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Chaucer's ecclesiastics in the Canterbury tales Helen Lee Coleman

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CHAUCER'S ECCLESIASTICS IN !!!! CA~'TERBURY TALES

BY HELEN LEE COLEMAH

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF RICHlmim IH CAIIDIDACY

FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

AOOUSTJ 1968 Ll8F'!P,.RY

UNlVCHS: I'/ ·:·;,: CtlCHMONO. ~-

~ir(GiNtA

APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENr OF EIDLISH AND THE GRADUATE SCHOOL BY

Chairman of the English Department

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

• •• • • • • • • • •• •• •

•

• ••

l

Chapt;er I. The History and Organization of the Church in England during the Middle Ages

II. The Ideal Churchmen • • • • •

• • • •

•• •• • • •

III. The Respectable Ecclesiastics • • • • • • • IV• The Unworthy Clerg,ymen • • • • • • • • • • V. The Ecclesiastical Para.sites Conclusion

• • • • •

••• ••

• • • • • • •

• • • • • • • • •

L12r:~/\~'(

UNl\/.Cf~s;····t

·:·,. ;;:;cHtf.ONO

V~H~HHA

6

35 S4 .

l

IW£RODUCTION

It is thought that Chaucer began composing !h!':, Canterbury Tales as a drama.tic whole around 13$7. This is his last and by far his best In this i'inal. masterpiece Chaucer undertakes the tremen-

known work.

dous task

or

presenting in poetic .form a whole society.

However, he

does not merely explore society in general; he also develops the theme

or

the individual's relation to the community and the integral part that

each person plays in ma.king up the whole. !l!!!, Canterb:urz Tales is, as

George Lyman Kittredge so aptly puts it, "a micro cosmography" or a little imag~ of a great world.l !h2_ Canterbwz Tales was written by a man of the world who had a

keen awareness of the people of his age.

Chaucer's birth, his na:rriage,

and his station in later life brought him into easy contact with both the high- and the low-born.

His experiences as burgher, soldier, cour-

tier, officeholder, and diplomat gave him ample opportunities for observation

or

his fellow

1cha.ucer ~

fil:!

IIWl•

Poetrz (Cambridge, Mass., 1915),, p. 150,.

2 In

!h!

Canterbuq Tales he does not give mere:cy a static picture

of liteJ rather he creates characters who live, ones whose actions demonstrate what life was like in fourteenth centur)" England. To a.ccomplieh this, Chaucer needed a framework that would encanpasa a great

variety of people. The pilgrimages, which were extremely popular during the Middle Ages, offered a per.teat solution to this problem, tor the pilgrims came from all etations of lite and therefore f orm.ed a representa2 tive group. To ·introduce this typical group, Chaucer sumoned all

inventiveness and created the General Prologue.

or

his

This prologue is a

series of vivid portraits that display the appearance, traits, and attitudes of the pilgrims. He describes those characters in a casual

mannerJ in fact, it seems as if' he has just met them and that he is

mereq noticing small details which he is recording rather haphazardly. This seemingly non"'.'logical approach allows him to put down a great

variety of details in a concise form. These incidentals make the characters seem individual and quite real.

The garb, the manner of

sitting a horse, the beards, the pbysiognO!D1' are all important 1n

creating the lii'elike characteristics 1 which contribute to the total

J.,

2tn A Preface ia Chaucer (Princeton, N. 1963),, p. 243 1 D. We Robertson points out that the spiritual concept embodied in the idea of a pilgrimage was that the journey symbolized the Christian soul's passage through the world's wilderness toward the Celestial City. However, in~ Living Chaucer {Philadelphia, 1940) 1 P• 194 1 Percy Van Dyke Shelly po:ints out that during this period these journeys were not only considered as pilgrimages but also as holidqs. This holidq atmosphere accounts for the outspokenness of many in Chaucer's group.

3 personality of each individual. There is no set pattern for the portraits are as diversified as aanldnd. composition as a "triumph "one

or

or description,

Shell.Jr hails this

realism," and he also claitls that it is

or the most matter-of-fact compositions

in the world."

He believes

it is none supreme exmaple of intensity in art,n3 With apparent ease

and simplicity, Chaucer does manage to capture each pilgrim•s character in a few lines.

He does not idealize these characters: the;y are real

human beings with virtues and faults.

tastes, weaknesses, and aspirations. through

The poet perceives their passions, All of these portraits

11 are

shot

with bis tolerance, s,mpatby1 h·IJDlOr1 satire ani zest-above all

with his zest. u4

Hwever, the characters .presented are not just individualBJ the7 are also representative ot part.1cula.r types. Each is an al.moot pertect example of his or her kind.

