOXHQFLQJ ZRPHQ¶V FRQVXPSWLRQ RI underwear. The works of Chase (2006), Mansfield and McGinn (1993), Thorpe (2008) and Jantzen et al . (2006) were also discussed in an attempt to link social practices with elements of reflexivity through self-stylisation and technologies of the self that Foucault proposes.

6LPLODUO\ , KDYH GUDZQ RQ RWKHU IHPLQLVWV WR VKRZ KRZ %RXUGLHX¶V ZRUN LV FUXFLDO LQ understanding the construction of female identity. Drawing on Moi (1991), Lawler (1999) DQG0F5REELH DPRQJRWKHUV,KDYHLOOXVWUDWHGKRZ%RXUGLHX¶VZRUNVFDQoffer insights into how habitus and its expressions in class divisions or aesthetic judgments become

247

DQ LPSRUWDQW DVSHFW RI WKH SURFHVV RI µEHFRPLQJ¶ D ZRPDQ :KLOH PRVW RI WKH ZRUNV discussed emphasise class and class mobility, the thesis privileges gender as the primary classification mechanism in social life and offers a more general analysis of habitus and its YDULRXV HOHPHQWV LQ P\ DWWHPSW WR XQGHUVWDQG ZRPHQ¶V FKRLFHV LQ XQGHUZHDU The danger here could be that the thesis might be neglecting important DVSHFWVRIZRPHQ¶VLGHQWLWLHVOLNH class or race, but on the other hand it offers an understanding of how underwear is used as a UHVRXUFHDWRRORUDSUDFWLFHLQZRPHQ¶VGDLO\HIIRUWVWRFRQVWUXFWDVHQVHRIµZKR,DPDVD ZRPDQ¶ 7KXV FRQVXPLQJ XQGHUZHar in this thesis is established as a way of doing gender DQGµIDVKLRQLQJ¶IHPDOHLGHQWLW\

Moreover, in order to locate underwear within the practices of consumption and the meanings it might invoke for the consuming subject, I have drawn on relevant theories of consumption with the aim of examining the importance of consumption practices, such as buying underwear, in (re)constructing consumer culture and in forming part of our negotiation of our identities. Therefore this thesis has used a theoretical framework to excavate an XQGHUGHYHORSHGWRSLFZKLOHRWKHUSDUWVRIZRPHQ¶VFORWKLQJKDYHEHHQWKRURXJKO\DQDO\VHG by the field of consumption, as well as other cognate disciplines such as sociology and cultural studies, underwear as a form of dress and how it connects with issues of consumption and identity, has been largely ignored. 7KXV WKLV WKHVLV DGGUHVVHV UHPDUNV OLNH *LPOLQ¶V (2007: 355) WKDW³VRFLRORJ\KDVODUJHO\LJQRUHG«WKHPRUHPXQGDQHIRUPVRIERG\ZRUN´

This thesis is not an attempt to exhaust the discussion around women and their relationship with underwear, but it has aimed at exploring some of these issues and establish an understanding of the role of socio-cultural imperatives and of taste when choosing what underwear women buy and wear, when and how. On these grounds this thesis offered a

248

valuable contribution to academic analysis of identity construction, with insights on how XQGHUZHDU DV SDUW RI WKH RYHUDOO µIDVKLRQ V\VWHP¶ FDQ EH PRELOLVHG LQ WKH Iemale identity project.

