Adolescent romance: between experience and relationships

Journal of Adolescence 2001, 24, 417–428 doi:10.1006/jado.2001.0403, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on Adolescent romance: between ex...
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Journal of Adolescence 2001, 24, 417–428 doi:10.1006/jado.2001.0403, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on

Adolescent romance: between experience and relationships SHMUEL SHULMAN AND INGE SEIFFGE-KRENKE This concluding and integrative paper calls attention to several features and conceptual issues addressed by the contributors of this special issue. The first issue pertains to developmental perspectives in the study of how adolescent romance evolves. The second deals with the various features and concepts of adolescent romance. The third topic discusses the association of adolescent romance with other close relationships occurring during this time span. The fourth topic highlights the importance of the diversity of developmental contexts in shaping romantic relationships. Finally, conceptual issues in the study of adolescent romance are reviewed and the need for future studies of early adolescent romantic experiences is discussed. # 2001 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents

Introduction Adolescent romance frequently appears in fiction, poetry, autobiographies and individuals’ recollections. Yet, interest in the scientific study of this topic has only recently begun to grow. The dearth of past research on adolescent romance can be attributed to the fact that early relationships with romantic partners are casual, less intense, and short-lived (Feiring, 1996); only during latter stages of adolescence do they begin to resemble adult romantic relationships (Shulman and Scharf, 2000). Adolescent romance is broader in its scope, ranging, for example, from fantasies to interpersonal interactions of short and long duration (Brown et al., 1999). A romantic relationship between two adolescent partners may assume a variety of forms, ranging from those which parallel ‘‘close friendships’’ to those typical for ‘‘casual dating’’ or ‘‘exclusive dating’’ relationships (LaVoie et al., 1998). Sometimes the adolescents themselves are not sure whether they are involved in a cross-gender friendship or a romantic relationship (Leaper and Anderson, 1997). As a consequence, a number of questions can be raised with regard to the study of adolescent romance: What are the milestones of adolescent romance? What are the age-specific characteristics of adolescent romance and what developmental pattern do they follow? What approaches are best suited for the study of romance during the different developmental stages of adolescence? What particular aspects of adolescent romance, e.g. perceptions, cognitions, emotions, or relationship qualities, should be studied? Each of the contributions in this issue has addressed such questions in its own unique way. The studies presented here vary not only in terms of their designs, e.g. prospective or retrospective, but also with respect to the type of data to be analysed, e.g. cross-sectional or longitudinal data. In this concluding and integrative paper, four major topics from the contributions in this issue that have addressed the salient features of and processes of adolescent romance and the scientific study thereof are highlighted. The first topic pertains to developmental perspectives in the study of how adolescent romance evolves. The second deals with the various features Reprint requests and correspondence should be addressed to: Shmuel Shulman, Department of Psychology, Bar Ilan University, 52900 Ramat Gan, Israel. (E-mail: [email protected]). 0140-1971/01/030417+12 $3500/0

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and concepts of adolescent romance, such as qualities of relationships or types of romance experienced. The third points to the main features of adolescent romance in terms of its association with other close relationships occurring during this time span. The fourth topic highlights the importance of the diversity of developmental contexts in shaping romantic relationships. Finally, conceptual issues in the study of adolescent romance are reviewed, and future directions in this field of study are discussed.

