Gangs, Drugs, and Violent Crime among Canadian Youth: Facts, Trends, Issues, and Implications for Teachers, Schools, and Policymakers

Chapter 2: Gang Presence in Canadian Schools

Louis A. Pagliaro Ann Marie Pagliaro

Substance Abusology and Clinical Pharmacology Research Group University of Alberta

Publisher: University of Alberta Press (under consideration) Acquisitions Editor: Michael Luski

Manuscript in Preparation

August 27, 2006

CONFIDENTIAL Copyright © 2006

All Rights Reserved

Please do not copy or circulate without prior written permission from the authors.

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School days, school days Dear old golden rule days. ‘Readin’ and ‘ritin and ‘rithmetic, taught to the tune of a hick-ry stick . . . 1 Introduction Schools have changed significantly in both nature and purpose, since the first public school was opened in North America a little over 100 years

ago in response to the

changing needs of a rapidly changing society. As North America underwent a momentous change from an agrarian to an industrial society in response to the Industrial Revolution during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, fewer labourers were required to work on rural farms and increasing numbers of workers were required to work in large urban

1

When We Were a Couple of Kids, words and music by Will Cobb and Gus Edwards

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factories.

This new society required its labour force to be

better educated and, therefore, schools were publically established to teach the “3 Rs” (i.e., Readin’, Ritin’, and

‘Rithmetic [reading, writing, and arithmetic]). Schools also were expected to help to socialize the children of new immigrants, who were rapidly arriving in large numbers primarily from Europe. Schools in major Canadian cities and rural areas helped these children learn Canada’s languages (i.e., English and /or French), customs, and work ethic. In addition, the behaviours expected of school children (e.g., arriving on time; being “clean and tidy;” following activities dictated by a school schedule [e.g., topics and time of lessons, recesses, set lunch hour]; (1906). Available http:/www.kididdles.com/mouseum/s120.html

sitting

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and working quietly in the classroom; asking for permission to leave the classroom to use the washroom) were deliberately and specifically designed to inculcate patterns of behaviour that would prepare them to meet

their roles as adults in an

working class society (e.g., being punctual for work; working with others in groups; following rules) and would socialize these young Canadians to, and also address the needs of, the industrial (i.e., assembly line/factory) work force. Canadian society has since undergone dramatic changes, again, in various significant ways over the past century, particularly in response to:

two World Wars and a major

Depression; increasingly diverse immigration of new Canadians, particularly from East-European and non-European countries (see Chapters 3, 4, and 6);

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technological advances; and globalization.

6

Our industrial

revolution is over and we have entered an “information age.” As such, fewer factory jobs are available and most new jobs are for service providers (e.g., automobile; child care; banking and financial services; food services; health care; hotel industry, including tourism and hospitality; restaurant; sanitation; and military services). Canada also has changed in other, perhaps more subtle, but equally ·

significant, ways. For example:

European-Canadians are no longer the overwhelming majority of the population in most areas of the country.

·

The two-biological parent family of heterosexual orientation with 2.5

children is no longer the

pre-imminent and preferential basic social unit of

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Canadian society.

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With a decline in the number of

traditional marriages and significant increases in lone parent and blended

families over the past 25 years,

the norm has changed. ·

The bilingual language culture (i.e., Anglo- and Franco-phone) has been called into question as diverse languages from every part of the world can be heard commonly spoken throughout Canadian communities in workplace settings, stores, places of worship, hospitals, and schools. In some areas and in some communities (e.g., some Toronto and Vancouver neighbourhoods; some Reserves and sections of the Territories) non-English and non-French languages are so commonly and extensively used that children often have no need to learn either

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“Canadian” language until they begin public school. ·

The moral standards (i.e., in which the ends do not justify the means), which had been based on Judeo-Christian morality and doctrine and used to guide one’s behaviour, were no longer

recognized as

the norm. Alternatively, it has become increasingly accepted by many Canadians to use a pragmatically-oriented form of moral standards (i.e., in which the end justifies the means). For example, as noted in a national survey of Canadian school teachers: Ninety-four percent of teachers have some students who regularly tell outright lies (e..g, to obtain things, con others, or evade

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[personal] responsibility [for their actions]). ·

(Hood, 2002, pp. 2-3)

Measures of religiosity among most groups of Canadians have shown a precipitous decline over the last century. These changes have had a significant import and impact

for schools, not only in terms of what is taught to students from a curricular context , but also in terms of what other knowledge, skills, and behaviours are expected, or demanded, by Canadian society in the new century. Education has certainly moved beyond the “3Rs” and has addressed, in a largely successful manner, the computer and technology requirements of the information age. However, what seems to be lost among school breakfasts and lunches is the socialization function of schools in regard to producing

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capable, competent, and caring citizens who can further contribute to Canada and other parts of the world as we strive to meet new global challenges in the new millennium. Certainly, the last half of the 20th century witnessed an increased need for schools and teachers to literally function

in loco parentis (i.e., in the placed of a parent).

As both

families and religious institutions2 increasingly contributed less, over the latter part of the 20th century, to the pro-social development of Canadian youth, this responsibility fell, therefore, increasingly on the school system and the shoulders of its teachers. As reported in a national school survey: Schools are today faced with many new problems in 2

Over the previous century, these two social units (i.e., the so-called “nuclear” family and religious organizations) were considered to be primarily responsible for, and indeed actually performed, the preponderance of the work of inculcating normed, pro-social values in Canadian youth in order that, as socially-responsible Canadian adults, they might become law-abiding and productive contributors to society.