In terms of the methodological contributions of this thesis, while its title alludes to my assumption regarding the ongoing character of female identity as being constructed and µIDVKLRQHG¶ WKH WKHVLV ZDV DOVR SUHPLVHG RQ WKH LGHD WKDW IHPDOH LGHQWLW\ FDQ FRPSULVH different aspects or sides that women might arguably exemplify in their everyday lives. Thus the research strategy, including sampling, was designed around the concept of identity opseis, ZKLFK UHSUHVHQWV WKHVH GLIIHUHQW DVSHFWV RI ZRPHQ¶V LGHQWLW\ 7KH WHUP H[HPSOLILHV H[DFWO\ what Gillen (2001) and also Elliot (2001) suggest about the different versions of the self that individuals can present according to the situations they find themselves in. I argued that various identity opseis DUHSUHVHQWLQZRPHQ¶VHYHU\GD\OLYHVVXFKDVWKDWRIDFROOHDJXHD mothHURUSDUWQHUDQGWKHDLPRIWKHWKHVLVZDVWRµKDLO¶WKHVH opseis. The concept served as a justification of my sampling strategy as I have selected women participants to exemplify certain (again by no means exhaustive) identity opseis. The concept was also helpful in the analysis of my data since it was often used theoretically when exploring how underwear was PRELOLVHGLQµIDVKLRQLQJ¶WKHYDULRXVopseis RIP\SDUWLFLSDQWV¶LGHQWLW\

In conclusion, this thesis has contributed to knowledge by exploring an underdeveloped topic, that of underwear as part of dress and how it can be seen as a source of identity construction. Even though, as suggested previously and throughout the thesis, I aimed at answering VSHFLILF TXHVWLRQV DURXQG WKH FRQVXPSWLRQ RI ZRPHQ¶V underwear, the thesis has not been without some implications both theoretically and methodologically. The following section

249

notes some of these implications and moreover suggests how future research around this topic can be developed.

6.6.2 Implications of this research and future research There are some inevitable implications in this research which influence the conclusions drawn so far as well as the answers to the research questions. While I have used seven different identity opseis that women could exemplify, still these are not exhaustive and they are not drawn from anything approximating to representative samples. Thus the results and conclusions of this thesis are in no way applicable to the wider population of women in the UK or indeed elsewhere ± even if such an endeavour were possible. Further, some of these women belonged to other identity opseis, as pointed out previously in the thesis, suggesting WKDWP\GDWDFRXOGKDYHEHHQGLIIHUHQWLIZRPHQIURPWKHPRWKHUV¶JURXSIRUH[DPSOHZHUH used as a group exemplifying the opseis of gym clients. Some of the questions asked and the discussion generated in the groups or during the interviews differed in order to focus mostly on how underwear was related with the specific identity opsy in focus. Thus the results might have been different if the concept of identity opseis was not used or if all women were asked the exact same questions.

Future research could therefore expand the concept of identity opseis to include other important sides of female identity. An interesting path this research could have explored was that of professional women who are required to wear uniforms, such as nurses and especially those who are in arguably more masculine professions like the military or police service. The role of uQGHUZHDULQVXSSRUWLQJWKHVHZRPHQ¶VERGLHVGXULQJZRUNKRXUVDQGKRZLWPLJKWRU might not differ from what they wear outside their work environment would be an important expansion and development of this research.

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Moreover, other unavoidable implications arise considering that other factors such as social class, ethnicity, religion or sexuality were not considered when selecting my participants. Even though class differences were evident in my data and a discussion around class as an aspect of my particLSDQWV¶ KDELWXV WRRN SODFH LQ &KDSWHU  LQ SDUWLFXODU LW ZDV QRW D distinguishing factor in the sampling process nor was it theoretically developed or expanded thoroughly in this thesis, as previously discussed. Thus future research might want to look at the relation between factors like class, ethnicity, religion and sexuality and the consumption of underwear. Also a comparative study between the UK and locations elsewhere in Western Europe or further abroad would have been an interesting addition in developing a theory of how underwear is consumed in different contexts.