Robert; Root points out .that it io .by the

succeaei'ul blending or the individual with .the typical that .the portraits of

Chaucer•a Prologue attain so high a degree or ef£eotivenese.5 The

details enumerated iii this prologue establish candid pictures of the type oi' individuals who lived during the tourteenth .century. By using another device, Chaucer makes these static

conc,pts come

3shelly, pp. 194; i97. 4 ~ .. .,

P• 198. ·

5The Poetrz .2!, Chaucer, rev. ed. (Boston, 1922), PP• 151-.52.

4 alive.

In the introduction to individual tales and the llnka between

the tales their different personalities act and reactJ thus the effect. of a living community is achieved.

Their speech and actions depicted in

these links conform to the potentials that are attributed to them in the Prologue. To give further insight into the character

or

these living pil•

grims 1 Chaucer planned to have each pilgrim tell tales.

The tales are

not isolated entities, but they are closelJ' related to previous in!'or-

mation that has been given about their tellers. Nor are these stories alike in form or subject matterJ this variety stems from the tact that

they are told by a great variety cf people. Structurall;r, th&y ue merely long speeches. expressing, direct)J', or indirectly, the characters

of the. pilgrims. Both. Derek D. Brewer and G. G. Sedgewick warn readers to. remember that the pllgrµis do not live .t:or the aake rather ell..

u

or

the talesJ

done for the sake oi' characterization. 6 Thus, the

Prologue, links, and tales form the dramatic whole which makes up this

ma.eterpiece •.

The collection is a prototype Chaucer's eyes.

As a Human Comedy

or

ot

bum.an life as it passed bef'ore

the Middle Ages, it has both a

. timeless and a temporal quality. The persons are so realistic that thq

6nerek D. Brewer, Chaucer, 2nd ed. (London, l95S), P• 155. Aleo G. G. Sedgewick, "The Progress of Chaucer•a Pardoner, 1880-19401 " Modern

La.n,guage gwgterll, I (1940) 1 431-,32.

s seem to be :modern characters. However, in order to widerstand these characters more fully, the reader ttUst. reoember tho great diff erenco between their background and the twentieth centlll'1'• states 1 "A way o! life, a whole phase of

As John Spires

civ~J.ization;

different in many

respects .from our own, goes into the comp::>sing of that Chaucerian depth. n7 A 11 who1e phase of civilization" is viewedJ it is fourteenth century England in !ts various aspocts.

This paper will be confined to one order

Ecclesiastical.

or

that society, the

It will also be primariJ3 conoerned with those

ecclesiastics who actually' appear during the pilgrimage• Before judging

whether Chaucer gives a true picture of the churchmen of this period, the reader must examine the state

or

the Church during the fourteenth

centUJ.7. Therefore, tho first chapter ot this study will concern its orga.'lization and some

or

the events which took place within the Church

during this era.

7Chaucer ~ Ma.~er (London, 1951) 1 p. 9S.

6

Chapl;er I

The Histo17 and Organization of The Church in England During the Middle Ages

The period covered by Chaucer•s life, l.340?-14001 witnessed a

marked decline in l!lpirituality among the ecclesiastics. This loss.or spirituality involved the total range of churchmen from the pbpes to. the members

or minor

ordera. The papacy was the most conspicuous failureJ

naturally it became the principal target or much· or the criticism. The

"Babylonian Captivitrtt or the Avignon papacy and the Great Schism were

two ot the most obviouacausesfor the laity's loss or respect for the papacy. -

Clement V (JJ0.5-1314) was the first in a. line _or seven popes who chose Avignon, France, to be the seat of the papacy •. His coming to_ Avignon was part]3 due to hie desire to escape tho turbulent surroundings or strife-;oidden Rome.

It was also through the .inf'luence or Philip IV

o! France that he had been elected to the papacy. He always intended to return to P..ome, but he kept postponing that move.

He appointed JD.anT

French cardinal.s, who., at .his.death, elected another French pope who

continued to reside at Avignon. Seven French popes followed Clement V1 and their stay at Avignon, lJ09•l.378' compromised the PapacJ" in the eyes of the world• Many people thrOughout the rest of Europe bitterly resented

"/

this French bierarcq, particularly those in countries, such as England, Which were hostilo to France. a Robert S. Hoyt; states that these people considered the Avignon popes as "mere chaplains of the Fi-ench king. 11 9

Mr. Hoyt. explains that actual.ly these pontiffs lived relatively tree from French control especially during the reigns of Philip the Fair (l.314·1328) and John the Good (l350-l364). Nevertheless, the papacy•e lengthy stay in France brought adverse criticism from many diverse types.

