Although researchers have long known that

Gender Differences in Adolescent Attitudes and Receptivity to Sexual Abstinence Education Thomas Edward Smith, Julie A. Steen, Andrea Schwendinger, Je...
Author: Lynette Peters
3 downloads 1 Views 2MB Size
Gender Differences in Adolescent Attitudes and Receptivity to Sexual Abstinence Education Thomas Edward Smith, Julie A. Steen, Andrea Schwendinger, Jennifer Spaulding'Givens, and Robert G. Brooks

This article reports on a study conducted to assess the effect of gender on pre- and postintervention attitudes about sexual abstinence after an abstinence education intervention. Gender had a statistically significant effect on the pretest response for each item. Gender had a statistically significant effect on the posttest response for most of the items. Gender had no effect on items related to the negative impact on future endeavors of having sex and having children. Overall, boys entered the program with stronger attitudes against abstinence than did girls but demonstrated more change toward pro-abstinence beliefs after the intervention. In conclusion, the authors suggest the creation of gender-specific health promotion modules and further research on the efficacy of these modules. KEY WORDS.- abstinence education; adolescent health;gender; sexuality

lthough researchers have long known that there are gender differences in attitudes toward sexuality, professionals often have neglected this difference in program planning and research for sexual abstinence education among adolescents. Researchers have found that attitudes toward sex vary by gender among teenagers (De Gaston,Weed, & Jensen, 1996). Sexual behavior is also known to differ between male and female adolescents (DeGastonetaL;Kalof, 1995; Smith, 1997). These differences should be recognized in programs designed to prevent pregnancy and sexually transmitted infections among young people.

A

LITERATURE REVIEW

Communication, pressure, and support regarding sexual activity varies by gen der. Although boys and girls experience pressure to bave sex, boys tend to perceive more pressure. In research conducted by Jensen and colleagues (1994),65 percent of the teenage boys and 57 percent of teenage girls reported feeling pressured to engage in sexual activity. Boys tend to perceive more pressure from peers and anticipate more pressure from partners (De Gaston et al, 1996). In addition to experiencing more pressure, boys overall speak less witb tbeir parents about sexual

CCC Code: 1532-8759/05 $3.00 O2005 National Assotiation of Social Workers

abstinence and perceive less support from parents for remaining abstinent. Dilorio and colleagues (1999) found that only 41 percent of boys reported that they bad spoken to their mothers about abstinence, and only 20.3 percent had spoken to tbeir fathers. However, 56 percent of tbe girls in tbis sample spoke to their mothers about abstinence and 12,9 percent spoke to tbeir fathers. Parental support for remaining abstinent as a teenager was reported by a greater percentage of adolescent girls (73 percent with maternal support and 61 percent with paternal support) tban boys (52 percent with maternal support and 45 percent with paternal support) 0ensen et al., 1994). De Gaston and colleagues (1996) also found that girls perceived more disapproval from parents regarding adolescent sexuality. This difference in the environment may be one of the keys to understanding teenagers' attitudes and behavior. Gender differences in sexual attitudes and behaviors abound in literature about adolescent sexuality. Girls tend to perceive sexual activity from a more cautious point of view. They are more likely to endorse abstinence before marriage and to express disapproval ofpromiscuous and casual sex (De Gaston et al., 1996;Tikoo, 1997). Girls also tend to attach a higheramountofrisk to theirparticipation in sexual

45

activity.They are more likely to sense a greater threat to their future than boys, who may not have to face the consequences of a pregnancy (De Gaston et al.). The literature clearly indicates that the sexual behavior of teenage girls varies from that of boys. Samples ofteenage boys are consistently more hkely to have ever had sex than samples of teenage girls (De Gaston et al.; Marchi, & Guendelman, 199495; Rame et al., 1999;Tiezzi, Lipshutz, Wrobleske, Vaughn, & McCarthy, 1997) and are more likely to be having sex at the time of the study (Dittus, & Jaccard, 2000),The age at first intercourse is typically lower for boys (Kalof, 1995; Smith, 1997; Upchurch, Levy-Storms, Sucoff, & Aneschensel, 1998). However, the frequency of sexual intercourse is similar between boys and girls who have begun to have sex (De Gaston et al.). With these clear gender differences in sexual attitudes, behaviors, and environment, any contrast in response to abstinence education between genders would be important in programmatic planning. Because there are so many sexual differences between males and females, it is expected that teenage responses to abstinence education would vary according to gender. Some might argue that girls would be more responsive and boys w^ould be more resistant to abstinence education. In a comprehensive review and theoretical analysis, Baunieister (2000) argued that female sexuality demonstrates plasticity (variation across social and cultural context and time), whereas male sexuality is imprinted from childhood experiences and demonstrates stability throughout the life cycle. Thus, it might be theorized that boys would exhibit little change after abstinence education and that girls would display a large amount of change.The opposite could also be argued. Research shows that boys experience or expect greater peer and partner pressure to engage in sex (De Gaston et al., 1996), but do not receive as much supportive communication from parents as girls do (Jensen etal., 1994;DiIorio et al., 1999).This combination may place boys in a position of greater need and thus greater receptivity to abstinence education. The present study examined two questions: 1. Do adolescent boys and girls have similar sexual attitudes before they enter an abstinence education program? 2. Do boys and girls respond differently to an abstinence education program?