A developmental perspective of adolescent romance Brown (1999) and Connolly and Goldberg (1999) have recently proposed models of adolescent romantic relationships. Their models describe the development of adolescent romance in terms of phases that follow a specific sequence. As well, both models acknowledge the influence that changes in the peer context may exert on the quality of romantic relationships over time. Despite some differences between the two models, both propose the existence of four distinctive phases, which are briefly outlined below. In the initiation phase of adolescent romance, physical attraction and desire are the prominent features. Although attraction is focused on a particular individual, it is not always accompanied by any actual interaction. At most, interaction is limited to occasional encounters or phone calls. The basic objectives in this first phase are to broaden one’s selfconcept and to gain confidence in one’s ability to relate to potential partners in a romantic way. As a result, adolescents are mainly concerned, and often troubled, by how they feel, how they act, and how their behaviour is accepted by peers. During the second, affiliative phase, boys and girls meet within mixed-gender groups. Although sexual needs still exist, the strong affiliative motives present during this phase are such that most relationships during this phase emphasize companionship rather than intimacy (Feiring, 1996; Shulman and Scharf, 2000). The third phase is marked by the presence of intimate romantic relationships in which interaction between partners takes on the qualities of a dyadic relationship, to the point that a couple is formed. Adolescents in this phase put a greater emphasis on intimacy with the romantic partner, deeper mutual feelings are experienced, and partners typically engage in more extensive sexual activity. The role of the peer group in structuring and regulating this relationship decreases. In the fourth phase, occurring during the later stages of adolescence, committed relationships are established. These relationships are long-term, and their binding forces include mutual physical attraction, desire for shared intimacy, and readiness and ability to show caring behaviour. Committed relationships are deep, and the partners may feel bonded. To some extent, committed relationships in adolescence may resemble marital relationships. Most of the studies presented in this issue do not explicitly examine or compare stages or phases in adolescent romantic experience. However, the findings reported in the different papers support the idea that adolescent romance is guided by developmental principles. The milestones of adolescence romance are reflected in the focus of investigation and the selection of a particular age group in each respective study. Whereas five studies focused on adolescents in the age range of 14 to 17 years, two others dealt with late adolescents, i.e. over the age of 20 years. As a result, the studies refer to and emphasize different features of adolescent romance. Attraction to and interest in potential romantic partners emerges during early adolescence. Young adolescents are interested in gaining confidence in one’s capacity to

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relate to potential partners in a romantic way and to initiate a romantic experience (Brown, 1999; Connolly and Goldberg, 1999). Yet, it is not clearly understood how such first encounters are initiated or experienced. What are the dilemmas, feelings, and behaviours that young adolescents must deal with? In their contribution, Jackson, Jacob, LandmanPeeters and Lantig explore the thoughts and actions involved prior to initiating a romantic encounter, for example, when an adolescent decides how to approach a potential partner for the first time. Brown (1999) found that adolescents preferred to approach somebody they knew or to seek the advice of a close friend first, pointing to the role of the peer context of romantic development. Yet, in addition to turning to a familiar person, adolescents also reported that when they were attracted to somebody they (or their close friends) did not know well, they often attempted to draw attention to themselves, for example, by exhibiting comical behaviour or making jokes, or, by trying to communicate feelings of attraction non-verbally. The dilemmas and anxieties related to peer group entry behaviour have a bearing on how adolescents think about potential partners and what kinds of initiatives they take to approach them (Borja-Alvarez, et al., 1991; Zarbatany et al., 1996). Nieder and SeiffgeKrenke have studied the kinds of stress that young adolescents face in the beginning stages of romantic relationships. At the beginning of their longitudinal study, the adolescents (age 14 years) were probably in the initiation phase. Only 20 per cent had a romantic partner. The adolescents experienced high levels of romantic stress and low levels of intimacy and affection within the romantic relationship. The relatively high levels of stress existing during this early phase of forming romantic relationships were related to identity concerns, the peer context, and the romantic relationship itself. Not having a boyfriend or girlfriend was perceived as most stressful. It was interesting to observe that over time, these adolescents not only reported lower levels of romantic stress but were able to cope with it more effectively. Since romantic attraction and encounters are initiated within the peer context (Brown, 1999), these initiations affect the relationships with friends. Roth and Parker’s contribution provides greater insight on the emotional reactions that occur within adolescent friendships during the transition to dating. Adolescents often feel neglected or even ‘‘excluded’’ when their other friends start dating. They are often jealous, angry and hurt. As well, the ‘‘excluding’’ adolescent often feels guilty. Together, these papers provide us with a closer look at the stress, feelings, thoughts, and behaviours that are experienced during the initiation phase of romantic relationships. Shulman and Kipnis’s and Zimmer-Gembeck, Siebenbruner, and Collins’s contributions dwell more on adolescent romantic relationships as they occur during the affiliative and intimate phases. In the study conducted by Shulman and Kipnis, young adults gave retrospective reports of their romantic experiences as 15- or 16-year-olds. The subjects tended to portray their earlier experiences with romance in terms of companionship; for them, romance was perceived as enjoyable, unfolding within an arena of social activities with the other gender. Some of the respondents even recalled that the attraction to romantic partners had often been quite strong, despite the fact that they had not had much in common with them. At the ages of 15 and 16 years, the romantic experience was marked by physical attraction and enthusiasm about interacting with potential romantic partners. These findings are in accordance with Connolly and Goldberg’s (1999) descriptions of the second phase of adolescent romantic relationships, during which boys and girls increasingly ‘‘hang out’’ together, whereby the romantic flavour of their interactions probably contributes to the development of sustained relationships. It is possible that during the second phase, physical