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terms of student health and behaviour. (Hood, 2002, p. 4) Schools (and, by extension, their teachers) must, beginning with the youngest children possible, attempt to socialize students to the “socially acceptable” Canadian way of life. As noted by writer and community activist, John Lawrence (2005): When you instill a moral foundation and a strong code of ethics in our [African-Canadian] children, everything else will simply fall into place.

There

is no use fixing the fifth floor when the foundation is crumbling.

(p. 4)

In the absence of active socialization of many of Canada’s youth by their families and religious groups and,

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until schools are able to assume greater responsibility for this activity, many Canadian youth will find themselves in an ethical morass—a

condition that provides gangs with the

opportunity to flourish (Absent fathers, 2006; Lawrence, 2005).

In light of these observations, and not unexpectedly,

the Canadian government has formally noted that: Over the past several years, there has been an increase in reported youth violence and youth gang activity in both large and small Canadian communities. (Weiler, 2002, p. 5) Schools are a major, some would say, a central part of the communities in which they are embedded.

Therefore, it is

not surprising that gang activity and violence among youth have permeated into Canadian schools and are escalating as

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demonstrated by the need to increase the presence of uniformed police officers, such as SROs and YLOs, in Canadian schools

(Pagliaro & Pagliaro, Clinical Patient

Data Files; School Resource Officers, 2006; Shrive, 2004). Consider, for example, the response elicited when a student came to believe that he had “been ratted out” to the vice-principal.

This student together with up to 10

youthful accomplices—members of the 18 Buddhas street gang (see Chapter 3) “ambushed” the victim in the parking lot of the Woodside Square shopping mall where they savagely beat him with metal pipes and baseball bats resulting in severe and permanent brain damage. Two of the teens were sitting in class. . . when they were arrested by Toronto police. . . . A third teen was

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nabbed elsewhere in the school. . . . Several other teens are still being sought. . . (Kingstone, 2002, p. 1) Not only does this type of violent behavior perpetrated by students occur in and around schools, but it is becoming increasingly more common and, almost, routine.

In

response, schools, as well as the larger community of which schools are a part, sought quick effective measures to deal with the situation and provide some safe haven (i.e., in schools) for Canadian students, both children and adolescents.

One such measure was the Ontario Safe Schools

Act; however, it had some “unanticipated consequences”: Some young people [who were] kicked out of school starting five years ago, when Ontario’s

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zero-tolerance Safe Schools Act was brought in, have drifted into crime by joining gangs where they may get a sense of belonging, he [Scott Worsley, a University of Toronto Criminologist] said. (Cultural issues,

2005, p. 4)

Youth Gangs Youth gangs (Table 2-1), as noted in Chapter 1, are the end result of many different contributing factors (Table 2-2). However, in every case, they represent a failure to meet the basic developmental needs and challenges of childhood and the appropriate “socialization” of children and adolescents into Canadian Society (see Chapters 1 and 11 for additional related discussion). 3

3

Some people, such a Mark Totten of the Youth Services Bureau of Ottawa-Carleton, and

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other like-minded individuals (see following discussion), believe that youth gangs are not a problem in Canada—that the phenomena is actually just the result of “racist” labeling (principally by the public news media) of groups of youth from visible minorities and, further, that “joining a gang is a normal part of adolescence” (Youth Justice in Canada, 2003, p. 4) (i.e., akin to joining “the school band”). Or, as stated by Roderick Carreon, Coordinator of Kabataang Montreal, a Filipino youth-outreach group: The gangs are a bunch of kids. All the so-called gangs were formed in schools as a kind of self-defense mechanism against racism, being isolated and taken from one place to another. (Lejtenyi, 2003, p. 3) Criminologist Francois LaFaille of the Centres Jeunesse de Montreal, is supportive of these views: We have to demystify this whole issue. We’re generally talking about teenagers and young adults here, many of whom are victims. We need to take away people’s fear; everyone’s in a gang when you really think about it—teachers, cops, journalists, lawyers, whatever. (Gordon, 2003, p. 5) So too is Julian Tanner, a sociologist from the University of Toronto, who, together with Scott Wortley of that institution’s Centre of Criminology, conducted a study of 3393 highschool students and 396 street youth in Toronto and concluded, in a summary of their study: Much of the gang activity our respondents are describing is little more than ordinary peer group activity interspersed with episodesof relatively minor delinquency—scuffles with friends, a spot of “shoplifting, a soupcan of recreational drug use. . . (Tanner, 2002, p. 5) We, however, could not disagree more vehemently with this simple-minded (and extremely dangerous) characterization of Canadian youth gangs. Simple minded because we are not talking about a make-believe “bogeyman,” we are talking about a real problem, with real consequences and real victims. Extremely dangerous because prevention and treatment strategies cannot be developed and implemented unless the problem is recognized and appropriately characterized. To simply deny that a problem exists will certainly not facilitate its remedy—and may likely, due to the delay of effective action, result in an exacerbation of the problem; thereby, making effective intervention all the more difficult, if not impossible, to achieve.