METHOD We used descriptive and explanatory techniques to assess differences between adolescent boys and girls and the association between gender and attitudinal change after an abstinence education program.To measure knowledge and attitudes regarding sexuality, the students completed an 11-item survey (alongside demographic questions regarding age and gender).The survey was developed by the authors for an evaluation of abstinence education services. Key experts reviewed the survey items for clarity. A small number of items was selected, because the time available for completing the survey was extremely short. Survey items were also restricted in the level of explicit language and invasiveness by organizations involved in the program, including the school board and a local provider of abstinence programming. No questions about the past or current behavior ofthe students were allowed. The survey was given to the students before and after attending a coeducational abstinence education seminar during the 2001—2002 school year. Students attending public school within a fivecounty radius in Florida were eligible to participate and did so unless permission was denied by a parent. Participation in the program and the surveys was voluntary. Two weeks before delivery of the program, classroom teachers administered the pretest, Posttests were completed within a week after the program. Confidentiality ofthe students was maintained through use of unique identifiers created from the student's birth date and gender. These unique identifiers allowed for matching of the pre- and posttest measures. The intervention (which was federally funded through Title V and state funded through TANF) was a two-hour abstinence education module delivered in a coeducational group setting (that is, in assemblies or during health classes). A mixed-gender team of abstinence educators conveyed messages to students regarding setting personal boundaries and goals, the dangers of premarital sex, and the value of abstinence. The presenters were diverse, representing a variety of ages and racial and ethnic groups. Classroom teachers administered the pretest; abstinence educators administered the posttest. The analyses consisted of item-specific regressions. In this article, we report on six of the 11 survey items (those related to allegiance to the value of abstinence, perception of the consequences of

Children & Schools VOLUME 17, NUMBER I

JANUARY 2005

sexual behavior, and ability to say "no" to sex). Five items were excluded because there was no variability in responses or because the focus was on separate but related issues (such as personal responsibility).The response set for each item included varying degrees of agreement and disagreement—"strongly believe,""somewhat believe,""unsure,""somewhat do not believe,"and "strongly do not believe."Analyses were conducted for each item, because there was no empirical support that all ofthe items represented one construct. We used multiple regression to assess the effect of gender on pretest and posttest responses. In the models predicting a posttest response, the related pretest response was added as a control variable. RESULTS Sample

Ofthe 2,480 students surveyed, 1,160 were boys and 1,320 were girls. Students ranged in age from 13 to 16 years.The vast majority ofthe survey respondents were white (78.5 percent); 9.3 percent were African American, and 4.4 percent were Hispanic. A small number of students did not report their race (ii — 29). Gender Difference at Pretest Descriptive statistics for the responses can be found in Table 1. Multiple regression results indicate that gender has a statistically significant effect on each of the pretest responses (Table 2).The significance of the coefficient was consistent across all items.The magnitude ofthe effect, as evidenced by the stan-

dardized coefficient, varied slightly. When predicting pretest responses, gender had the lowest effect on responses to"Having a baby (or fathering a baby) at my age can mess up my chances of being able to do things in the future like going to the prom, school activities, or college like other teens" and the greatest effect on responses to "I believe having sex as a young person could mess up my future." Gender Difference at Posttest The effect of gender on posttest responses varied by Item (Table 2). The coefficient for gender was significant on four of the six items. The two instances in which the gender coefficient was not significant were found in the posttest response models regarding the negative consequences of having sex and of having a baby. In most of the regression models, the standardized coefficients for gender were relatively small.The highest standardized coefficient for gender was in the prediction of the posttest response to the following item:"There are many different ways to show that you care about a boyfriend/girlfriend without having sex." The effect of gender was much greater in the pretest models than in the posttest models.This weakening ofthe effect is likely due to the control variable of pretest response in the posttest models.The pretest response most likely represents other variables that are highly correlated with the posttest response. However, the fact that gender remained significant in four of the six posttest models indicates that gender has some effect on receptivity to an abstinence education program.

Table 1: Means for Pretest, Posttest, and Mean Change, by Gender statement

Pretest M Male Female

POS'ttestM

Male

Female

M Change Male Female

2,75

2,1 i

2.U3

i.ci

3,13 There are many different ways to show that you care about a boyfrietid /girlfriend without having sex. 1,61 I believe having sex as a young person could mess up my future. 2,26

2,58

2.62

2.17

-.51

-.41

1.23 1.68

1.37 1.56

1,14 1,33

-.25 -.70

-.09

1.31 1.24

1.32

1.21 1.16

-.24

— 10

1.40

-.27

-.08

1 plan lo wjii until in.iri"ijge to hjvc sex.

Having sex before marriage is against my religious and/ot personal beliefs.

Having a baby {or lathering a baby) at my age can mess up my chances of being able to do things in the future like going to rhe prom, .school activities, or college like other teens.

1.56

I can refuse to have sex with someone.

1.67

-.51

-.36

re, 4 = iomi•what do not bel ieve, and S =strongiy do not believe. Note Responses were coded as 1 = stfongly believe, 2 = somewhat believe, 3 = unsu

S M I T H ET AL, / Gender Differences in Adolescent Attitudes to Sexual Ahstinence Education

47

Table 2: Multiple Regression Results Predicting the Pretest Response and the Posttest Response for Each Item

Variable

I plan to wa ___ Predicting Pretest Response Unstandardized Standardized Coefficient Coefficient

Predicting Posttest Response Unstandardized Standardized Coefficient Coefficient

P

00

Pretest response

.523 Adiusied r" = .041

Variable Gender

.648 Adjusted r^ = .430

.001

Having sex before marriage is against my religious antHor personal beliefs. Predicting Posttest Response Unstandardized Standardized istandardized Standardized Coefficient Coefficient Coefficient Coefficient .548

.167

w'^b^y^ien_*girtt'^e"rf without having sex.! Predicting Posttest Response Predicting Pretest Response Unstandardized standardized Unstandardized Standardized Coefficient Coefficient Coefficient Coefficient tfartabic Ciendct .133