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attraction and fascination with the other gender exert a great influence on the adolescent’s pursuit of social activities, such that they prefer to interact with potential partners within the settings of casual meetings of girls and boys, e.g. at sports events or parties, or on the school grounds after classes. In their paper, Zimmer-Gembeck et al. attempt to differentiate between the 16-year-olds who showed the potential for moving toward the third phase and those who were probably still in the second or even first phases. Adolescents who described their current romantic relationship as being close, satisfactory, and sharing tended to feel that they were socially accepted, suggesting that adolescents who have formed somewhat more positive romantic relationships are likely to be in the second phase of the development of romantic relationships. In this stage, the formation and maintenance of romantic relationships are strongly influenced by the peer group and feelings of ‘‘fitting in’’ with the peer group. In addition, close and sustained relationships at this phase set the stage for deeper and intimate relationships later. The results reported in Taradash and Connolly’s paper showed that the more adolescents spent time with their partners outside the peer group, the more comfortable they were in expressing their own views and consolidating their sense of autonomy. In contrast, adolescents who were incapable of establishing steady and close romantic relationships, thus tending to be involved with more than the average number of partners typical for this age, were also less socially competent. Such superficial romantic relationships may indicate a mutual lack of trust between partners. In any case, they challenge adolescents’ movements toward more intimate and committed relationships as expected in later phases. The results of two studies conducted on subjects in their early 20s parallel descriptions and definitions of adolescent romantic relationships as they are thought to occur in the fourth phase, during which time committed relationships are established (Connolly and Goldberg, 1999) or, at least, some measure of bonding develops (Brown, 1999). Scharf and Mayseless examined the capacity for intimacy in 21-year-old males, whereby they assessed levels of intimacy as described by Orlofsky and Roades (1993), i.e. being close, affectionate, committed, and showing genuine care for the other. More than half of the young males reported that their romantic relationships lacked open communication and emotional closeness and that long-term commitment had not been established. However, the rest described more mature relationships. About 30 per cent of the sample had not yet established committed relationship; however, their relationships were characterized by open communication, affection, care, and respect for the other’s interests, preferences, and autonomy. Twelve per cent described what might be termed as an optimal relationship. They were engaged in a relationship characterized by affection, care, and respect for the other’s interests, and they expressed a clear commitment to continue the relationships. The Duemmler and Kobak study, conducted on college graduates, showed that at this age, the mutual sense of bonding and commitment is the hallmark of optimal romantic relationships for this age group. Confidence in the availability and responsiveness of one’s partner, caring about the partner, and commitment to the relationship were predictive for the romantic relationship remaining stable a year following graduation. Thus, despite the different questions pursued by various investigators, all studies have shown that romantic relationships have different meanings for the adolescent depending on the respective phase of adolescence. In addition, the results of these studies have provided some support for the recently formulated models of how adolescent romance moves from

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relationships marked by short-lived attraction to and casual interactions with the other gender to ones that are deeper, more intimate, and committed.