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Often, having endured a childhood of abuse and neglect at the hands of their parent(s), be they adoptive, biological, or foster parents,

and in the absence of viable alternatives,

the ”gang life”—even with the obvious associated factors of violence, death, and jail time—looks extremely attractive. As noted by one gang member from his prison cell: When I was a little kid, I grew-up looking up to these gang members and thinking, “Okay, I want to be just like that...” (Matwychuk, 2005, p. 4). For most of the members of Canadian youth gangs (i.e., Aboriginal-Canadian;

African-Canadian), there is an

extremely high correlation between failure in school (i.e., dropping out of school before completing high school) and

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joining a gang. 4

Consider, for example, the extremely poor

academic success rate of Aboriginal youth in Manitoba (Table 2-3). As noted by community respondents to a survey regarding the inner city high schools in Winnipeg: School is the first thing to go, it’s a pressure they can do without... Their survival is where they’re at, never mind learning. (Silver, Mallett, Greene, et al., 2002, p. 8)

Nature and Extent of Gang Presence in Schools Gangs have become ubiquitous in Canadian secondary schools (i.e., junior and senior high schools) with their total absence in a school now considered to be the “exception to the rule.” 4

As noted by the federal government:

Indo-Canadian youth gang members are a notable exception to this rule. See related discussion in Chapter 4.

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. . . the number of students bringing weapons—mainly knives 5—to school is increasing. The traditional “one-on-one” assault has often been replaced with group attacks on individual students. The attacks can be more vicious and drawn out . . . . Increase in the presence of informal gangs . . .

these gangs often intimidate other

students. (Weiler, 2002, p. 12) Just as concerning and dangerous as “weapons in schools,” but more insidious and widespread, is the problem of “drugs in schools.”

The overwhelming majority of “street

level” (i.e., “retail,” “end user”) drug dealers are not members

5

Although students carrying guns to school in Canada remains a common, but isolated, event, we agree with others who expect that this problematic behaviour will increase significantly over the next decade as more and more handguns become more and more available to school-aged gang members and young gangster wannabes (e.g., Bridge, 2005; Kennedy, 2006).

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of organized crime syndicates, nor even youth gang members, but are drug users themselves. These users, most often adolescents in school, sell small amounts of drugs to “support” (i.e., finance) their own drug use and “habits.” For example, if a student bought one ounce of “good BC bud” (see Chapter 10) for $150, he could divide this ounce into four equal parts (i.e., ¼ ounce each).

If he sold three of the ¼

ounces to friends and fellow students for $50 each, then he would then have “recouped” his initial investment (i.e., “cost”) and would have ¼ ounce for himself to smoke “for free” or in return for his “effort” and “risk.”

When we are

asked “How widespread is this problem in Canadian schools?” We typically respond, “As widespread as drug use is among adolescents.”

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High school students, in particular, are an extremely large market for illicit drugs6 and, thus, a “natural attraction” for drug dealers—both fellow students and youth street gang members (who themselves may be, or oftentimes, may not be, members of the student body). Even when youth gang members are not members of the student body, or even physically present on school property, they frequently exert considerable “presence” and influence on the student body by means of drug sales (predominantly, cocaine, and ecstasy) to students.

marijuana,

While the gang member’s

drug sale may occur “off campus,” often , the drug is then

6

Schools are also “markets” for valuable items (e.g., cellular telephones, clothing, electronic games) that are stolen from students—very often in relation to school yard “bullying” in the form of extortion or “taxing”—and sold to other students. As noted by a former Montreal youth gang member: In the beginning, we stole clothes, clothes, old or new, we didn’t care, we just stole it, and start to sell it to somebody else in schools. (Giroux, 2004b, p. 6)

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brought to school for “re-sale” (as, noted in the previous example for marijuana). Another common scenario involving school students, drugs, and drug dealing and sales concerns students who may purchase drugs from, or “handle” sales for, a youth gang member at school with ”profit” the primary goal in order to buy desired clothing, jewelry, and cars (i.e., to “get rich quick” and not have to save-up money from working at a “Mac” job).

As noted by an Ontario police officer:

“They want it all now.

They see the videos with

the cars, the jewelry, they want all that.” It’s no surprise then, that teenagers are taking a piece of the drug trade for themselves—especially, at high school. Teenage drug dealers. . . stake-out their turf

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at school. But anyone who makes a success of selling drugs in the Malvern’s [a Toronto-based African-Canadian youth gang—see Chapter 6] area is required to pay a portion of their profits to the gang leaders [a process that gangs sometimes refer to as “taxing”—see Appendix C for alternative definitions].