For instance• Petrarch (d. 1374) 1

coined the phrase "Babylonian Captivit.J" to typi.f.)' the evils Papal CQUrt

at

Avignon.

st.

or

the

Cathrine of Siena (d. 1380) sent requests

to the· pontif'fs and _even to secular rulers pleading for the papacy to be returned to Rome. Event~,

Avignon became unsate as the French became very much

involved 1n The Hu.t.dzied Years war. By' this time the 1ntemal conditions

iii Rome had improvedJ therefore, Urban V (1362-1370) brought the Curia Romana back to Rome.

As he failed to re-establish papal authority, he

returned to Avi.gnon. .6.tter his death, Gregory XI (1370-1378) tried again, but he also failed to gain control.

However, he died be.fore he was able

to leave Rome. The cardinals then elected a compromise candidate, the Archbishop of Bari. While he was _being sent tor, the cardinals delqed

Srbe Hundred Years War between France and England began

9EuroJ>!

.!!! !13! Middle

in l.'.337.

Ages, 2nd ed. (New York, 1966),. P• SSS.

8

in announcing his election. Not knowing that an Itallan had been.

selected, a mob broke into the conclave and demanded an Italian pope. When the pope-elect rinal.]J' arrived and his coronation as Urban VI (l37S-1389) took place 1 the Italians were well pleased.

marked the end

or the

His election

Avignon Papacy or the "Babylonian Captivity," but

his pontificate started the Great Schism.

Urban VI became a ruthless reformer who was determined. to purge the clergy of worldliness.

the

~apal

Starting at the top with the .cardinals

am

curia, he began to reduce their personal incomes and limit

their influence.

Natural.ly these churchmen resented him, .but he under-

took the re:torms with such tu:ey that even his followers recognized hie

tactlessness. Eventua.J..11' the cardinals fled Rome, .and when thirteen of them met a.t Fond!, Na.pl.es, the1 denounced Urban's election as invalid, charging that it had been forced on them b7 the Italian mob. They. then

proceeded to elect Cardinal Robert o! Geneva as Clement. VII (l.379-1.394). Clement VII, accompanied by these cardinal.D 1 returned to Avignon. Atter this Urban was forced to select a whole new college of cardinals.

The election of Clement ·VII marked the beginning of .the Great Schism, which divided the obedience and furthered the disillusioning of medieval Christendom.

Countries now pledged their allegiance to

either the Roman pontirf or the Avignon claimant.

Charles V of France

and hie allies-Scotland,, Navarre, Castile,, Aragon, and various German princes 'Who were under French influence-supported Clement VII.

The,

9 enemies ot France--England, Flanders, Portugal, Bohemia, Hungary, the

Emperor Charles IV, and most ot the German prtnces--tavored the Roman Mr. Hoyt claims that the "Italian states .were ready to

pope Urban VI.

change sides as expediency might suggest.·kio · Neither claimant was willing to admit that he was not the rightful pope, and each one excommuni- -:. cated the other.

As the pope was considered to be the supreme authority·.

in spiritual matters, no other power could determine the case•

. T'nis religious contl1ct llQs ?"i.tflecte~ in the political affairs ot

various cOt'.ntries.

For instance, 1n 1383 political groups in England

divided. aver the question ·of whether to send an English expedi·tion to

,join the Flemish Crusaile.

the papacy was

aupport~d

This crusade against the French claimant to

in England

by

tour diverse factions:

the

papaliet party who backed UJ!ban VI; tho English wool merchants, who tor

commercial reasons wished to assist the Flemish against the French; the enemies of Wyclif1 ·tor he preached. against the crusadeJ and the enemies

ot John of Gaunt, tor he wanted to employ the English troops elsewhere. Muriel Bowden reports that some called. thi~ a ;,holy" var, but "~thers ·,

.

.

'11

bitterly denounced it."

· An English expedition did Join the Crusade,

but it •s 'defeated.

The quarrel which resulted from the claims 'ot Urban VI and 11 . . . . . ' . ' A Commentarz ~ ~ General Prologue ~ ~ Canterburz Tales (Nev York. 19\9) .1 P. 10.. ·

10 Clement VII was not resolved by their deaths.

13891 the

Roman

When

Urban VI died in

cardinals elected another Neapolitan, who became Bonitace

IX and who claimed the papacy untll his death in

JAat.. Likewiae, when

Clement VII died 1 the French cardinals chose the Aragonese Peter ot Luna as Benedict XIII (JJ94-l42.3).

In 1409 the confusion was compcnmded when

the Council of Pisa .!.ttempted to solve the division by deposing both claimants and electing another 1 Alexander V. The French and Roman "popes" now denounced the council and exccmn.unicated Alexander. This resulted. in a triple schiq.

It was not until the Council of Constance that the

schism was finall.1' ended.

Thus Chaucer, who lived from l.340? to 14001 witnessed the resent.