7KLVWKHVLVKDVDOVRSURYLGHGDQXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHIDFWRUVWKDWPLJKWLQIOXHQFHZRPHQ¶V consumption of underwear and their experiences of underwear. However, further research might coQVLGHUH[DPLQLQJPHQ¶VH[SHULHQFHVZLWKXQGHUZHDUDQGKRZLWFRXOGEHVHHQDVD source of the masculine identity project. Considering that men construct masculine identities and also arguably exemplify various identity opseis, further research could explore XQGHUZHDU¶V PHDQLQJV DQG SRVVLEOH VHQVDWLRQV LW PD\ LQYRNH IRU WKH ZHDUHU DQG KRZ WKLV LPSDFWVRQPHQ¶VLGHQWLW\FRQVWUXFWLRQ

6.7  Summary   This chapter has synthesised the main conclusions of this thesis in an attempt to answer each of the research questions the research was premised on. While a summary of the previous chapters was given, each section thereafter aimed at clearly addressing the research questions. Thus, the first section outlined the socio-FXOWXUDOIDFWRUVWKDWDIIHFWZRPHQ¶VFRQVXPSWLRn of 251

underwear; the second discussed how underwear as part of dress can be seen as a source of LGHQWLW\ FRQVWUXFWLRQ WKH WKLUG H[SORUHG VRPH RI ZRPHQ¶V H[SHULHQFHV RI XQGHUZHDU DQG lastly, I discussed the role of taste in how women choose their underwear. The contributions, both theoretical and methodological, were then discussed, in order to suggest that this research has genuinely contributed to knowledge by addressing an underdeveloped area in consumption studies, as well as in other cognate fields, with the use of a theoretical framework that combined works from Foucault, Bourdieu and feminists inspired by their concepts, and selected theories from consumption literature. 8QGHUZHDU¶V GLVFXUVLYH LPSRUWDQFHLQ ZRPHQ¶V OLYHVKDVEHHQ H[SORUHGLQ WHUPV RI how it is mobilised to support women in performing different identity opseis, and has established an understanding of how PXQGDQH IRUPV RI ERG\ ZRUN FDQ EH HOHPHQWV RI FRQVWUXFWLQJ ZRPHQ¶V RQJRLQJ DQG complex identity projects.

 

252

Appendices    

1.  Access  Letters   1.2 Email to University staff 'HDU«

I am writing to ask if you would like to participate in a group discussion that is part of my GRFWRUDWH UHVHDUFK DERXW ZRPHQ¶V XQGHUZHDU , P D 3K' VWXGHQW DW WKH 6FKRRO RI Management and my research is mainly concerned with how women choose their underwear, from where, how important underwear is for them and so on.

You might have heard about this research before, however it has been delayed due to some personal family problems I had a few months ago at home. Nevertheless I am hoping that QRZ,¶OOUDLVH \RXULQWHUHVWLQSDUWLFLSDWLQJLQWKLVUHVHDUFKDQGKRSHIXOO\,¶OOEHVHQGLQJ\RXD more formal invitation soon with a time and a place (most probably a room in the University).

-XVWWROHW\RXNQRZ,¶PRQO\LQYLWLQJDIHZRWKHUZRPHQFROOHDJXHVRI\RXUVIURPWKH>«@ with the aim that I can have a group of women that know each other so that we can have a nice, friendly discussion about underwear! However if you have some other women colleagues that would be interested in taking part then please could you let me know?

253

I hope that you will be interested in taking part in this focus group and I would be grateful if you could you please let me know as soon as you can if you are indeed interested in participating.

Kind Regards Christiana Tsaousi

  1.2 Access letter to the gym The Manager >«@ 01/02/2008 Dear Sir/Madam I am writing to introduce myself as a doctoral student from the University of Leicester, School of Management and ask for permission to approach some of the female members and female instructors of the Club for the purpose of inviting them to participate in my research. This research is concerned with how and why women choose their underwear and how different factors, psychological, physical or social, affect the underwear that women buy and wear.

Health clubs and gyms are an important resource for 21st century women because they provide the opportunity to improve both the external and the internal health of their bodies. I am especially interested in discussing with women members and instructors of the Club whether and how improvement in their physical condition because of exercising has affected these choices.

254

Regarding the female instructors, with this particular group, my interest is in discussing issues such as how their occupation affects their choice of underwear and why this might be, as well as how they might select different underwear for different aspects of their lives. The invitation to both members and instructors will be to participate either in group discussions (of 5-6 women) or one-to-one interviews with me, hopefully during the next month or so. The invitations will be for voluntary participation in the research, which will probably take place at the University of Leicester or at the Club if possible (and if of course permission is granted). I would like to stress that anonymity and confidentiality will be guaranteed to the participants. I would also like to stress, especially where the staff of the Club is concerned, this research is entirely independent from this company and at no point in the thesis the name of the company would be used.