(Welsh, 2004, p. 3)

Although schools across Canada are affected by gang activity, most of the schools affected are those that typically: are located in lower socioeconomic neighbourhoods; have a significant, but not total, percentage of students from visible minority groups; have a significant percentage of students from families who have recently migrated to Canada; have poorer (percentile-wise) overall academic performance scores

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when compared to the entire student body; have a significant percentage of students from “blue collar” (i.e., working class) lone parent families; are in a high crime neighbourhood; and spend less money (on a per capita basis) than the national average on extracurricular activities (e.g., clubs, drama, sports programs). Common “signs and symptoms” of youth gang involvement are presented in Table 2-4 and related “signs and symptoms” of gang presence in schools are noted in Table 2-5. Oftentimes, older youth , who have already joined gangs, or who have significant risk factors for gang involvement (see Tables 2-6 and 2-7), and have experienced severe academic difficulties in their “regular” junior or senior highschool,

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are directed into technical schools/institutes—even though the youth have little or no interest or desire to become a trades person (i.e., carpenter, electrician, plumber, etc.). Although well-intentioned, the result is repeated “failure” and, consequently, an inadvertent

“push” of these youth

toward something they can succeed at (and maybe even excel in)—“the gang life,” “the game.” As noted by an unidentified youth gang investigator for the Toronto police: The technical schools become breeding grounds for gangs. Within one month 15 guys were arrested in that school [the Sir Robert Borden Business and Technical Institute] for robberies. (Welsh, 2006, p. 16)

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Pre-Gang Activity Pre-gang activity is often viewed by examining the behavior of gangster wannabes. However, from a pro-active educational standpoint, a careful consideration of the risk factors that have been generally identified as leading to youth gang involvement is necessary. These “risk factors” include behavioural and social risk factors that are related to both delinquent and antisocial behaviour among youth. Table 2-6 presents the major mental disorders that have been associated with delinquent and antisocial behaviour as a prelude to gang involvement.

Table 2-7 presents

behavioural and social risk factors. As noted in a report for Justice Canada: Educators today work with an increasingly diverse

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student population comprising youngsters with troubled backgrounds and emotional and behavioral difficulties. (Hood, 2002, p. 2) This observation has become increasingly accurate and relevant for teachers as “main streaming” of all students into schools and classrooms becomes the norm. This situation, although fraught with challenge and difficulty, is full of possibility—not only for the educational enhancement of all students, but also as a time and place where effective preventive gang intervention can begin. Not only can this be done in schools by teachers, but increasingly, particularly among Canadian communities in which youth gangs, drugs, and related violence are prominent, community members are demanding this be done

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in schools by teachers. Another problem, says Hugh Graham, president of the Black Business and Professional Association [in Toronto, Ontario], is a culture that puts violence and illegal activities on a pedestal—and schools that do little to counter that influence for minority children.

(Newman, 2005, p. 2)

Teachers, at all grade levels, can identify students who may be at

risk for youth gang involvement—even at a very

early age (i.e., as early as grade one)7 using the factors noted in the tables (i.e., Table 2-6 and Table 2-7) as a guideline. 8

7

For example, a study in Montreal found that: . . . boys who at age six are identified by their teachers as hyperactive, fearless and not prosocial are 6 times more likely to join a deviant peer group [i.e., a gang] in early adolescence. (Deviant peer groups, 2006, p. 1) 8

Individual students may display or possess one, or even several, of these factors without having an increased risk for youth gang involvement. However, in general, the more risk factors that a youth possesses, which have not been adequately addressed, the greater the risk for his or

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They can then work with their schools and other teachers to help these children, their families, and, also their communities (e.g., working with social workers, public health and school nurses, school psychologists) to develop protective factors. These early interventions will

pro-actively address

the specific needs of these children so that they will be less likely to become involved in youth gangs (see Chapter 11). In this way, teachers have an important role in providing the best protection for these children in regard to potential youth gang problems (i.e., primary prevention). As noted by Hood (2002), who, in her study, identified that “considerable numbers of Canadian youth were defined by their teachers as experiencing emotional and behavioural

her eventual gang involvement.

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difficulties (e.g., motor and language delays; emotional and social disorders) at school” (p.

2). These difficulties were

traced to attachment deficits. Children who enter school from dysfunctional, abusive homes or families with psychopathology are much less likely than their healthy counterparts to perform adequately and to achieve continuing developmental and academic milestones. For at-risk children (and this report documents substantial numbers)

services must begin no later than grade

one. It is equally important that early missed attachment opportunities be revisited since they serve as a foundation for all subsequent learning. (p. 3)

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Recruitment and Initiation Specific procedures for recruiting new members and initiating them

into a youth gang differ among the various

youth gangs across Canada

(see Chapters 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7).

For example, Aboriginal gangs typically focus recruitment on Aboriginal youth (Ghoreishi, 2005), usually from youth detention centres, where they were placed because of such crimes as reckless driving, shoplifting, or drug and substance use, but, also from

Reserves and inner city neighbourhoods

(Pagliaro & Pagliaro, Clinical Patient Data Files). . . . school liaison officers indicate that young Indo-Canadian students are being recruited by Indo-Canadian gang members at school. (Bolan, 2005a, p. 2)

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One thing that the various gangs have in common in regard to recruitment is that “recruits” and “associates” (see Appendix C) are getting younger and younger.

It is not

unusual to have these recruits and associates be only 10 years of age, particularly for those who share the “risk factors” for gang involvement that are listed in Tables 2-6 and 2-7. As one gang member noted in regard to the recruitment of these children: They love the glamour. You just tell them that if they make a delivery, you’ll pay them and then they’ll be able to afford the chains, the fancy shoes. Soon they are begging to make deliveries for you. (Hanon, 2001, p. 3) Attempts have been made by politicians, both

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provincially and federally, to enact laws “with teeth” that would make the recruitment of youth into gangs a serious crime. The police have supported the passage and enactment of these laws because, as noted by Vancouver Detective Constable Doug Spencer: We need to keep the gangs from getting to the school kids, because that’s their resource. Those are the kids that are going to do all their bad stuff for them [i.e., drug trafficking; murder; prostitution], and that way they [i.e., the senior gang members] won’t get charged. (Government going, 2000, p. 1) However, it is specifically for these reasons (i.e., the over-riding importance of new youth gang members to organized crime in Canada) that legislation and police

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actions aimed at curtailing youth gang recruitment has failed—miserably.