Individual experience versus relationships with the other; The unit and feature of analysis; The theoretical concepts In attempting to elucidate the nature of the phases and changes that adolescent romance undergoes between its emergence up to its consolidation into a committed relationship, it is clear that the contributors to this issue have adopted a developmental perspective to approaching the study of adolescent romance. Yet, it should be pointed out that particular focus of study, i.e. the individual in the romantic experience or the romantic partners as a dyad, has varied depending on the particular developmental model chosen, or at least, on the phase of adolescence selected for study. Studies conducted on the earlier phases of adolescent romance focused on individuals, e.g. by assessing their cognitions (Jackson et al.), emotions (Roth and Parker), or perceived levels of stress (Nieder and Seiffge-Krenke). Little consideration has been given to whether and how a potential or existing partner’s characteristics might affect an individual’s behaviour or reactions. At most, the partner has been considered in general terms, such as whether the partners had been acquainted with one another, or whether a partner had excluded or been excluded from the interaction. The additional theoretical concepts that these authors have drawn upon reflect individual constructs, social cognitive development, adolescent reasoning, emotional reactions to stress, and adolescent coping behaviour. The studies conducted by Shulman and Kipnis, Zimmer-Gembeck and colleagues, and Scharf and Mayseless on the affiliative or intimate phases of adolescent romance focused more on the relationships between two individuals per se. Although information was usually obtained from one partner, these studies relied on concepts that consider the romantic relationship as a whole. More importantly, they addressed the question of how the quality of relationships with peers and parents is related to the quality of adolescent romance. Only in Duemmler and Kobak’s study of college graduates were couples studied in order to determine what aspects of the relationship might be related to continued or future stability in a relationship. Hinde (1997) distinguished between interactions and relationships, whereby interactions are encounters between two persons that are not necessarily sustained. In contrast, relationships involve ‘‘interchanges over an extended period of time’’ (p. 37). During the initiation phase, adolescent romance is probably more within the domain of nonsustained encounters. This may explain why the study of romantic relationships in early adolescence is strongly oriented to understanding the individual’s perspective. In later phases, when interactions become more sustained and the commitment to partners emerges, they turn into relationships and are examined as such. This distinction between early and late adolescent romance is further reflected in the selection of features that best characterize romance at each phase. Starting with the affiliative phase (and later, when sustained relationships start to emerge), relational properties, such as the sense of closeness and the extent of commitment, are used to examine the quality of a relationship. Achieving closeness and autonomy are central processes in the psychological development of adolescent relationships with significant others (Blatt and Blass, 1990; Allen et al., 1994; Connolly and Goldberg, 1999). Developmental theorists

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consider the achievement of closeness as a process that underlies interpersonal interactions which are conducted in a warm, friendly, and mutually fulfilling manner. Autonomy refers to the ability to think or act independently, and to insist on personal choices or values while maintaining a close relationship with significant others—be they parents, peers, or romantic partners. In this regard, closeness and autonomy are ‘‘interrelated’’ and their balanced presence is the hallmark of an optimal relationship (Shulman and Knafo, 1997). In a similar vein, the studies conducted by Taradash and Connolly and by Adams, Laursen, and Wilder assessed relationship features typically used in studies on friendships. Taradash and Connolly showed how the maintenance of autonomy and intimacy in romantic relationships facilitates each other. Similarly, Adams and colleagues found that reciprocity was associated with closeness in adolescent romantic relationships. Taradash and Connolly have maintained that their findings are consistent those obtained in research on adult married couples which have highlighted the importance of maintaining both autonomy and relatedness within the marriage for increased marital adjustment (Rankin et al., 1997; Baxter and Erbert, 1999). Thus, the application of relational properties can be helpful in the study of adolescent romance. During the initiation stage, romantic attraction and casual encounters are probably less governed by motivations to achieve the balanced state of preserved autonomy and closeness. Nevertheless, in both ‘‘precommitted’’ and committed romantic relationships, adolescents face dilemmas of balancing conflicting needs of the self and the other. In the precommitted encounters, relationships are seldom developed enough to allow for an open exchange of expectations or feelings. As well, it must be remembered that one partner might be more interested in the interaction than the other, and this imbalance cannot be overlooked, even in a ‘‘relationship’’ that has not yet evolved. Larson et al. (1999) have proposed that in such circumstances, emotions may have specific functions for the individuals. Negative emotions, such as anger, jealousy and contempt, may have the role of mobilizing the individual to protect threatened romantic attachments or to discourage undesirable ones. These negative feelings are helpful in the interpretation of events. One day adolescents in love may feel uneasy about their romantic feelings or encounters; the next day they may conclude that the relationship is unsuitable or doomed anyway. Negative emotions can also be experienced when adolescents’ actual feelings do not conform to what they think they are supposed to feel (Simon et al., 1992). Thus, felt emotions may be perceived as a mechanism that helps the individual to assess an interaction before it evolves into a relationship. Together, this suggests that during earlier stages of romantic relationships, individual expectations, feelings, and emotions may be important regulators of adolescent romance, as has been indicated in this issue by Jackson and colleagues as well as by Roth and Parker. Moreover, as Nieder and Seiffge-Krenke have pointed out, only during the following years does the adolescent’s increasing ability to establish dates result in a reduction of stress in the romantic domain.