.

ment caused by the French popes• residence at Avignon (l.309•1378), and he also saw the coni'usion which resulted from the Great Schism.. In fact,

this conflict had not been resolved at the time ot his death. other actions which occurred during Chaucer•s lifetime also contributed to the

Church's loss of prestige. Some stemmed from the decie!one of the fourteenth centur.r popes, !or they effected changes in the organization of the Church which atfected the lesser clergy and al.so the laity. To

understand these changes 1n organization and the consequent loss ot spirituality among the clergymen, it is nece&saJ7 to explain the

organization of the Church during the Middle Ages. The concern here is chiei'J.T with the Church in F,ngl am.. Emphasis will be placed on the

aspects of religious ll!e which Chaucer depicts 1n !!!.! Canterburz Tales. The parochial oria.nization

or the

Church in England was established

ll

b7 the Council of Hertford, A.D. 673. This council., which was under the direction of Theodore, Archbi5hop of Canterbury,, gave ea.ch thane in England the right to choone a pastor !or his manor from among the general

body

or

the clergy.

Thus the patronage

or

the church was vested in the

lord ot the manor, who was expected to provide a. benefice for the pastor. Each manor or parish would have a regular pastor rather than having to

deper..d on visiting uJ.ssionaries. Each of the Saxon kingdoms became known as a diocese, and each of these was under the charge ot a bishop. The body

or

clergy who worked with the bishops at the cathedrals were

called canons. The Church in England continued under the control ot

these bishops and parish priests until the Nor.man Conquest. ·Just before the Conquest newly formed monastic orders became

very

strong~

Groups of monks had existed from a· much earlier date 1 but

it was during this particular period that t,hey became a powerful force within the Church.

In

529 St. Benedict had promulgated his monastic

rule, and his code for living was considered so e.ftective that

i~

came

to be .followed by ur:>st of the monastic institutiofl.s throughout Char-

lemagne•s dominions. HOW'ever, this rather rigid rule was not followed by

the early Saxon monasteries1 in fact, these monasteries were much

more lax in their discipline.

Commenting upon this 1 the Rev. Edward

L. CUtts states: "From Bede's accounts we gather that some

.onl.T convents ot secular clerks bound

ot them. were

by certain rules, and performing

divine o.tfices daily 1 but enjoying all the privileges "or other clerks,

l2 and even sometimes being married. 1112 Mr. Cutts repo1•ta that bJ' the eighth century the monks• discipline had become veey relaxed} but, in spite of thi.3, thGY were

respect~d

a.Y'ld liked by the people.

By the

middle 0£ the next century Archbishop Dunstan ordered all Saxon monas-

teries to follow the rule of St. Benedict. For tour centuries thereafter# this rule became almost universal 1n tho monasteries of the West.

The rule ot

st.

Benedict centered about the observance of' three

vowsa poverty, chastity, a.nd obedience.

disciplines that were stressed.

Work and prayer ·were the two

However, after the Norman Conquest

strict observance of the rule became more and more relaxed a.s the monastic groups grew weeltbier. After founding many new the Normans made the monks patrons of the rectories.

the monastic houses

l'l.OW

became the holders

Of

~nasteries,

Under this system

the benefices and the

!"eceivers of· the major portion of the tithes. Such perversion of the ancient Saxon benefices resulted in poor vicars taking the places once held by rather prosperous recto~a.13 Of course, as

a result

the monas-

teries accumulated great weal.th which attracted into orders ·~ worldlJ' men who now considered being .a monk a higbl.J" prosperous profesaion.

12scenes ,e!

Chara~te~s ~ !r.h! Middle A!!!

(London, +926) 1 P• 7. •

•

j

•

l3a. G. CouJ.ton, Medieval Panorama. (New York 1 . l966); p. lJ?; expJ.ajns that the rector had been 11 the spiritual. ruler of his parish." His benefice was a freehold. He was Pf;he •parson• 1 t~e person~ excellence, 1n .his little domain." However, when a monastery become . the rector 1 "the lfOrk was done by a hired underling under the title of •vicar•: vicariua being the regular word for a oubstitute of arrr kind."

l3 Many

or these certainly were not :interested in toll.owing the strict rule

ot St• Benedict. First, physical labor wa.s more or less dispensed with,. f_or the

monks claimed it took too much time from study. Also the dietar.v restrictions followed by the earlier communities were abandoned b7 the less religious men.

ter of monasticis:n. during most

or

or

sel.t'-den;ying monk&

Concerning the overill charac-

the Middle Ages, Cutts writes:

Their general character was 1 and continued throughout the Middle Ages to be 1 that of wealthy learned bodies J .