I would be extremely grateful if you could give me permission to approach and invite members and instructors to participate in the project. As I am already a member of the Club, I already have access to the premises and I am familiar with the environment and some of the members and instructors. Please do not hesitate to contact me should you require any other information. My contact details are stated below. You may also wish to contact my supervisor, Prof. Joanna Brewis, who can of course vouch for me. Her details are also given below. Yours sincerely Christiana Tsaousi Research Student School of Management University of Leicester University Road Leicester, LE1 7RH Email: [email protected] Tel.: Office 0116 229 7421, Home 0116 262 5750

6XSHUYLVRU¶VGHWDLOV Prof. Joanna Brewis School of Management

255

Ken Edwards Building University of Leicester University Road Leicester, LE1 7RH Email: [email protected] Tel.: Office 0116 2523891

1.3 Invitation to participate in research

Invitation to participate in research Would you like to participate in research about ZRPHQ·VXQGHUZHDU?

This is an invitation to participate in a doctoral research study that is concerned with how and why women choose their underwear. What are the factors that affect what underwear we buy and wear? The research tries to understand how underwear supports women in their everyday lives and focuses on how underwear changes according to ZRPHQ·VDFWLYLWLHVVWDJHRIOLfe, age. This invitation to take part in the research is either for group discussion (small groups of women where we all discuss our underwear) or one-‐to-‐one discussion (interview). Questions could be for example about what kind of underwear you usually wear, where you buy them from and so on. Group discussion or interviews will take place in September 2008 and venue is upon agreement. If you would like to participate please write below the dates and times you are free during September. Please include your name and a contact number and return the invitation to the address below or alternatively you can email or call me. Name _____________________________________________________________________________________

Tel. Email________________________________________________________________________________

256

Possible dates and times you are free _____________________________________________________________________________________

Researcher: Christiana Tsaousi

PhD Student School of Management University of Leicester University Road Leicester, LE1 7RH

 

257

2.  Interview  and  Focus  groups  schedules   2.1 Tutors and administrators schedule 1. Bio-data 2. How do you feel about talking about underwear with other people? With whom do you usually have this kind of discussion? 2.1 Does the conversation usually start with underwear as topic or conversations about other topics shift to talking about underwear?

3. What do you think about these types of underwear? Which of this underwear are the types that you usually wear? 4. Which is your everyday underwear? 5. Do you categorise underwear, for example special occasions, work underwear, period days or fat days? 6. What about the other types of underwear? Would ever choose underwear like this and how would feel if you had to wear it? 7. How often do you go underwear shopping? 8. Have you ever shopped for underwear on the internet? (If yes from where and how was the experience?) 9. Do you tend to shop for underwear alone or with others (friends, family, partner?) 1.1 How would you feel if you had to shop alone/with other people? 10. From where do you usually buy underwear? 11. ,VWKHUHDSDUWLFXODUUHDVRQWKDW\RXGRQ¶WJRVKRSSLQJLQRWKHUVKRSV" 258

12. What underwear would you say you buy more often: bras, pants (thongs, strings), camisoles, bodysuits, nightwear? 13. What colours underwear do you usually wear? Why? 14. :RXOG\RXHYHUFRQVLGHUZHDULQJRWKHUFRORXUVWKDW\RXGRQ¶WXVXDOO\ZHDU":KHQ would you consider that? 15. What type of material do you usually choose for your underwear? 16. Would you ever consider buying other material and when would you consider wearing it? 17. What type of underwear comes to your mind when you think of sexy lingerie? 18. Have you ever bought sexy lingerie? How do/did you feel when/if you wear/wore sexy lingerie? 19. Do you buy underwear for presents? For whom would you buy underwear for present? 20. Has anyone bought underwear for you as a present? Who? What was the occasion? How did you feel? 21. :RXOG\RXZHDUVRPHWKLQJWKDW\RXGRQ¶WXVXDOO\MXVWEHFDXVHLWZDVDSUHVHQW" 22. $UHWKHUHGD\VWKDW\RXGRQ¶WZHDUXQGHUZHDUHJQREUDGD\V":KHQ" 23. (If no) Would ever consider not wearing underwear to work? 24. (If yes) How does not wearing underwear make you feel? 25. ,QWRGD\¶VZRUOGVRPHZRXOGSUREDEO\DUJXHWKDW³,DPZKDW,ZHDU´'R\RXWKLQN that this goes for underwear as well?