The interplay between the adolescent romantic experience and relationship, and relationships with friends and family The two recently formulated models on adolescent romance put forth by Brown (1999) and Connolly and Goldberg (1999) suggest that peer relationships and friendships contribute to

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the development and success of romantic relationships. However, as outlined by Roth and Parker, research has shown that the transition to dating occasions at least a temporary realignment of the friendship network, with the potential for existing friends to feel left out, neglected, and lonely (Clark-Lempers et al., 1991; Larson and Richards, 1991). When individuals who are involved in dating relationships begin spending more time engaged in activities with their dating partners and less time engaged in activities with their friends, existing friends may react negatively. Existing friends, especially those who have not yet begun dating themselves, may hold unrealistically rigid expectations that the friendship will continue as it did before; or, they may fail to fully appreciate the new constraints placed on the friend who is dating. In addition, because in many cases the non-dating friend does not yet have a dating partner to fulfill their need for companionship and emotional support, the new situation may lead to feelings of being excluded. However, as the results Nieder and Seiffge-Krenke’s longitudinal study showed, with time adolescents learned to accommodate for these setbacks. Stressors related to the interaction with peers (such as efforts to please them or being afraid that jealousy could ruin close friendships) as well as those stemming from the romantic relationship (such as being afraid of hurting the partner) decreased considerably during adolescence and were significantly lower at age 17 compared to age 14. As adolescents grow older, romantic relationships are increasingly apt to take the lead over relationships with parents and friends with respect to characteristics that reflect closeness and quality (Laursen and Williams, 1997). Yet, despite the fact that some relationships may become more prominent than others, some measure of interdependence exists between the various relationships. Individuals tend to display similar modes of behaviour in two different relationship systems, what may be termed as a ‘‘direct carryover’’ of behavioural templates (Dunn, 1988). As indicated by Taradash and Connolly in this issue and in previous studies on adolescent romantic relationships (Shulman and Scharf, 2000; Seiffge-Krenke et al., 2001), intimacy in relationship with friends and parents is associated with intimacy in the romantic relationship. Similarly, Taradash and Connolly found that the autonomy experienced in a romantic relationship was positively related to that experienced with friends and mothers. Zimmer-Gembeck and colleagues also found that progress toward adaptive romantic involvement, namely, showing commitment to a romantic relationship by age 16, and the qualities of relationships at age 16 (satisfaction, closeness, and ease of sharing) were primarily associated with identity formation and competence, especially in peer-oriented social domains (friendship and casual dating). A more adaptive level of romantic relationships appears to be related to feelings of social acceptance and attractiveness to opposite-sex peers. Individuals probably also learn what to expect from the self and others, and these expectations affect their behaviour with others in a different relational context (Sroufe and Fleeson, 1986). Yet, relationships with friends and parents are not only related to the nature or quality of adolescent romantic relationships, but they may also affect them. In their longitudinal study, Scharf and Mayseless were able to show that intimacy with the romantic partner at age 21 could be predicted from the quality of the adolescent’s family and peer relationships at age 17. Satisfied spouses tended to be better parents, and more positive parenting contributed to better social competence. This in turn promoted (directly or indirectly) a higher capacity for intimacy in romantic relationships in adolescence. More specifically, the adolescents’ relationships with parents affected adolescents’ socio-emotional capabilities, which positively contributed to the relationship with best friends. This relationship in turn was directly related to the capacity for closeness and commitment in romantic relationships.

