Children of Incarcerated Parents

Emily Sanders Rachel Dunifon mm Children of Incarcerated Parents hfdhfddgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgdfgdfgdfgfdgdghfdhfddgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfd...
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Emily Sanders Rachel Dunifon

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Children of Incarcerated Parents hfdhfddgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgdfgdfgdfgfdgdghfdhfddgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgdfgdfgdfgfdgdgdgfdghfdhfddgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgfdgdfdgdgdgfdghfdhfddgfdgfd

The goal of this research brief is to identify recent trends in, and some difficulties resulting from, parental incarceration. Many men and women who enter prison leave behind children who face difficult living situations and are at high risk for developmental and behavioral problems. This brief aims to present the most recent information on the children, parents, and caregivers who are affected by incarceration, provide an overview of their circumstances, and summarize the current research surrounding the effects of maintaining family connections during a parent’s incarceration. The brief concludes with a proposal of policy recommendations and areas that are in need of further research.

Recent Trends As the U.S. prison population has multiplied over the last two decades, the number of parents in state or federal prison has increased as well. •

Over 53% of current prisoners are parents (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007)



An estimated 1,706,600 children have a parent in prison (2.3% of U.S.

population under the age of 18; Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007) •

More than 70% of children with incarcerated parents are children of color (Schirmer, Nellis, and Mauer, 2009)



Incarceration increased 122% for mothers and 76% for fathers from 19912007 (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007)



On average, mothers have sentences five years shorter than those of fathers (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007)



75% of children with an incarcerated mother have a father who also has had criminal involvement (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007)

Caregiving Arrangements for Children of Incarcerated Parents While mothers are usually the primary caregivers for children when a father is incarcerated, only a small percentage of fathers provide primary childcare when a mother is in prison. Therefore, the incarceration of a mother usually causes great disruption in children’s dayto-day lives. Many children with incarcerated mothers are cared for by a grandparent or other relative (in 1 

 

what is referred to as kinship care). In many cases, this relative served as a caregiver even before the parent was incarcerated. Mothers most often name the maternal grandmother of their children to be the primary caregiver during their incarceration. Thus, for children with incarcerated parents, kinship care may be preferable to foster care in that such care entails a familiar caregiver and environment as well as the opportunity to maintain family linkages. One study suggests that kinship care reduces the developmental and behavioral problems often associated with parental incarceration (Hanlon et al, 2007). Despite the benefits noted above, grandparents face challenges when serving as full-time caregivers, including: •

Financial challenges in providing for additional household members



Poor health and decreased energy



Parenting difficulties and stress



Mixed emotions (guilt, anger, shame, etc) about their biological child who is incarcerated

These challenges are heightened by the fact that children with incarcerated parents often come from difficult home environments, and often have special developmental or behavioral needs.

Risk Factors for Children of Incarcerated Parents Children with incarcerated parents face several risk factors, many of which may not be due to the incarceration itself, but rather the circumstances (poverty, exposure to violence and drugs, and the like) surrounding it. Children with incarcerated parents are at increased risk for abuse of drugs and alcohol, engaging in antisocial behavior, dropping out of school or

experiencing a decline in school work as well as having high levels of truancy, aggression, and disruptive behaviors, compared to other children (Snyder, 2001). The majority of families affected by parental incarceration experienced poor economic conditions even before the loss of the parent’s income upon incarceration. Many parents were on public assistance at the time of their offense and more than half of parents in state prisons had personal incomes of less than $1,000 per month before their arrest (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007). Still, after the incarceration of a parent, a child and his or her caregiver lose a major source of economic stability and may face severe financial difficulties. Children of incarcerated parents are also likely to be exposed to parental drug and alcohol abuse as well inadequate parenting, prior to the parental arrest. It is estimated that close to half a million parents in prison have a drug or alcohol problem and sixty percent of state inmates reported using drugs the month before their arrest (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007). Additionally, over 70% of mothers in prison report having sought out mental health treatment or counseling, a much higher percentage than the general population. These risk factors may contribute to an unhealthy home environment for children whose parents later are incarcerated. In addition to these factors that may have predated a parent’s incarceration, the incarceration itself can be very challenging for children. Numerous studies have described the behaviors children exhibit following the incarceration of their parent, including crying and sadness, confusion and worry, anger, acting out (including aggression, drop in school-work, delinquent activities, drug use, sexual promiscuity, and the like) and developmental regression (such as wetting the bed). A study that was conducted on youth with incarcerated 2 