As noted by the Criminal Intelligence

Service Canada in its 2003 report on street gangs: Street gangs across the country will continue to increase recruitment among vulnerable youth. (2003, p. 6) Although the recruitment criteria and procedures vary significantly among youth gangs, two major methods of

initiation into a youth gang generally have been widely accepted. 9 One is for boys, and the other one is for girls.

9

These rituals have, in essence, become inculcated in the popular “myth and lore” of youth gangs.

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Initiation of Boys. Boys are typically “beat-in” or “jumped-in.” These gang terms (see Appendix C) are used to describe an initiation ritual in which the prospective member must endure a physical beating by current gang members before being accepted into the gang. In this ritual, anywhere from 3 to 20 members may be involved in the beating. 10 Generally, only fists and feet can be used to strike the prospective member and blows to the head are often proscribed. Variants of the ritual include the length of time (e.g., 3 minutes, 5 minutes) allowed for the beating and what is expected of the prospective member (e.g., to remain on one’s feet; to not cry or attempt to run away). The purpose of the

10

In a common variation, the gang selects its largest and toughest member (usually equivalent to a “sergeant-at-arms” in some gangs) to engage the potential member in a “no holds barred” fight.

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initiation is to test the potential member’s strength, courage, and fighting prowess. In addition, the prospective member learns to follow gang rules and to fear gang retribution, in the event that he should ever decide to quit the gang (Pagliaro & Pagliaro, Clinical Patient Data Files).

Initiation of Girls. Girls are typically “banged-in” or “sexed-in.” 11 These gang terms (see Appendix C) are used to describe the initiation ritual that the prospective female member must endure. For her, she must have sex with several gang members. Anywhere from 3 to 20 members may be

11

There are, however, exceptions to the rule as noted by an aboriginal girl in custody at the Paul Dojack Youth Facility: One girl ..., a veteran gang member, recalled a 90-second beating by three male gang members that was part of her initiation. “I put up a good fight, they even said that themselves.” “I didn’t go down until the ending. I stayed on my feet to the last couple of seconds. I tried to stay up as long as I could and I did. I’ve had worse [beatings].” (Girls in gangs, 2005, p. 1)

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involved with the initiation. 12

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Variants my include the

specific sexual acts performed and the time frame during which the initiation occurs (e.g., from several hours to several weeks). The potential gang member is expected to comply fully with the demands of the gang members and without any resistance.

As with the purpose of the boys initiation

ritual, the girls are expected to learn to follow gang rules and to fear gang retribution (Pagliaro & Pagliaro, Clinical Patient Data Files). The role of female gang members has been slowly changing over the past decade, from one of being a “girl friend” of another gang member or a “cheer leader” for the gang to becoming much more directly engaged in the

12

In some cases, only the leadership hierarchy, or certain selected gang members, have

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associated violent, criminal behavior (see previous related discussion). Arrests of girls in Canada for aggravated assault has increased significantly during the new millennium (Artz & Nicholson, 2002). Five white teens—four girls and a boy—were riding home when they were swarmed by about 30 native youth. . . .

Police believe the attack began when

girls in the larger group flicked a cigarette at the other group, and then began to punch the four girls. (Police defend, 2003, p. 1)

sex with the potential member.

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Getting out.

39

Most gangs consider membership a

“life-time” commitment and, therefore, do not have any formal “exit rituals.” 13 Many gang members simply walk away, at least from the criminal activities, without actually formally leaving the gang (i.e., saying , “I quit”). For those who wish to “totally start fresh,” leaving a gang may be a risky, even deadly, decision. If the gang hierarchy feels that the member, who wants to leave the gang, is a significant risk for being a “snitch,” then it might decide to arrange a “contract killing.” They can kill you for that if you want to get out of the gang, they can kill you. (Giroux, 2004b, p. 7) In Canada, several members of the Indo-Canadian gangs and 13

Part.

Consider, in this regard, the name chosen by one Aboriginal youth gang, Death Do Us

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the Hell’s Angels OMG have died in this fashion (Bolan, 2005c, 2006b; Indo-Canadian, 2005; More gang, 2005). As noted by Mohammed Mosadeq, a former teenage member of a Toronto Afghan gang: I was real lucky because my cousin was the leader and he let me go.

Most gangs won’t let you out

because it’s showing disrespect to the gang—once you’re theirs, you’re theirs for good. [are killed]

People die

just trying to get out. (Ball, 2000, p. 1)

What Schools Should Avoid and What they Should Do The potential presence of gangs in schools is a current reality that must be actively addressed by all schools. If gangs are not yet a problem, then strategies must be implemented to

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prevent gang affiliation. If gangs have already become enmeshed in the school, then corrective interventions are required. However, as noted by the Winnipeg Police Service: Schools have a difficult time in implementing effective interventions to deal with the street gang problem. (Street gangs, 2003, p. 2) Tables 2-8, 2-9, and 2-10 offer some guidance in this regard. Despite many current reported failures, both of: students within the school system to perform well and achieve academic success, even minimally; and school systems to adequately address the needs of some of its students; schools remain society’s best hope to stem the growing tide of youth gang involvement. Through school-based approaches and

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interventions, including: educational approaches to such issues as “bullying” and “racism;” mentoring programs; and increased involvement of all students in school activities and programs; significant progress can be made. See Chapter 11 for a comprehensive review and discussion of these issues.