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Relationships with parents predicted social emotional capacities, and they in turn predicted directly the ability to maintain own interests and respect for the partner’s separateness within a romantic relationship. Such mediation processes have been demonstrated with respect to peer relationships and intimacy in friendships (Shulman et al., 1994; Collins and Sroufe, 1999), and the results of the Scharf and Mayseless study suggest that they can be also expected with regard to romantic relationships through late adolescence. The results in the Duemmler and Kobak study suggest that males are more sensitive to experiences in previous relationships than females are. For example, attachment security with both mothers and fathers among males was associated with greater growth in commitment during early phases of dating relationships. Furthermore, males were more influenced by higher levels of marital conflicts between their parents. Males who reported higher levels of conflict between their parents showed decreases in commitment and attachment security over a period of 4–6 months. In summary, adolescent romantic relationships develop within the web of relational contexts that the adolescent is involved in. While relationships with parents and close friends are affected by the emergent interest in romance, they also serve as models for the romantic relationships. According to attachment theory, experiences in primary and early relationships influence the nature of interaction with the environment and expectations concerning availability, responsiveness, and attitudes of others, as well as expectations about the self in relationships (Sroufe and Fleeson, 1986).

Diversity in romantic relations and links to adaptation The results of the studies presented in this special issue have shown that romantic experiences and romantic relationships must be integrated into a broader conceptual framework that encompasses other earlier or concurrent relationship types. They also highlight the necessity of acknowledging diversity in romantic development. Although dating and beginning heterosexual relationships are normative, age-typical tasks for adolescents, not all adolescents are able to deal with these tasks easily. In fact, there are great differences with respect to the intensity and developmental speed with which adolescents approach such tasks (Thornton, 1990; Cantor et al., 1992). The progression in dating activities varies in the studies presented here, and there are also differences in frequency and intensity with which adolescents pursue these tasks. For example, Jackson and coworkers observed that the kinds of efforts adolescents in the same age group exploited to establish dates varied considerably, most notably with respect to the extent of previous experience in doing so. Experienced adolescents were more likely to seek the advice of friends, to take risks, and to do things to make themselves stand out in the crowd. They also were more likely to communicate actively, both verbally and non-verbally. These findings suggest that ‘‘being experienced’’ may generate both adaptive and non-adaptive responses, which may, in the long run, result in different pathways of romantic development. This idea is further supported by findings obtained in Zimmer-Gembek et al.’s longitudinal study. Overinvolvement with dating at age 16, as defined by dating a larger number of people in the past year was associated with more psychosocial and behavioural problems and a significant decline in: psychological functioning between early and mid adolescence. Adolescents who seek and maintain a large number of dating partners are busy meeting, phoning, talking to, and interacting with potential and actual dating partners. They probably

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also experience many break-ups, conflicts and stressors, which could negatively affect their emotional health. We may speculate whether these new interactions may exacerbate any existing problems that both partners may have, or, whether they provide a context within which problem behaviour can arise. Furthermore, it was found in this study, that adolescents who had made some competent progress toward romantic commitment more often reported feelings of ‘‘fitting in’’ with the peer group. This converges with Nieder and Seiffge-Krenke’s finding that the adolescents who were successful in establishing dates showed a reduction of overall stress and were thus better able to work on the romantic relationship itself. This resulted in a better quality of romantic relationship. It is important to devote some attention to those adolescents who do not report romantic relationships, the percentage of which in the diverse studies presented here is quite high indeed. The findings obtained by Taradash and Connelly suggest that ethnicity, race, and parental marital status contribute to the dating status. Health status is a further variable that affect adolescents activity in this developmental task (Seiffge-Krenke, 2000). However, no much is known about how these variables contribute to the developmental progression from more casual to more committed romantic relations. Taken together, the findings presented in this Special Issue suggest that adolescent focusing on dating and romantic relationships is neither universal nor can it be realized with ease. Sanderson and Cantor (1995) have recently pointed out that adolescents differ with respect to the goals they pursue in romantic relationships. Some adolescents focus on achieving and maintaining intimacy, i.e. closeness and trust, in their heterosexual relationships. For others, romantic relationships serve the goal of establishing identity. However, the fusion of both goals is important, i.e. an independent identity must be developed and this identity must be merged with others in intimate relations. The studies presented here suggest that, as romantic development progresses, the adolescent’s focus on these goals may change. They further highlight the diversity in the types of pathways for romantic development. Finally, they draw attention to the important yet largely unexplored links between overall adaptation and romantic development.