influential from their broad poaseesiona, but still more

influential from the fact that nearl;r all the literature art and_ ~cience of the period was to be found in their body.J.4

and

Un.fortuna.tel;r• maey who entered were totally unsuited to religious

li!'e i and their vices

gra.d~a.l.:cy'

brought diegrace on th9 Church

am upon

the sincere churchmen. That the latter protested is ehown by' the comµlaint

or

.Arehbishop Stantford in 1342:

Monks and nuns of our province, procuring appropriations of churches 1 strive so greedily to appl;r to their own usea the i'ruittJ, revenues, and pro.fits of the same, that •• •they nee.le ct to exercise an:r works or charit7 whatsoever among the pariehioners. Wherefore, by this their exceeding avarice, they not only provoke to indevotion those who owe them tithes and ecclesiastical dues 1 but aleo teach them. som.etimes to become perverse trespassers on1 and consumers or 1 the said titheo, and abominable disturbers of the peace, to the grievous peril or both monks' and parishioners• souls, and to the scandal of very mm:\Y

.1'

14cutts, p. 9. 15 Coulton, Medieval Panorama, P• 167.

During the tenth and eleventh centuries reformed orders of Benedictines 1 such as the Carthusian and the Cistercians 1 were established 1n

an attempt to overcome the disrepute resulting f'rom the increased wealth and lax living within certain monasteries.

The reformed orders tried to

revive the ear:cy- disciplines. Most of the clergy who did not belong to the Be11adictine Orders

were supposed to i'ollow the Augustine rule. Pope Leo III (79.5-816) decreed that the other denominations of the clergy; including priests, canons, and clerks, who were not members of a monastic group, were to form one great order which would follow the Augustine rule, was less strict than the Benedictine.

This rule

Its members were divided. into

Canons Secular and Canons Regular. The former group included the clergy ot the cathedrals and collegiate churches.

They were not bound by

conventual rules or vows of poverty, but the Canons Regular were obligated to live a conventual. life and to renounce private property. states:

"The Canons Regular of

ascetic of the monastic orders."

st.

Cutts

Augustine were perhaps the least

He quotes Enyol de Provins, a thir-

teenth century minstrel who became a monk, as sayings is well shod, well clothed, and well fed.

"Among them. one

They go out when thq like,

mix with the world, and talk at table. nl6

During the thirteenth century the monasteries began to lose power

16Cutts, P• 20.

as the Popes assumed more control• nominating to vacant benefices.

The papac7 now reserved the right of

However, this change did not cure the

ills which had existed during the period of mnastio eontrolJ in tact, the situation became worse.

Pope Gregor.v IX (1227•1241) and POpe

Innocent '1!i (l.243-1254) gave the best bene!iees 1n England to Italian priests, m&n7 ot whom remained in Ital.7 and hired parish chaplains to

carr,y on their ministr.v. The practice caused bitter resentment, :for local revenues were being procured b7 foreigners.

The system gave

rise to another evil practice called Pluralism, Which meant that ono man might hold several benefices.

Cutts states, "The extent to which this

s;rstem of Pluralities was carried in the Middle Ages seems. ~st incredibleJ we even read of one man having f'rom four to five hundred

benefices." 17 Also bene!ices

we~e freq~entq

assigned.to men who

had

taken only minor clerical orders. '

.

'

The men had t.aken a minor order· only to quaJ.i:tT themselves for holding the temporal.ities of a benefice, and never proceeded to the priesthood at allJ thq employed a chaplain to pertorm ·their spiritual functions tor them, while they enjo7ed the fruits of the benefice as if it were a la.7. tee~ the minor order which they had taken imposing no rstraint upon their living an entirely secular lite.1 . In an attempt to stop these abuses, in 1274 the Second General

Council of .Lyons ordered all curates to reside in their parishes and to

17

Ibi.d., P• 200.

l~id•' I

P• 200.

talce the orders or the priesthood within a year after their election. This decree had little effect. Coulton cites Bogo de Clare as an

example. The younger son or the Earl of Gloucestf3r cAll1e to be reckoned among the clergr of all Enf.,l.ish dioceses except. London, Bath and Wells, Carlisle,.

and Worcester.

In 12821 when he had obtained the twentieth of

his er..downments 1 he was not a priest 1 and it is not certain he ever be-

csm.e one. 1 9

Such abuses continued during the fourteenth century•. The ·Avignon popes, particularly John XXII (1316-1334), wanted to be ae wealthy and power.ful as the temporal rulers. To this end, an attempt was made to

tree the Church from temporal. control by cla:lm:tng that all disputes concerning the Church should be determined by the papal curia.