Summary and Conclusions This chapter has presented a brief overview of: how gangs became affiliated, or involved, with schools; what the nature and impact of these gangs has been on education; and why this is a legitimate educational concern for teachers and school officials and not just a problem to be referred to social workers and the police.

Schools in Canada, and

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consequently their teachers, now find themselves not only in a situation in which they must actively address the issue of youth gangs, but also find themselves in a situation in which they are perhaps Canadian society’s

best hope of effective

intervention. In addition, this chapter has discussed: how to recognize “pre-gang” activity; methods used for initiating potential members into gangs; signs and symptoms of gang membership, including gang graffiti, clothing, and hand-signing; and what schools should avoid, and what they should do, in response to suspected and actual gang presence.

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Table 2-1. Characteristics of a Youth Gang. 

Definite hierarchical structure, usually with an identifiable leader, and organization



Actively recruits members



Located in an identifiable territory (e.g., Abbotsfield in Edmonton, Alberta; Jamestown in Toronto, Ontario; Metrotown in Burnaby, BC; or St. Michel in Montreal, Quebec)



Tagging, or marking, territory with graffiti symbols or gang names (see Appendix C)



Gang initiation rituals and, for some, exit rituals



Specific colours and/or style of clothing



Specific name (and, often, trademark logos)

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

Members perceive themselves as “belonging to a gang.”



Significant criminal orientation (e.g., drug dealing,

45

extortion, prostitution, robbery) with “crime for profit” a major activity 

Members are typically 15 to 25 years of age, by official designation in Canada. 14

Table 2-2. Primary Reasons Given by Youth for Joining Gangs. 15 

money —needed to “enjoy the good life” and impress

14

However, a developing trend in Canada is the “aging” of these street gangs. While still recruiting at earlier ages and maintaining a median age of 15 years for members, some members are now staying in the gangs longer (i.e., through their “thirties”—albeit, for most, with some “time off” in jail and prison). Most of these “old” gangsters have, by virtue of their long-time association with the gang and personal longevity (i.e., ability to stay alive in a “world” marked by extreme violence and executions), moved into the gang hierarchy (Pagliaro & Pagliaro, Clinical Patient Data Files). 15

Adapted from: LaFontaine, Ferguson, & Wormith, 2005; Pagliaro & Pagliaro, Clinical Patient Data Files.

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friends and school mates—“the money made from selling gang-controlled drugs” (Turenne, 2006, p. 1)—“the roll of twenties a thousand dollars thick” (Strauss, 2005, p. 2) They say they will not work at minimum-wage jobs flipping burgers so they choose to engage in the glamourous world of crime and gangs so they can

keep their dignity and respect

among their peers and at least have the chance to get wealthy selling drugs. (Bains, 2005, p. 3)

The main problem here is most of the people are unemployed. Everybody needs the money, and the gangs, these drug

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dealers, they come and recruit these children. (Lamberti, 2006b, p. 1)

The only way for a Grade 9 dropout to attain the gold-capped teeth, the jewelry, the thick, soft cotton Sean John shirts and the Cadillac Escalade. . .

(Welsh, 2006,

p. 11) 

self-identity—sense of belonging and cultural identity, which has not been derived from family or school . . . once they feel no stake in conformity and once they feel their future in legitimate Canadian society can’t be found, that’s the first step toward losing them to crime. (Bains, 2005,

47

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p. 4) As noted by a former youth street gang member from Montreal, Quebec: So I had to be a part of something to feel like I’m important. I’m somebody. People actually acknowledge my presence. They know I exist. 

(Giroux, 2004b, p. 6)

excitement (relief from boredom)— congruent with adolescent “thrill-seeking” and “risk-taking” behaviour or



personality

protection—real, or perceived, need for protection and safety from bullies or members of other gangs There was this bully, forever turning on me in the locker rooms, to the point where I was

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afraid to even go to P.E. They [Vietnamese gang members] took care of it, knocked him out and rolled him down the [school] steps. The next day, I was going to join a gang, too. (Roberts, 2005, p. 2)

“I want the protection,” [a 14-year-old youth who has been harassed and threatened by gang members in the Toronto neighborhood where he lives, both at home and at school, because he wore clothing with red on it] said softly in an interview. (Welsh, 2006, p. 8) 

acceptance—gangs provide a sense of “family” or

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belonging—see also “sense of identity” 

respect—status as a gang member: I realized that I liked [being in a gang] and wanted to stay in it because I had respect. People never bad-mouthed me, people never talked back to me. If I raised a finger, somebody would jump. I like power. (Matwychuk, 2005, pp. 5-6)

You could see the respect that they commanded. That’s the most important thing for a young black man or a young, any youth. (Giroux, 2004b, p. 6)

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As noted by Harry Delva, a community worker with the Maison d’Haiti in Montreal: When you’re in a gang, you feel strong. You may feel more confident, like you have a family. (Boodram, 2006, p. 3)  power—from the intimidation of others that occurs, often simply with the recognition of being a gang member. The power they [the neighbourhood street gang members have]. . . . that power would be nice. (Welsh, 2006, p. 8) As noted by Reverend Harry Lehotsky of the New

Life Ministries, who has worked with gangs in Winnipeg’s inner-city for 23 years: It’s walking with five or six buddies down

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the street watching people crossing over to avoid you and feeling like you own the place.