Conceptual issues and future directions The papers in this issue consistently show that from a certain phase of development, adolescent romantic relationships are governed by relationship principles found in families, marriages, and friendships. Moreover, the vast literature on close relationships provides models and concepts for the understanding and study of romantic relationships in adolescence. However, although it appears that young adolescents’ romantic experiences are primarily reflected in their attractions, fantasies, feelings, thoughts, and behaviour, and not normally objectified by actual relationships, we do not have enough information about this romantic phase to make conclusive statements about its development or the factors that play a role thereby. Physical development and the emergence of sexual desires undoubtedly lead to romantic attractions. Zimmer-Gembeck et al. (in this issue) report that appearance of physical maturity in adolescence is positively associated with progression toward romantic involvement and longer romantic relationships. Seiffge-Krenke et al. (2001) found that a sense of body competence and maturity during early adolescence predicted late adolescent closeness and connectedness in romantic relationships. Perceptions of body competence, defined as

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experiencing the body as strong and functioning, was apparently important to establish the first contact to the other gender. These findings highlight the importance of the body concept as an important yet neglected factor in theory and research on romantic development. It is regrettable that to date, no single theoretical template has adequately organized concepts and data to permit the study of the joint development of adolescent romantic and sexual experiences (Miller and Benson, 1999). Demographic studies have shown that there has been an increase in the number of adolescents having sex at earlier ages. For example, approximately 23 per cent of 14-year-old and 30 per cent of 15-year-old American adolescents have reported having had intercourse (Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1994). There is some evidence that adolescents first engage in sexual behaviour within the context of a committed relationship (Graber et al., 1999) or acquire sexual experience with one partner (de Gaston et al., 1995). However, when considering the 14- or 15-year-olds, it is important to remember that they are in the initiation stage of romantic relationship development. Hence, in light of the theoretical considerations put forth in this contribution, it is unclear to which extent such early sexual behaviour is occurring in a committed relationship, if such can evolve at all at this age. It is probably more appropriate to suggest that sexual activity is not only explored within a romantic relationship that has reached the committed stage (Graber et al., 1999). Moreover, whereas motivations for romantic relationships are more likely to include seeking intimacy, security, and attachment, motivations for sexual fulfillment might include pleasure, stimulation, conquest, and enhancement of sexual selfesteem (Buzwell and Rosenthal, 1996; Miller and Benson, 1999). In summary, it appears that two romantic phenomena may be found during the initiation stage. One rests ‘‘within’’ the individual and consists of fantasies, attractions, feelings, and thoughts. Much is still to be learned about these romantic experiences. The other phenomenon is related to interaction with others, including sexual behaviour, that in some cases may even result in intercourse. Diamond et al. (1999) have recently described different patterns of intimate peer relations. Some friendships are affectionate and passionate, and partners experience a high level of intimacy, companionship, and physical contact. Although such relationships have been reported to occur more often in relationships between girls (Seiffge-Krenke, 1995), they may represent a mode by which intimacy and sexuality codevelop during early adolescence. Furman, whose contribution to the study of adolescent romantic relationships was a stirring point in the study of adolescent romance (Furman and Wehner, 1994), has recently revised a previous theoretical approach in stating: ‘‘sexual and affiliative processes are likely to be more central in adolescent relationships than attachment and caring’’ (Furman and Simon, 1999; p. 84). Indeed, more empirical studies, in particular, on samples of early adolescents, are needed to confirm this hypothesis. Some turning points may be expected, as has been indicated in the Nieder and Seiffge-Krenke longitudinal study. Additional research is also needed to help clarify the bi-directional associations between romantic development and overall adaptation.

References Alan Guttmacher Institute. (1994). Sex and America’s Teenagers. New York: Author. Allen, J. P., Hauser, S. T., Bell, K. L. and O’Connor, T. G. (1994). Longitudinal assessment of autonomy and relatedness in adolescent-family interactions as predictors of adolescent ego development and self-esteem. Child Development, 65, 179–194.

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