These

popes also resorted to financial mctortion in order to make the Church's wealth rival that of any of the temporal powers. 20 All bishops and

abbots appointed by the Pope were required to pq annual income taxes, as well as tees at the time of their appointment. The lesser clergy paid annats from any benefices· received through pa.pal appointment. · Hoyt claims "that toward the close or the fourteenth· century all episcopal and

most monastic benefices were controlled by papal nominations," and that "Expectancies" to these benefices were sometimes sold "t.o hopeful candi•

-

l9Coul.ton1 Medieva1 Panorama:, P• 155. ' 20 ua,t 1 p. 556. John XXII's staff included more than tour hundred members, and he.also allowed each ot his cardinals to have· ten sq-c.dres. '

17 dates for the right to be considered for provision to benefices when

they became vacant.n21 The source of this money wa.'l the laity. an income tax of ten per cent.

Every parishioner paid

Also lesser tithes were placed on almost

everything else, such as cheese, etc •• the only exception being crops and beasts. 22 Any' person who attempted. to defraud the Church was to be excOJimUnicated.23 Gradually the temporal rulers began to gain more control because

theoe abuses caused general anti-clerical feeling.

In England in JJSl

Edward llI issued !h!, Statute g!. Provieors, which prohibited papal provisionst and

lb! §tatute £!

Pra~,

which prohibited an appeal

to the papal curia .trom a decision given by an English court. In addition to the previously described abuses 1 the lack of

parish priests also served to weaken the ties between the laity and the Church. Many ecclesiastics desired less arduous duties than those

ot

the parish priests. Therefore, some became guild priests: this meant that they were chapla.lns assigned to particular guilds to celebrate

daiJ.1' mass for the members

21iioyt 1

or

the organization. This o:f."tered an easier

P• SSS.

22coulton Medieval? Panorama, P• 156. 1

2.3.rhe text# ot this curse mq be found in the Instructions ,!:2£ Parish Priests by Canon Hyre. E.E.T,Su Vol. 1211 ll. 750-780.

i8 and more lucrative life than a parish assignment.

Others accepted

temporary- engagements to say masses tor the soul of a deceased member. Some became domestic chaplains to noblemen who had private chapels in

their homes. In tact, la.r.ger

ro~

houses frequent)Jr included quite an

aggregation, consisting of a dean, a canon, clerks, and a choir. Frequentl;y chlirchmen were employed by the lord in secular pursuits, such as surveTing or secretarial work.

Such employment in worldl;r matters

was not limited to domestic chaplains, tor the bishops were frequentl.1' involved· in endeavors which concerned the political state. While serv-

ing as statesmen, ambassadors, and even generals, tha,- emplored suffragan or substitute bishops. to work in their dioceses.

Therefore maD1'

.dioceses.as well as parishes remained unsta:fted.24

In addition to their greed and worldliness,

man;y"

of the ecclesi-

astics also shocked the taithful by their immoral actions_•

u In

the two

hundred and eighty-one parishes of the Hereford visitation (A.D. 1397) sevent7-two clerics,,

near~

all priests 1 were presented. by the parish-

ioners for incontinence: this gives more than twenty-five per cent,.n 2S

2fhe ranks or the parish priests were also depleted by the Black Death (1348). G. G. Coulton states that forty per. cent or the parish priests died in the epidemic. Medieval Panorama., P• 494.

25Ibid., P• 173. Coulton .e:xpldns that the bi~hop•s commissary or archdeacon.was sent to ask questions of four synodsmen from each parish.

One of the first questions alwqs concerned the cleric• a

mcrals. Thus these statistics may be found in these visitation records.

19 Therefore, it is not surprising to £ind that the secular cler1171 consisting or bishops and priests, were not respected by the medieval parishioners. For a time the laity considered the regular clergy', which consistsd

or

monks and friars, as superior to these seculars. They

thought the seculars were interior to the monks in

l~Brµing

and

wealth

and to the friarr> in zeal and holiness. However, by Chaucer's time, the abuses committed by the regular clergy had become so flagrant that the poet•s most unworthy figures are from this group.

time the friars 1!ere the zoovt popular of

Nevertheless, for a

all the medieval churchmen.

The reason tor this will become apparent. as this group is considered. During the thirteenth century this new class of religious orders

.

had been formed to serve a purpose that differed totally from the

objectives of the other regular cler&r1 the monastics. Origina.l.11'1 at least 1 monasticism i:nplied seclusion from the world in order to allow time .for religious contemplation. The truly religious monks did not strq from their cloisters.

The emphasis

that would secure the salvation

was placed on leC!.ding a ille

or the individual who was involved. On

the other hand, the friars were to be active churchmen whose duties involved helping mankind. Instead

or living

in the cloister, they were

expected to spend a major portion or tbeir time going through the country preaching and doing charitable deeds. · Cutts describes them as . ".home miSsionaries. n26

26 . ·. Cutts, P• .36

·

.20

Four ..such orders were founded during the thirteenth century•

The

Franciscan. order_. whose rule was. drawn up by St. Francis of Assisi, was approved by Imocent Ill in l210J the Dominicans, organized by St.