(Strauss, 2005, p. 2)

As noted by an adult gangster: Do you have any idea how powerful a 14-year-old feels when he’s holding a gun to the head of a guy who is begging him for his life? (Welsh, 2006, p. 13) 

family tradition—other members of the immediate family, such as a brother, father, or grandfather, also are (or were) gang members.



coercion—although not widely used, is a method used to “recruit” new gang members: [Conservative MP Randy] White said the youth

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was recruited against his will to act as ”muscle” in collecting money from debtors. The youth was tortured, and told that his family would be killed if he didn’t comply with

the

gang’s wishes. . . (Hansen, 2005, p. 1)  laziness—these youths “want things,” but they don’t want to work as hard

as others—including some of their parents.

As noted by a Montreal youth street gang member: I got my mama’s working hard, 12 hours, 14 hours, can’t pay her bills, can’t have a house. . . Who am I going to imitate? My mama’s working 12 hours. . . (Giroux, 2004b, p. 6)

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Table 2-3. School Attendance for Aboriginal Youth 15-24 years of age 16

JURISDICTION

PERCENTAGE OF

ABORIGINAL YOUTH IN SCHOOL

(part-time or full-time) CANADA

50.4

Prince Edward Island

70.0

Ontario

55.9

Yukon Territory

55.7

16

Source: Education and training, 2000.

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Nova Scotia

54.3

Newfoundland

52.1

British Columbia

51.6

Saskatchewan

50.5

New Brunswick

50.3

Alberta

50.0

Quebec

49.4

Northwest Territories

48.5

Nunavut

48.5

Manitoba

44.1

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Table 2-4. Signs and Symptoms of Youth Gang Involvement.

17

 poor, or falling, academic performance  poor attendance record at school (i.e., frequent truancy)  staying out late at night  withdrawing from family and old friends  sudden change in friends  secretive about new friends  secretive about activities  unexplained injuries  change in behaviour (e.g., loss of previous interest in school activities or sports)

17

Obviously, each of these signs and symptoms can be due to a myriad of causes other than gang membership (e.g., drug use; mental disorder) and youth who become involved in gangs are not expected to display each of these signs and symptoms. However, the more of these signs and symptoms that are noted by parents and teachers as applicable to a youth, the greater the

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 graffiti on personal items (e.g., binders, notebooks, school books) or bedroom walls  increased alcohol or other drug use  tattoos on hands or other body parts  confrontations, or “run-ins,” with the law  unexplained new possessions (such as clothing, electronic equipment, jewelry) or money  preference for certain colour and style of clothing (i.e., gang colours)  use of “gangster rap” or vernacular (see Appendix C)  consistently breaks parental rules  obsessed with ”gangster” movies, music, and videos  wears gang-like clothing (e.g., bandanas; baggy

likelihood that the youth is a gang member.

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“low-riding” pants)  admission or statement of gang involvement

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Table 2-5. Signs and Symptoms of Potential, or Actual, Gang Presence In and Around Schools. 18  gang graffiti (tagging) on the outside walls of school buildings; may also be on inside walls and lockers  increased school vandalism  increased fights on the school grounds that involve groups of youth  increased violence and victimization (e.g., bullying; extortion; robbery; sexual assault; “taxing”) of students  increased automobile thefts in the neighbourhood  gang colours and style of clothing worn by students to

18

Sources: Aboriginal People, 2000; Howell & Lynch, 2000; Pagliaro & Pagliaro, Clinical Patient Data Files.

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school  increased levels of fear and intimidation in the neighbourhood  senseless and brutal crimes perpetrated by students enroled in the school or other neighborhood youth (e.g., swarming and wilding [See Appendix C])  Individual students admitting to, or bragging about, gang membership  students using gang hand signs and vernacular (see Appendix C)  increased drug availability, sale, and use on school property  increased truancy and “drop-out” rates  overall decline in academic performance by the school’s

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student body  increased number of students carrying weapons (e.g., knives) to school

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Table 2-6. Mental Disorders Associated with Delinquent and Anti-Social Behaviour among Students: Possible Prelude to Gang

Involvement 19

 alienation from, and lack of attachment to, family and social institutions  attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (A-D/HD)  borderline personality disorder (BPD)  conduct disorder (CD)  fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS)  learning disabilities (LD)  maternal-infant/child attachment disorder  mental retardation

19

Adapted from: Criminal Intelligence Service Saskatchewan, 2005; LaFontaine, Ferguson, & Wormith, 2005; Pagliaro & Pagliaro, Clinical Patient Data Files; Welsh, 2006.

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 narcissistic personality disorder (NPD)  oppositional defiant disorder (ODD)  pre-adolescent displays of aggressive behaviour  thrill-seeking/risk-taking personality

Table 2-7.