 

mothers reported that 75% of the children had symptoms characterized as trauma-related stress. These reactions included trouble sleeping, concentrating, and signs of depression (Kampfner, 1995). Youth can may also blame themselves for their parent’s criminal behaviors, especially if their parent has been prosecuted for stealing or selling drugs for the benefit of the family (Miller, 2006). It is important for caregiver to assure the child that this is not the case. If this belief goes undisputed, the children may suffer from long-term psychological effects. While the exact cause of these behaviors is not completely understood, prolonged separation from a parent who has previously cared for the child is stressful. Current research emphasizes the need for emotional and developmental support following parental imprisonment (Poehlmann, 2008). In addition, there is a stigma associated with contact with the criminal justice system. The community and child’s peers may associate him or her with the imprisoned parent. This stigma can contribute to the depression and negative self-image often found in children with an incarcerated parent.

Contact With Incarcerated Parents Some of the challenges related to parental incarceration may be addressed by programs promoting high quality contact between children and their incarcerated parent. Several studies show the positive results of maintaining contact between the incarcerated parents, their children and the children’s caregiver (Poehlmann et al 2010). For the child, visiting and communicating with his or her parent can: •

Decrease the feelings of loss of separation



Help dissolve fears or fantasies about prison by seeing it first hand



Encourage discussion of the current situation, thereby addressing issues that could lead to shame or fear

Since many parents are imprisoned for drug and other non-violent crimes, relatively short sentences are common and parents often plan to re-enter their child’s life upon release. For this reason, when possible, it is important that the parent remain in contact with their child while in prison in order to maintain and/or improve the already established relationship. For the incarcerated parent, in-prison parenting programs and other visitation interventions are shown to be correlated with lower rates of recidivism, increased self-esteem, and more parental involvement with their children following release (Carlson 1998, Hauck & Loper 2002, LaVigne, Naser, Brooks, & Castro 2005). However, caution should be exercised when promoting contact between children and their incarcerated parents, as some studies report negative results from parent-child visitation in prison (Dallaire, Wilson, & Ciccone, 2009; Dallaire, Wilson, & Ciccone 2010; Poehlmann, 2005; Shlafer & Poehlmann 2010). These findings could be a result of the poor quality of the interaction during a visit and highlights the fact that more research is necessary to determine what makes a visit of high value, the key components in a child-friendly environment, and the direct effects of quality visitation. The quality of the parent-child contact during visitation is likely very important in influencing the reactions of both the parent and child. In a study by Landreth and Lobaugh (1998), an increase in children’s self esteem was shown following a 10-week intervention in which the children could physically interact with their

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incarcerated fathers in a child-friendly environment. Such programs may benefit parents as well. A study by Carlson (1998) found that recidivism was lower for mothers that participated in a prison nursery program compared to those that didn’t. Prison nursery programs are designed for non-violent inmates who will give birth while incarcerated but be released within 24 months or less after birth. As of 2008, only 9 states had prison nursery programs and data on such programs is scarce (Carlson, 2008). More research exploring the effects of visitation context, parenting programs, and child contact on the rates of recidivism are needed.