Dominic, were confirm.eel by Honorius III in 1216.. The two lesser known

mendicant orders, the Carmelltes and the Austin Friars,, were recognized by the General Council of Lyons 1n 1274• The two founders, Francis and Dominic, decided out of humility that their followers should be designated Brother (Frater, Frere, Frinr) rather than Father and Dominus as the monkS were titled.

P'ranci:s called

his group Fra.tri Minori or lesser friars J however, they were also lmown

as Grey Friars, for during this period their habits were grey. Dominic•s

group, the Preaching Friars, came to be ca,J..led Black Friars because ot their habits• Both groups .toll.owed the Augustine rule 1 taking the vows of

poven7• chastit7, and obedienoeJ but they placed special emphasis on

poverty. They were not allowed to possess &JJT propert7 as a group or as iMividuaJ.s., and they were obliged to live on the al.ms they collected. Also both founders emphasized that their groups were to be concerned.

with helping the poor. Their follower:s were carefu.UT prepared to be

preachers and teachers. Before they were llcenaod as general. preachers~

they were required to stud.T theology for three years.

During the

earJ.T rears ot' these orders, the aspirants were examined as to learning and character bef'ore they were given commissions which designated them

as either limitors o! listers. Ir a friar was a J.imitor, he had to

21 limit his ministry to a certain assigned district; it' he was a lister,

he was allowed to practice in the areas where he had listed with the bishop. This brought the friars into territories Which the parish priests considered to be theirs, and this caused great conflict between

the parochial clergy and the friars. Unfortunately', these religious groups also deteriorated

as

they

drltted awa.7 from the original ideal. During the .fourteenth and fif-

teenth centuries wealth became the prime objective o! many houses, and

the greater number the friars, the greater the amount collected. This caused some convents to relax all character quall.1'ications.

Eventually

some houses allowed the friars to keep a portion ot the alms they had collected.

The Franciscan Order became divided over the question of ownership of property. The Spiritual Franciscans believed that the theoq ot apostolic poverty applied to all ecclesiastics including the pope. Thq

stated that all churchmen should follow the example of Christ and his apostles in not owning eart.hl.7 property. Thia group was opposed b1' the other Franciscans 1 called Conventuals, who wanted Church ownership. In

1323 John XIII denounced the Spiritual Franciscan•s theory ot apostolic poverty as heretical.- Thus the greed of' JllSl11' triaN e.nd uther clergmen

was sactioned b7 this avaricious pontiff. All of the previously disclosed matter-The Avignon papacr1 the Great Sctµsm 1 the papal taxation and centralization, and the need for

22

re!orm

wi~hin

the regular and secular religioU.S groups-caused a wave of

anticlerical criticism during the fourteenth century. · Some of this

criticism prOduced challenges to the ·church's doctrineJ howeveJ."I inost ot · it was leveled at the worldliness, uselessness, and corruption or the

clera. John Wyclit became one of the most famous leaders 0£ the opposition. . At. first bis crit_iciem was directed. at the Church ·organization .

'

rather than any. dOflll.8SJ for instance, he oppoeed the Collect~On Of papal taxes in England, he denounced-Church.ownership of' property, and·he denied the· temporal power of' the clergy• .

He also attacked. the vice and. '

immorality of mMJ churchmen. · In. 1377 he was brought to trial, but .a few months later the deliberation ended in contusion.

Subsequently the

pope issued five bulls condemning some of Wycllf•s doctrines and demand'

..

',

ing his imprisonment •. lfowever, because of his QW?l personal popul.arit7 •

.

•.

,

,

,

•'

'

,

.

I

.

l

',

•

and also John of Gaunt•a protection, Wyclif was. saved from punishment

and remained tree ror the rest· of' his· ille. When the Great Schiam. started the. year after his trial, Wj'cll.f changed

A.tter.l378 he questioned Church doctrinei

rrom critic

to opponent.

he procldJJled his.disbelief in

the doctrine of transubstantiation, he challenged the authority of the Pope, and he upheld the Bible as manta sole guide to salvation.

Be

believed that through sin and temporal greed the Church had lost all rights to power and property and that it should be reduced to absolute

povert7. After Wyclii'•s death in JJS4 1 his followers, called Lollards 1 continued to spread bis teachings. 27 By J.401 Parliament passed e. law Which declared burning to bo the punishment for herea7.

However,· this

decree was never ef£ective)T enforced. other members of the Church who continued to believe in its I

j

,·

teach:lngs must have shared the heretics. disdail\ tor the unworthi ecclesiaatics. For example, John of Gaunt, Chaucer•s patron,. who was once a

strong 8Upporter of W7clif1 refused to i'ollow W,clif wen be attacked the dogmas of. the Church. "Gaunt•s position was that the Church itself was .