259

0RWKHUV¶JURXSVFKHGXOH 1. Bio-data 2. How do you feel about talking about underwear with other people? With whom do you usually have this kind of discussion? 2.1 Does the conversation usually start with underwear as topic or conversations about other topics shift to talking about underwear? 3. What do you think about these types of underwear? Which of this underwear are the types that you wore before getting pregnant? 3.1 (Pre natal) Are these the types of underwear that you wear now that you are pregnant? 4. How do you feel about wearing underwear for pregnancy? 5. How do/did you feel about maternity bras? 6. Before the pregnancy which was your everyday underwear? 7. Did you categorise underwear, for example special occasions, work underwear, period days or fat days? 8. How often do you go underwear shopping, before and after getting pregnant? 9. Have you ever shopped for underwear on the internet? (If yes from where and how was the experience?) 10. Do you tend to shop for underwear alone or with others (friends, family, partner?) 1.1 How would you feel if you had to shop alone/with other people?

260

11. From where do you usually buy underwear? What about now with the pregnancy/ after giving birth? 12. ,VWKHUHDSDUWLFXODUUHDVRQWKDW\RXGRQ¶WJRVKRSSLQJLQRWKHUVKRSV" 13. What underwear would you say you buy more often: bras, pants (thongs, strings), camisoles, bodysuits, nightwear? What about now? 14. What colours underwear do you usually wear? Why? 15. :RXOG\RXHYHUFRQVLGHUZHDULQJRWKHUFRORXUVWKDW\RXGRQ¶WXVXDOO\ZHDU":KHQ would you consider that? Transition: 16. What type of material do you usually choose for your underwear? 17. Would you ever consider buying other material and when would you consider wearing it? 18. What type of underwear comes to your mind when you think of sexy lingerie? 19. Have you ever bought sexy lingerie? How do/did you feel when/if you wear/wore sexy lingerie? 20. Do you buy underwear for presents? For whom would you buy underwear for present? 21. Has anyone bought underwear for you as a present? Who? What was the occasion? How did you feel? 22. :RXOG\RXZHDUVRPHWKLQJWKDW\RXGRQ¶WXVXDOO\MXVWEHFDXVHLWZDVDSUHsent? 23. ,QWRGD\¶VZRUOGVRPHZRXOGSUREDEO\DUJXHWKDW³,DPZKDW,ZHDU´'R\RXWKLQN that this goes for underwear as well?

261

2.3 Rugby team schedule 1. Bio Data 24. How do you feel about talking about underwear with other people? With whom do you usually have this kind of discussion? 2.1 Does the conversation usually start with underwear as topic or conversations about other topics shift to talking about underwear? 2. What do you think about these types of underwear? Which of this underwear are the types that you usually wear? (stimuli pictures) 3. What type of underwear do you wear while playing rugby? Is it necessary that you wear this type of underwear? Why? Does it offer some kind of special support for your body movements while playing? 4. How would feel if you had to wear different underwear while playing? 5. Are you conscious of your underwear while playing? 6. Do you categorise underwear, for example special occasions, period days or fat days? 7. )URPZKHUHGR\RXXVXDOO\EX\XQGHUZHDU":KDWDERXW\RXUµUXJE\¶XQGHUZHDU" 8. How often do you go underwear shopping? 9. Do you go underwear shopping alone or with other people? 10. What colours underwear do you usually wear? Why? What about for your rugby underwear? 11. What material do you usually wear for your underwear?