Problems Maintaining Contact With Incarcerated Parent Despite studies showing some positive effects of maintaining familial contact during incarceration, many barriers prevent families from remaining in contact while a parent is behind bars. Over 60% of state and 80% of federal inmates are more than 100 miles from home (The Sentencing Project, 2009). Caregivers may lack the time and means to travel these long distances with children on a consistent basis. Gas for travel and expensive, long-distance phone calls limit the communication families can have with their incarcerated family member. For example, studies estimated that family members of prisoners in a Bronx neighborhood spent about 15% of their monthly incomes to maintain contact with their incarcerated family member (Christian, 2005; Christian, Mellow, & Thomas, 2006). Visiting regulations and policies vary among prisons, and visitors may have to conform to strict codes, hours, and uncomfortable conditions that make it difficult for parents to interact and play with their children normally.

In addition to these barriers, lack of visitation and contact can be a result of the caregiver’s decisions. A caregiver may be unwilling to bring the children to the prison because they believe the parent is a bad influence on the child, they do not want to traumatize the child by exposing them to prison life, or they may have a poor relationship with the parent in prison. Incarcerated parents may also object to their children visiting because they view it as too emotionally painful. In some cases, parents might believe their short sentence makes visiting unnecessary or they cannot be an affective parent while they are in prison (Poehlmann et al 2010).

Areas of Further Research Much remains unknown regarding the influence of parental imprisonment on children and how such challenges can best be addressed. More research is needed comparing children with incarcerated parents to children in similar economic and social conditions who do not have a parent in prison in order to determine whether incarceration is simply correlated with developmental and behavioral problems or if it is a direct cause. Researchers should also focus on the effect of different forms and quality of parent-child contact while a parent is in prison rather than the frequency of contact. In order to incorporate more family-style intervention programs into the prison system, these interventions should be evaluated and compared with vigorous, longitudinal research studies. These studies should not only include the incarcerated parent, but also child participants and direct observation of children (Poehlmann 2010).

Recommendations There are many policies and programs that could make a difference in the lives of those affected by parental incarceration. 4 

 

Post-Parental Arrest, but Pre-Sentencing • • •



Communication between imprisoned parent, caregiver, and caseworker Legal representation for inmates regarding a child’s care Increased communication between the Department of Social Services and the Department of Corrections Increased use of alternatives to incarceration (e.g. house arrest, halfway house, community service, etc.) for first time drug offenders and other nonviolent and minor crimes.

During Incarceration •





• •

• • •



Make visitation areas more child and family friendly to improve quality of visitation Resources made available to caregivers about positive parent-child contact and preparing the children for a visit with incarcerated parent Education for correctional officers on children of incarcerated parents and effects of high quality visitation Eliminate exorbitant telephone calling rates Monitored video-conferences to supplement in-person visitation and phone calls More parenting and family intervention programs for inmates Group treatment/support groups for children of incarcerated parents Specific pre-release, family counseling program for inmates close to release date Increased financial assistance of grandparent caregivers who are not in kincare foster care

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REFERENCES Bales, W. D., & Mears, D. P. (2008). Inmate social ties and the transition to society: Does visitation reduce recidivism? Journal of Research in Crime & Delinquency, 45, 287–321. doi:10.1177/0022427808317574 s10826-009-9311-9 Bureau of Justice Statistics. (2010). All terms & definitions. Retrieved from Office of Justice Programs, U. S. Department of Justice website: http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/index.cfm?ty tda Bureau of Justice Statistics. (2007). Parents in Prison and Their Minor Children. Retrieved from Office of Justice Programs, U. S. Department of Justice website: http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/index.cfm?ty tda Carlson, J. R. (1998). Evaluating the effectiveness of a live-in nursery within a women’s prison. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 27, 73– 85. doi:10.1300/J076v27n01_06 Christian, J. (2005). Riding the bus: Barriers to prison visitation and family management strategies. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 21, 31– 48. doi:10.1177/1043986204271618 Christian, J., Mellow, J., & Thomas, S. (2006). Social and economic implications of family connections to prisoners. Journal of Criminal Justice, 34, 443– 452. doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2006.05.010 Creasie Finney Hairston, Focus on Children with Incarcerated Parents: An Overview of the Research