Social and Behavioural Factors Associated with

Delinquent and Anti-Social Behaviour among Students: Possible Prelude to Gang Involvement20 · lone parent family with father absent from home/life of child · home life in which the youth has little positive social interaction with parent(s) and in which there are few, if

20

Adapted from: Criminal Intelligence Service Saskatchewan, 2005; LaFontaine, Ferguson, & Wormith, 2005; Pagliaro & Pagliaro, Clinical Patient Data Files, Welsh, 2006.

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any, “rules” (e.g., do not “do drugs”; do not stay out past a certain time; do not associate with certain individuals [e.g., known gang members in the neighbourhood]). · poor work/employment history · poor academic performance/school achievement history · poor school attendance record · growing-up in a “gang” neighbourhood · growing-up in a home with a significant history of family violence · having relatives who are/were gang members · having friends who are gang members · alcohol and other drug use, particularly at a young age · low socioeconomic status (i.e., growing-up in poverty—often on social assistance or welfare)

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· history of child abuse (emotional, physical, and/or sexual) · carrying a weapon (usually a knife) · displaying cruelty to animals

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Table 2-8. School Security Measures to Decrease Gang-Related Activities 21 · Closed Campus that restricts students from coming and going at their own discretion · Mandatory wearing of school photo-identification by all students and staff · Mandatory sign-in for all school visitors · Security guards · School resource officers (SROs)22 · Metal detectors at main entrances · Locked doors at all times to prevent unauthorized building

21 22

Source: Adapted from: Howell & Lynch, 2000; Street gangs, 2003

The Edmonton Police Service was one of the first in the country to adopt this model in 1979. Today “16 sworn police officers work out of 18 different Edmonton Schools” (School

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access · Camera security to monitor each entrance and the major hallways · Regular monitoring of halls and washrooms by school staff · Communication devices (e.g., cellular telephones with cameras or walkie-talkies to maintain contact with school security personnel and request assistance, if necessary) and high technical support (e.g., portable digital video cameras to record problem student behaviour) for staff, who are monitoring students in school buildings and on school grounds (e.g., hallways, play grounds, parking lots). · Random, unannounced, student locker inspections for drugs, weapons, and other contraband

Resource Officers, 2006, p. 1)

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Table 2-9. Gang Presence: Ineffective Strategies that Schools Should Avoid · use of scare tactics · provision of gang information, only · exclusive focus on self-esteem building · inconsistent rules, regulations, and penalties · “social-worky” or “do-gooder” jargon · Zero Tolerance policy (i.e., immediate expulsion of all gang members)23

23

Although this particular strategy appears to have “face validity” and would afford some “protection” for the school, including its student body and teachers, it may—in the long run—do more harm than good. This is because the students who are suspended or expelled have their distorted self-concept and feelings of alienation from school, and hence, society, made even worse. Consequently, they will be all the more likely to become more enmeshed with youth gangs. Instead, once identified, it would be preferable to attempt positive intervention strategies (see Chapter 11 for additional discussion) in order to try to alter the students’ negative course toward gang involvement. However, there may be cases in which “zero tolerance” may be necessary and entirely justified—but, not as a general or first approach to gang presence in a school.

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Table 2-10. Potential or Actual Gang Presence: Effective Strategies That Schools should Encourage 24 · “Anti-violence” curricula for all grades (Units can be adapted from available published curricula packages, including: Lionsquest; Realities in a Changing World;

Second Step; and Values, Influences, and Peers) · Adequate security staff for monitoring school buildings and grounds, including parking lots and sports field areas · Student and teacher training in conflict-resolution techniques, including peer mediation · Develop and enforce an effective Code of Conduct

24

Adapted from: Street gangs, 2003; Weiler, 1994. See also Chapter 11 for a more comprehensive discussion of this topic.

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· Pastoral care worker involvement, from various denominations, for

supportive guidance and counseling of

students who have been victimized (e.g., bullied) or who are coping with anger, fear, and pain · Prohibition of gang-related clothing, graffiti, hand signing, jewelry, paraphernalia, and visible tattoos. · Aboriginal elders to address the cultural and spiritual needs of Aboriginal students · School sports programs, both formally organized school teams and loosely organized “after school” sports programs · Reporting, recording, and removal of graffiti within 24 hours · School counselors and psychologists for proactive intervention in student educational, emotional, and other

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problems before they escalate into major problems that may support gang involvement · Contacting parent(s) or guardian(s) by school staff about issues of concern before these escalate and require disciplinary action · Environmental design concepts for the construction or renovation of schools that give attention to physical safety within the school buildings (e.g., no blind secluded spots where students can be victimized; shatter-proof glass doors) and school grounds, which also should be environmentally aesthetic and welcoming to students · Partnerships with the surrounding community to increase safety of students coming to and going from school (e.g., Block Parent programs) and to decrease neighbourhood

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vandalism (e.g., graffiti). · School resource officers (SROs) within schools to: liaison with students fostering a positive attitude toward law enforcement personnel;

assist with the delivery of such

programs as the Drug Abuse Resistance and Education (DARE) II program and Student Crime Stoppers; coach various after school sports teams; and address, with attention to primary prevention, including

vandalism,

issues of school crime,

school yard fights, particularly

those involving weapons, and drug trafficking. · High visibility of staff while at school (i.e., not being “hidden” in offices or

the “staff lounge”)

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See also Table 2-8, “School Security Measures.”

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