262

12. What type of underwear comes to your mind when you think of sexy lingerie? 13. Have you ever bought sexy lingerie? How do/did you feel when/if you wear/wore sexy lingerie? 14. Do you buy underwear for presents? For whom would you buy underwear for present? 15. Has anyone bought underwear for you as a present? Who? What was the occasion? How did you feel? 16. :RXOG\RXZHDUVRPHWKLQJWKDW\RXGRQ¶WXVXDOO\MXVWEHFDXVHLWZDVDpresent? 17. $UHWKHUHGD\VWKDW\RXGRQ¶WZHDUXQGHUZHDUHJQREUDGD\V":KHQ" 18. Would you play rugby without underwear for example no bra? 19. ,QWRGD\¶VZRUOGVRPHZRXOGSUREDEO\DUJXHWKDW³,DPZKDW,ZHDU´'R\RXWKLQNWKDW this goes for underwear as well?

2.4. Gym clients schedule 1. Bio-Data 2. How do you feel about talking about underwear with other people? With whom do you usually have this kind of discussion? 2.1 Does the conversation usually start with underwear as topic or conversations about other topics shift to talking about underwear?

3. What do you think about these types of underwear? Which of this underwear are the types that you usually wear? 4. Which is your everyday underwear?

263

5. What type of underwear do you wear at the gym? Is it different from every day? (If yes) Why? 6. Do you categorise underwear, for example special occasions, work underwear, period days or fat days? 7. What about the other types of underwear? Would ever choose underwear like this and how would feel if you had to wear it? 8. Would you say that you are conscious of your underwear when you are in the gym locker rooms with other women and changing? 9. How often do you go underwear shopping? 10. Have you ever shopped for underwear on the internet? (If yes from where and how was the experience?) 11. Do you tend to shop for underwear alone or with others (friends, family, partner?) 10.1 How would you feel if you had to shop alone/with other people?

12. From where do you usually buy underwear? 13. ,VWKHUHDSDUWLFXODUUHDVRQWKDW\RXGRQ¶WJRVKRSSLQJLQRWKHUVKRSV" 14. When you go underwear shopping do you buy underwear that you would wear specifically for the gym? 15. What underwear would you say you buy more often: bras, pants (thongs, strings), camisoles, bodysuits? 16. What colours underwear do you usually wear? Why? What about when you go to the gym? 17. :RXOG\RXHYHUFRQVLGHUZHDULQJRWKHUFRORXUVWKDW\RXGRQ¶WXVXDOly wear? When would you consider that?

264

18. What type of material do you usually choose for your underwear? What about when you go to the gym? 19. Would you ever consider buying other material and when would you consider wearing it? 20. What type of underwear comes to your mind when you think of sexy lingerie? 21. Have you ever bought sexy lingerie? How do/did you feel when/if you wear/wore sexy lingerie? 22. Do you buy underwear for presents? For whom would you buy underwear for present? 23. Has anyone bought underwear for you as a present? Who? What was the occasion? How did you feel? 24. :RXOG\RXZHDUVRPHWKLQJWKDW\RXGRQ¶WXVXDOO\MXVWEHFDXVHLWZDVDSUHVHQW" 25. $UHWKHUHGD\VWKDW\RXGRQ¶WZHDUXQGHUZHDUHJQREUDGD\V":KHQ" 26. ,QWRGD\¶VZRUOGVRPHZRXOGSUREDEO\ DUJXHWKDW³,DPZKDW,ZHDU´'R\RXWKLQN that this goes for underwear as well?

2.5 Gym Instructor schedule 1. Bio Data 2. How do you feel about talking about underwear with other people? With whom do you usually have this kind of discussion? 2.1 Does the conversation usually start with underwear as topic or conversations about other topics shift to talking about underwear?