Literature (Baltimore: Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2007). Dallaire, D. H., Wilson, L. C., & Ciccone, A. (2009, April). Representations of attachment relationships in family drawings of children with incarcerated parents. Paper presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, Denver, CO. Dallaire, D. H., Wilson, L., & Ciccone, A. E. (2010). Children’s attachment representations and problem behaviors in relation to their contact with their incarcerated parent. Manuscript submitted for publication. Gabel, Katherine, and Denise Johnston. Children of Incarcerated Parents. New York, NY: Lexington, 1995. Print. Glaze, L., & Maruschak, L. (2008, August). Parents in prison and their minor children. Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report (NCJ 22984), 1–25. Retrieved from http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/ pptmc.pdf Hanlon, T. E., Carswell, S. B., & Rose, M. (2007). Research on the caretaking of children of incarcerated parents: Findings and their service delivery implications. Children and Youth Services Review, 29, 348 –362. doi:10.1016/j.childyouth.2006.09.001 Houck, K. D. F., & Loper, A. B. (2002). The relationship of parenting stress to adjustment among mothers in prison. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 72, 548 –558. doi:10.1037/0002-9432.72.4.548 Kampfner D. (1995). Post-traumatic stress 6 

 

reactions in children of imprisoned mothers. In: K. Gabel, D. Johnston (Eds) Children of incarcerated parents. New York: Lexington Books, pp. 89–100

attachment relationships in children of incarcerated mothers. Child Development, 76, 679 – 696. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.2005.00871.x

Landreth, G. L., & Lobaugh, A. F. (1998). Filial therapy with incarcerated fathers: Effects on parental acceptance of child, parental stress, and child adjustment. Journal of Counseling and Development, 76, 157–165.

Preparing for the Incarceration of a Loved One. Www.LIFTonline.org. LIFT. Web. 18 Nov. 2010.

LaVigne, N. G., Naser, R. L., Brooks, L. E., & Castro, J. L. (2005). Examining the effect of incarceration and inprison family contact on prisoners’ family relationships. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 21, 314 –355. doi:10.1177/1043986205281727

Miller, Keva M. "The Impact of Parental Incarceration on Children: An Emerging Need for Effective Interventions." Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal 23.4 (2006): 472-86. SpringerLink. Aug. 2006. Web. 9 Nov. 2011. . Poehlmann, J. (2005a). Incarcerated mothers’ contact with children, perceived family relationships, and depressive symptoms. Journal of Family Psychology, 19, 350 –357. doi:10.1037/08933200.19.3.350

Shlafer, R. J., & Poehlmann, J. (2010). Attachment and caregiving relationships in families affected by parental incarceration. Attachment & Human Development, 12, 395– 415. doi:10.1080/14616730903417052 Snyder, Z. K., Carlo, T. A., & Coats Mullins, M. M. (2001). Parenting from prison: An examination of a children’s visitation program at a women’s correctional facility. Marriage & Family Review, 32, 33– 61. doi:10.1300/J002v3n03_04 Thompson, R. A. (2008). Early attachment and later development: Familiar questions, new answers. In J. Cassidy & P. R. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment: Theory, research, and clinical applications (2nd ed., pp. 348 –365). New York, NY: Guilford Press.

     

Poehlmann, J. (2005b). Representations of  

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Emily Sanders is a senior Human Biology, Health and Society Major at Cornell University.  

Rachel Dunifon is an Associate Professor of Policy Analysis and Management at Cornell University.  

This work was supported by a joint research and extension program funded by Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station (Hatch funds) and Cornell Cooperative Extension (Smith Lever funds) received from Cooperative State Research, Education, and Extension Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publications are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of the U.S. Department of Agriculture

     

 

© 2011 Cornell Cooperative Extension  

 

                 

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