;

not. !alse 1

wt

!

that the Church• s servants needed to re-emphasize the

essential. elements of Christ's teaching.

This was evidently the position

shared by Chaucer.u28 .

.

The remaining portion ot .this paper wW attempt to evaluate

Chaucer• s portraits in the light . , '

ot what .

condition of the Church in his time. well aware ot the unworthineee of

appear$ to. us to . have been the '

:

'.\

It will demonstrate ;t.hat ha was

marv.

27Bowden P• 17. Miss Bowden states: "The word lollard comes from 1 the popular o. Dut. name given to a member ot a lq order of mendicants, .founded about ]JOO to care for the sick and to dispose ot corpses. These mendicants were £~ called "Alexiani'! after their patron saint; · but because of the way they sang their prayers, the term lollaert., or lolbroether, developed. The clergy looked upon these men with disfavor; first, they would not join any ot the established ordersJ second, ma.rrr ot them were free thinkers, eo that lol.lae~ and "heretic" often possessed the same meaningJ and third,.their conduct was .trequent]Jr disorderlJt. In England, the transfer of the name to the followers ot Wyclif probabl.1' stenmed t:rom the identification ot iollard and heretic."

28aeorge Williams,

A!!! Iiew £!:

Chaucer (Durham,

N.c.,

1965), P• 154.

Chapter ll The Ideal Churchmen The Parson and the Clerk In order to understand Chaucer's evaluation ot the churchmen of

the tourteenth cent\11'7, one llZUSt know the standards by which he measured these ecclesiastics. This ohapt;er will be devoted to a stud7 of his criteria, his ideal churchmen, the Parson, who is the trul.1 pious secular priest1 and the Clerk, who represents the best of scholarship within the Church. The Parson is the personification benignit~n

ot humilit71 holiness 1

he is a living example of Christianity :tn action.

am

He is the

most :idealized of all the Pilgrims, but he is one of the least vividly portrayed. In the General Prologue Chaucer does not reveal his external appearance., tor the Parson is to be known by his deeds.

He is one of the

poor but learned clerics ot the Church, one who labors diligentl.1' in his wide, poor parish, seeking onl3' spiritual gains. "He was a shepherd• end 29 noght a mercenarie" (I (A) 514). •He is the parish priest whom eve'l!"I

parish priest should tr;r to be, and he is not individualised,, because 29All quotations are from The Works .2!, Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. Fred N. Robinson (Cambridge, Mass., 1933J.

25 that would interfere with his universaJ.ity as sovereign e..xample. 11 30 His poetic force comes from the beauty of the ideal that he typifies. He is the antithesis of the grcedT churchmen who were so prevalent

during this period. His poverty is stressed throughout the prologues ifJra

povre Peraoun" (I (A) 478). He does not 'Wish to excammmicate

he

anyone

for not paying his tithes; in fact, he gives a large portion of his substance to the poor. He has not shirked his duties as Parson by hiring a vicar to work his benefice, nor has he sought one of the easier and more lucrative positions, such as those held by the guild priest or by those who said masses for the deceased• He does his dut:r through preaching, good deeds, and example.

He

has studied so as to be able to teach Chl'iet•s gospel. During times of

sicknese a.nd grief, he comes to the aid of his parishioners. He is kind to the sinner, but he will not tolerate the obstinate or.render. He. does

not teach hie .followers by words alone but also by example:

"This noble

ensample to his sheep he yaf 1/rhat i'irst he wroghte, and ai'terward he ta.ughte" (I (A) 495-96)., Recognizing the potential danger in the clergy•e scandalizing the faithful, he warns, That if gold ruste, what shal iren do? For i f a preest be foul, on whom we truste, No wonder is a lewed man to ruste; (I (A) Soe>-02).

Chaucer sums up his impression of this Parson in the last lines ot his

30Harold F. Brooks, Chaucer's Pilgrims (New York, 1962), P• 36.

26 description in the Prologues A bettre preest I trowe that nowher noon 78• He waited after no pompe and reverence, Ne maked him a spiced consoiencej But Cristes loore and his apostles twelve

He taughte, but first he .fol.wed it h;vmeelve

(I (A) S23-28).

An interesting parallel to Chaucer•s description ot the Parson can be found in John M)Tk•s Instruction

!2£ Parish Priests.31 This

author tells what type ot man a parish priest should be• Like Chaucer•a Parson, he is not ignorant i "When the blynde ledeth the b.qnlT

"Nothing is further from

Chauc~ts thoughts tllan to poke tun at them.u4S He~ oath, RJ3T St. LOT1" is mere~ another. example or her ladylike character~ He believes th