265

3. What do you think about these types of underwear? Which of this underwear are the types that you usually wear? (stimuli pictures) 4. What type of underwear do you wear while working in the gym? 5. Is that different from the underwear you wear while not working? 6. What kind of support are you looking for in the underwear you wear at work? 7. Are you conscious of your underwear support your body while working? 8. Did it ever happen to you, your underwear to be showing while teaching a class? How did that make you feel? 9. Beside your work underwear, do you categorise underwear, for example special occasions, period days or fat days? 10. From where do you usually buy underwear? What about your work underwear? 11. How often do you go underwear shopping? 12. What type of underwear comes to your mind when you think of sexy lingerie? 13. Have you ever bought sexy lingerie? How do/did you feel when/if you wear/wore sexy lingerie? 14. Do you think that women who come to gym should wear specific type of underwear? (If yes) why? 14.1 From your professional experience, how important do you think is what underwear women wear at the gym? 15. Do women ever ask you about what underwear they should wear at the gym?

266

15. Do you think that the underwear you wear during work, represent you more as a woman?

2.6 WA DS schedule 1. Bio-data 2. How do you feel about talking about underwear with other people? With whom do you usually have this kind of discussion? 2.1 Does the conversation usually start with underwear as topic or conversations about other topics shift to talking about underwear? 3. What do you think about these types of underwear? Which of this underwear are the types that you wear or perhaps used to wear? 4. Do you find these types of underwear to be different than the underwear you wore when you were younger? 5. Do you think that underwear choices change as women grow older? (If yes how?) (If no why?) 6. Do you think your underwear will be different in the future? 7. ,QP\ZRUN,DUJXHWKDWXQGHUZHDU¶VLPSRUWDQFHOLHVLQKRZLWVXSSRUWVZRPHQ during different activities, or stages in their lives, for example during pregnancy, exercising and so on. How do you feel about that, especially when thinking about the stage of life you are at the moment? 8. Do you categorise your underwear, like exercise underwear or going out underwear etc? 9. How often do you go underwear shopping? When you were younger did you shop for underwear more often than now or less?

267

10. Have you ever shopped for underwear on the internet? (If yes from where and how was the experience?) 11. Do you tend to shop for underwear alone or with others (friends, family, partner?) a.

How would you feel if you had to shop alone/with other people?

12. From where do you usually buy underwear? 13. ,VWKHUHDSDUWLFXODUUHDVRQWKDW\RXGRQ¶WJRVKRSSLQJLQRWKHUVKRSV" 14. Have you always shopped in particular shops or have your preferences changed over the year? 15. What underwear would you say you buy more often: bras, pants, camisoles, bodysuits? 16. What colours of underwear do you usually wear? Why? 17. Would you ever considHUZHDULQJRWKHUFRORXUVWKDW\RXGRQ¶WXVXDOO\ZHDU":KHQ would you consider that? 18. What type of material do you usually choose for your underwear? 19. Would you ever consider buying underwear in other material and when would you consider wearing it? 20. What type of underwear comes to your mind when you think of sexy underwear? 21. Have you ever bought sexy lingerie? How do/did you feel when/if you wear/wore sexy lingerie? 22. To whom do you think sexy underwear is targeted at? (How do you feel about that?) 23. Do you buy underwear for presents? For whom would you buy underwear for present?

268

24. Has anyone bought underwear for you as a present? Who? What was the occasion? How did you feel? 25. ,QWRGD\¶VZRUOGVRPHZRXOGSUREDEO\DUJXHWKDW³,DPZKDW,ZHDU´'R\RXWKLQN that this goes for underwear as well?

 

 

269

3.  Stimuli  material  

 

270

271

272

273

274

275

276

277

278

 

279

4.  List  of  participants  

F1 - University T utors (O ctober 2007) Name

M arital Status Single

O ccupation

E ducation

C areer Background

E thnicity

Paulette

Age G roup 26-35

English Tutor

BA Hons English Studies

White British

Abby

36-45

Married

English tutor

Kate

46-55

Divorced

English Tutor

BA Hons, MA Education, currently PhD BA, MA

Wendy

36-45

Married

Secretary, Tutor/ P.T.

Worked in Tokyo as Higher School English teacher, and Waseda University, P.T tutor at University Music teacher for 3 years, English teacher and then English tutor at University Secondary School teacher, English tutor in Tokyo 8 years Advertising in Japan

MSc, MBA

White British White British White Asian

F2 - University A dministrators (November 2007) Name Karen

Age G roup 26-35

M arital Status Single

Julie

26-35

Cohabiting

Caitlyn

26-35

Married

Samantha

26-35

Married

O ccupations

E ducation

C areer Background

E thnicity

International officer, University International officer, University International officer, University Study Abroad advisor/P.T.

BA, MA, Diploma in Marketing BA

First full time job since leaving University

White British

Sales administrator, English teacher, Course Manager, Program Co-ordinator University of Bradford

White British

First job since leaving University

White British

BA, MA BA

White British

F3 - Post-natal Mothers (November 2007) Name

Age group

M arital status Married

How many children 1

Date of last birth 25-7-07

M ember of N C T / pre/post natal group and which? No (1 course with NCT)

Tara

26-35

Kerry

26-35

Married

1

25-7-07

Kayla

26-35

Married

1

20-8-07

NCT pre &post natal group NCT pre natal

Laney

26-35

Married

1

21-7-07

No (1 course with NCT)

O ccupation

E thnicity

Chartered Accountant Laboratory Manager Sports Manager Practitioner Sales development Manager

White British White British White British White British

280

Kelly

26-35

Married

1

27-8-07

NCT pre natal group

Liz

26-35

Married

1

2-7-07

No (1 course with NCT)

Jen

26-35

Married

1

21-7-07

NCT

Marketing in charity Campaign coordinator

White British White German

Events Manager

White British

F4 - 8QLYHUVLW\RI/HLFHVWHU:RPHQ¶V5XJE\7HDP0D\

Name

Age group

M arital status

O ccupation

E ducation

E thnicity

Single

How long playing for rugby team 2 years

Denise

18-25

Student

LLB Law

18-25

Single

1 year

Student

LLB Law

Ellie

18-25

Single

7 months

Student

BA Criminology

Sharon

18-25

Single

1 year

Student

BSc Geology

Becky

18-25

Single

2 years

Student

BSc Mathematics

Helen

18-25

Single

1 year

Student

LLB Law

Vicky

18-25

Single

1 year

Student

BSc Medical Studies

White British White British White British White British White British White British White British

Sam

F5 - W A DS (O ctober 2008) Name

Age group 66+

M arital status Divorced

Jane

O ccupation Retired

Phyllis

66+

Widowed

Retired

Claire

66+

Widowed

Suzan

66+

Widowed

Retired (still working) Retired

Marcy

66+

Divorced

Retired

Mary

66+

Divorced

Retired

Louise

66+

Divorced

Retired (still working)

Lauren

66+

Widowed

Retired

Ruth

66+

Widowed

Retired

C areer background Fraud officer Shop assistant Council officer Teacher

E ducational background Highschool, A levels Highschool Convent School, A levels Art School

'RFWRU¶V secretary Receptionist

Highschool

Local government officer Sales assistant Medical secretary

Highschool

Convent School

College Convent School

E thnicity White British White British White British White British White British White British White British White British White British

281

I1 - G ym Instructor (M ay 2008) Name

Age group

M arital status

Amy

26-35

Single

How long wor king as gym instructor 10 years

E ducation

C areer background

E thnicity

A-levels, Dip in Sports Therapy

Retail, Fitness

White British

I2, I3 - G ym C lients (O ctober, November 2008) Name

Age group

M arital status

O ccupation

Erica

46-55

Divorced

University administrator

Christie

26-35

Single

P.T sales assistant

How long beings member of gym 1 year 6 months

G ym and membership type

E ducation background

E thnicity

Cannons health centre/ full Aylestone Leisure centre / contract

Degree, MBA

White British

BSc

White Mediterranean

 

 

282

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